Lives. With an English translation by Bernadotte Perrin

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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.

EDITED BY
+T. E. PAGE, o.n., Lrrt.p.

+E. CAPPS, pH.p., 11,.Ὁ. + W. H. Ὁ. ROUSE, trrt.p.
L. A. POST, τ... E. H. WARMINGTON, m.a., ¥.R.HIST.SOC.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES
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PLUTARCH’S
LIVES

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
BERNADOTTE PERRIN

IN ELEVEN VOLUMES
VII

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO
ALEXANDER AND CAESAR

LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
MOMLVIII

HG fe 5.14
Ha. ‘aon

| First printed 1919
Reprinted, 1928, 1949, 1958

ff ὑ Ἐξ

9126 24 J

Printed in Great Britain ὃ
ot Oe ae y ᾿ cists, r

CONTENTS

PREFATORY NOTE οὖς, 0.250 Ξ: vi
ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES IN THIS EDITION ..._ Vilii
TRADITIONAL ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES . ... . ix
DEMOSTHENES .....
ποτα τὰς ae ee φῶς;
COMPARISON OF DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO , ». 2... 21]
ΝΣ bg tee eels ol ede νη δος cet Meee

ΠΣ ΟΡ. ΟΣ wise deg ble ee et tee woe et ae

DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES . 2. 2 © ec «© © + ~ e « Ol]

PREFATORY NOTE

As in the preceding volumes of this series, agree-
ment between the Sintenis (Teubner, 1873-1875)
and Bekker (Tauchnitz, 1855-1857) editions of the
Parallel Lives has been taken as the basis for the
text. Any preference of one to the other, and any
important departure from both, have been indicated.
An abridged account of the manuscripts of Plutarch
may be found in the Introduction to the first volume.
None of the Lives presented in this volume are con-
tained in the two oldest and most authoritative
manuscripts—the Codex Sangermanensis (S*) and
the Codex Seitenstettensis (S), or in the excellent
Paris manuscript No. 1676 (F*). Their text there-
fore rests principally on the Paris manuscripts
Nos. 1671, 1673, and 1674 (ACD), although in a few
instances weight has been given to readings from
the Codex Matritensis (M*), on the authority of the
collations of Charles Graux and his editions of the
Demosthenes and Cicero. No attempt has been made,
naturally, to furnish either a diplomatic text or a

vi

ΠΡΒΕΕΑΤΟΒῪ NOTE

full critical apparatus. For these, the reader must
be referred to the major edition of Sintenis (Leipzig,
1839-1846, 4 voll., 8vo), or to the rather inaccessible
text of the Lives by Lindskog and Ziegler, in the
Teubner Library of Greek and Latin texts (Vol. III.,
Fase. I. was published in 1915). In the present
edition, the reading which follows the colon in the
brief critical notes is that of the Teubner Sintenis,
and also, unless otherwise stated in the note, of the
Tauchnitz Bekker.

All the standard translations of the Lives have
been carefully compared and - utilized, including
those of the Cicero and Caesar by Professor Long.
And more or less use has been made of the follow-
ing works: Graux, Vie de Démosthéne, and Vie de
Cicéron, Paris, 1883 and 1882; Holden, Plutarch’s
Demosthenes, Cambridge, Pitt Press Series, 1893;
Gudeman, Sources of Plutarch’s Cicero, Philadelphia,
1902; Sihler, Cicero of Arpinum, New Haven, 1914,
and Annals of Caesar, New York, i911.

B. PERRIN.

New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A,
November, 1918.

Vii

ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES IN THIS
EDITION IN THE CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE
OF THE GREEK LIVES. |

VoutumeE I.

(1) Theseus and Romulus.
Comparison.

(2) Lycurgus and Numa.
Comparison.

(3) Solon and Publicola.
Comparison.

Vouume II.

(4) Themistocles and
Camillus.

(9) Aristides and Cato the
Elder.
Comparison.
(13) Cimon and Lucullus.
Comparison.

Voutvume III.

(5) Pericles and Fabius Max-
imus.
Comparison.
(14) Nicias and Crassus.
Comparison.

VotumeE IV.
(6) Alcibiades and Coriola-
nus.
Comparison.
(12) Lysander and Sulla.
Comparison.

VoiumE V.
(16) Agesilaiis and Pompey.

Comparison.
(8) Pelopidas and Marcellus.
Comparison.

Vili

VotumeE VI.
(22) Dion and Brutus.
Comparison. .
(7) Timoleon and Aemilius
Paulus.
Comparison.

VouumeE VII.

(20) Demosthenes and Cicero.
Comparison.
(17) Alexander and Julius
Caesar.

Vo.iumeE VIII.

(15) Sertorius and Eumenes.
Comparison.

(18) Phocion and Cato the

bestest as

Vout IX.
(21) Demetrius and Antony.
Comparison.
(11) Pyrrhus and Caius Marius.

VoLuME Χ.

(19) Agis and Cleomenes, and ©
Tiberius and Caius —
Gracchus.

Comparison.

(10) Philopoemen and Flam-

ininus.
Comparison.

VotumeE ΧΙ.

(24) Aratus.
(23) Artaxerxes.
(25) Galba.

(26) Otho,

THE TRADITIONAL ORDER OF THE
PARALLEL LIVES.

(1) Theseus and Romulus.

(2) Lycurgus and Numa.

(3) Solon and Publicola.

(4) Themistocles and Camillus,

(5) Pericles and Fabius Maximus,

(6) Alcibiades and Coriolanus.

(7) Timoleon and Aemilius Paulus,

(8) Pelopidas and Marcellus.

(9) Aristides and Cato the Elder.
(10) Philopoemen and Flamininus,
(11) Pyrrhus and Caius Marius.
(12) Lysander and Sulla.

(13) Cimon and Lucullus.

(14) Nicias and Crassus.

(15) Sertorius and Eumenes.

(16) Agesilaiis and Pompey.

(17) Alexander and Julius Caesar.
(18) Phocion and Cato the Younger.

(19) Agis and Cleomenes, and Tiberius and Caius
Gracchus.
(20) Demosthenes and Cicero.
(21) Demetrius and Antony.
(22) Dion and Brutus.
. . . ᾽ ᾿ . Φ oe . . Φ ὦ ° 2

(23) Artaxerxes.
(24) Aratus,
(25) Galba.

(26) Otho.

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DEMOSTHENES

ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΗΣ

I. Ὁ μὲν γράψας τὸ ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ τῆς ᾽Ολυμ-
, e 7ὔ > > / 2 ,
πίασιν ἱπποδρομίας εἰς Αλκιβιάδην ἐγκώμιον,
εἴτ᾽ Εὐριπίδης, ὡς ὁ πολὺς κρατεῖ λόγος, εἴθ᾽
ἕτερός τις ἦν, Σόσσιε, φησὶ χρῆναι τῷ εὐδαίμονι
πρῶτον ὑπάρξαι “ τὰν πόλιν εὐδόκιμον" ἐγὼ
δὲ τῷ μὲν εὐδαιμονήσειν μέλλοντι τὴν ἀληθινὴν
> , 2 yd Ν f \ “ 4
εὐδαιμονίαν, ἧς ἐν ἤθει καὶ διαθέσει TO πλεῖστόν
ἐστιν, οὐδὲν διαφέρειν ἡγοῦμαι ἀδόξου καὶ ταπει-
νῆς πατρίδος ἢ μητρὸς ἀμόρφου καὶ μικρᾶς γε-
᾿ cal \ » Ν \ ? /
νέσθαι. γελοῖον yap εἴ τις οἴοιτο τὴν ᾿Ιουλίδα,
μέρος μικρὸν οὖσαν οὐ μεγάλης νήσου τῆς Κέω,
\ » A lal > nr ,ὕ
καὶ τὴν Αἴγιναν, ἣν τῶν ᾿Αττικῶν τις ἐκέλευεν
ὡς λήμην ἀφαιρεῖν τοῦ ἹἸΠειραιῶς, ὑποκριτὰς
\ > \ / \ / ” ᾽ >?
μὲν ἀγαθοὺς τρέφειν καὶ ποιητάς, ἄνδρα δ᾽ οὐκ
ἄν ποτε δύνασθαι δίκαιον καὶ αὐτάρκη καὶ νοῦν
ἔχοντα καὶ μεγαλόψυχον προενεγκεῖν. τὰς γὰρ
ἄλλας τέχνας εἰκός ἐστι πρὸς ἐργασίαν ἢ δόξαν
συνισταμένας ἐν ταῖς ἀδόξοις καὶ ταπειναῖς πό-
λεσιν ἀπομαραίνεσθαι, τὴν δ᾽ ἀρετήν, ὥσπερ
ἰσχυρὸν καὶ διαρκὲς φυτόν, ἐν ἅπαντι ῥιζοῦσθαι
τόπῳ, φύσεώς τε χρηστῆς καὶ φιλοπόνου ψυχῆς
ἐπιλαμβανομένην. ὅθεν οὐδ᾽ ἡμεῖς, εἴ te τοῦ

1 ray Sintenis', and Graux with M*: τὴν,

DEMOSTHENES

I. Tue author of the encomium upon Alcibiades
for his victory in the chariot-race at Olympia,!
whether he was Euripides, as the prevailing report
has it, or some other, says, Sosius,? that the first
requisite to a man’s happiness is birth in “a famous
city”’; but in my opinion, for a man who would
enjoy true happiness, which depends for the most
part on character and disposition, it is no disad-
vantage to belong to an obscure and mean city,
any more than it is to be born of a mother who
is of little stature and without beauty. For it were
laughable to suppose that Iulis, which is a little
part of the small island of Ceos, and Aegina, which
a certain Athenian was urgent to have removed as
an eye-sore of the Piraeus,* should breed good
actors and poets, but should never be able to
produce a man who is just, independent, wise, and
magnanimous. The arts, indeed, since their object
is to bring business or fame, naturally pine away
in obscure and mean cities; but virtue, like a strong
and hardy plant, takes root in any place, if she
finds there a generous nature and a spirit that shuns
no labour. Wherefore we also, if we fail to live

1 See the Alcibiades, chapter xi.

2 One of Plutarch’s Roman friends. See the note on
the Theseus, i. 1. 3 See the Pericles, viii. 5.

4 The great poet Simonides was of Ceos, and the great
actor Polus of Aegina,
3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φρονεῖν ὡς δεῖ καὶ βιοῦν ἐλλείπομεν, τοῦτο τῇ
σμικρότητι τῆς πατρίδος, ἀλλ᾽ αὑτοῖς δικαίως
ἀναθήσομεν.

II. To μέντοι σύνταξιν ὑποβεβλημένῳ καὶ
ἱστορίαν ἐξ οὐ προχείρων οὐδ᾽ οἰκείων, ἀλλὰ
ξένων τε τῶν πολλῶν καὶ διεσπαρμένων ἐν
ἑτέροις συνιοῦσαν ἀναγνωσμάτων, τῷ ὄντι χρὴ
πρῶτον ὑπάρχειν καὶ μάλιστα τὴν πόλιν εὐ-
δόκιμον καὶ φιλόκαλον καὶ πολυάνθρωπον, ὡς
βιβλίων τε παντοδαπῶν ἀφθονίαν ἔχων, καὶ
ὅσα τοὺς γράφοντας διαφεύγοντα σωτηρίᾳ be ἥμης
ἐπιφανεστέραν εἰ εἴληφε πίστιν ὑπολαμβάνων ἀ ἀκοῇ
καὶ διαπυνθανόμενος, μὴ πολλῶν͵ μηδ᾽ ἀναγκαίων
ἐνδεὲς ἀποδιδοίη τὸ ἔργον. ἡμεῖς δὲ μικρὰν
οἰκοῦντες πόλιν, καὶ ἵνα μὴ μικροτέρα γένηται
φιλοχωροῦντες, ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ καὶ ταῖς περὶ τὴν
Ἰταλίαν διατριβαῖς οὐ σχολῆς οὔσης γυμνά-
ζεσθαι περὶ τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον ὑπὸ χρειῶν
πολιτικῶν καὶ τῶν διὰ φιλοσοφίαν πλησια-
ζόντων, ὀψέ ποτε καὶ πόρρω τῆς ἡλικίας ἠρξά-
μεθα “Ῥωμαϊκοῖς γράμμασιν ἐπ ύν τν καὶ
πρᾶγμα θαυμαστὸν μέν, ἀλλ᾽ “ἀληθὲς ἐπάσχομεν.
οὐ γὰρ οὕτως ἐκ τῶν ὀνομάτων τὰ πράγματα
συνιέναι καὶ γνωρίξειν συνέβαινεν ἡ ἡμῖν, ὡς ἐκ τῶν
πραγμάτων ἁμῶς γέ πως εἴχομεν. ἐμπειρίαν ἐπα-
κολουθεῖν δι’ αὐτὰ καὶ τοῖς ὀνόμασι. κάλλους
δὲ Ῥωμαϊκῆς ἀπαγγελίας καὶ τάχους αἰσθάνεσθαι
καὶ μεταφορᾶς ὀνομάτων καὶ ἁρμονίας καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων οἷς ὁ λόγος ἀγάλλεται, χάριεν μὲν ἡγού-

1 ἐμπειρίαν... δι’ αὐτὰ with Μδϑ and Graux: ἐμπειρίας. .,
διὰ ταῦτα (Bekker, av... ἐμπειρία).

4 me

DEMOSTHENES, τ. 3-n. 3

and think as we ought, will justly attribute this,
not to the smallness of our native city, but to
ourselves.

11. However, when one has undertaken to com-
pose a history based upon readings which are not
readily accessible or even found at home, but in
foreign countries, for the most part, and scattered
about among different owners, for him it is really
necessary, first and above all things, that he should
live in a city which is famous, friendly to the liberal
arts, and populous, in order that he may have all
sorts of books in Ἄρρο and may by hearsay and
enquiry come into possession of all those details
which elude writers and are preserved with more
conspicuous fidelity in the memories of men. “He
will thus be prevented from publishing a work
which is deficient in many, and even in essential
things. /) But as for me, I live in a small city, and
I prefer to dwell there that it may not become
smaller still; and during the time when I was in
Rome and various parts of Italy/I had no leisure
to practise myself in the Roman language, owing
to my public duties and the number of my pupils
in philosophy. It was therefore late and when I
was well on in years that I began to study Roman
literature, And here my experience was an astonish-
ing thing, but true.’ For it was not so much that
“by means of words I came to a complete under-
standing of things, as that from things I somehow
had an experience which enabled me to follow
the meaning of words. But to appreciate the
beauty and quickness of the Roman style, the
figures of speech, the rhythm, and the _ other
embellishments of the language, while I think. it

5

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μεθα καὶ οὐκ ἀτερπές" ἡ δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο μελέτη
καὶ ἄσκησις οὐκ εὐχερής, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς τισι πλείων
τε σχολὴ καὶ τὰ τῆς ὥρας ἔτι πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας
ἐπιχωρεῖ φιλοτιμίας.

III. Διὸ καὶ γράφοντες ἐν τῷ βιβλίῳ τούτῳ,
τῶν παραλλήλων βίων ὄντι πέμπτῳ, περὶ Δη-
μοσθένους καὶ Κικέρωνος, ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων καὶ
τῶν πολιτειῶν τὰς φύσεις αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς δια-
θέσεις πρὸς ἀλλήλας ἐπισκεψόμεθα, τὸ δὲ τοὺς
λόγους ἀντεξετάξειν καὶ ἀποφαίνεσθαι πότερος
ἡδίων ἢ δεινότερος εἰπεῖν, ἐάσομεν. “Κακὴ γάρ,"
ὥς φησιν ὁ Ἴων, “ ἡ δελφῖνος ἐν χέρσῳ βία,"
ἣν ὁ περιττὸς ἐν ἅπασι Κεκίλιος ἀγνοήσας ἐνε-
ανιεύσατο σύγκρισιν τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ ἹΚεκέ-
ρωνος ἐξενεγκεῖν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἴσως, εἰ παντὸς
ἣν τὸ “Γνῶθι σαυτὸν" ἔχειν πρόχειρον, οὐκ ἂν
ἐδόκει πρόσταγμα θεῖον εἶναι.

Δημοσθένην γὰρ καὶ Κικέρωνα τὸν αὐτὸν
ἔοικε πλάττων ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς ὁ δαίμων πολλὰς μὲν
ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν φύσιν αὐτῶν τῶν ὁμοιοτήτων,
ὥσπερ τὸ φιλότιμον καὶ φιλελεύθερον ἐν τῇ
πολιτείᾳ, πρὸς δὲ κινδύνους καὶ πολέμους ἄτολ-
μον, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἀναμῖξαι καὶ τῶν τυχηρῶν. δύο
γὰρ ἑτέρους οὐκ ἂν εὑρεθῆναι δοκῶ ῥήτορας ἐκ
μὲν ἀδόξων καὶ μικρῶν ἰσχυροὺς καὶ μεγάλοις
γενομένους, προσκρούσαντας δὲ βασιλεῦσι καὶ
τυράννοις, θυγατέρας δ᾽ ἀποβαλόντας, ἐκπεσόντας
δὲ τῆς πατρίδος, κατελθόντας δὲ μετὰ τιμῆς,

1 Κακὴ... βία an iambic trimeter (Nauck, Trag. Groaec.
Frag.” p. 744), restored by Reiske: Kaxel. .. Ἴων, δελφῖνος

... Bla (for in this aticmpt the dolphin’s might would be on
dry land).

6

ΜΥ ee

DEMOSTHENES, πὶ. 3-1. 3

a graceful accomplishment and one not without
its pleasures, still, the careful practice necessary
for attaining this is not easy for one like me, but
appropriate for those who have more leisure and
whose remaining years still suffice for such pursuits.

III. Therefore, in this fifth book! of my Parallel
Lives, where I write about Demosthenes and Cicero,
I shall examine their actions and their political
careers to see how their natures and dispositions
compare with one another, but I shall make no
critical comparison of their speeches, nor try to
show which was the more agreeable or the more
powerful orator. “For useless,” as Ion says, “is a
dolphin’s might upon dry ground,” a maxim which
Caecilius, who goes to excess in everything, forgot
when he boldly ventured to put forth a comparison
of Demosthenes and Cicero. But really it is pos-
sible that, if the “Know thyself’ of the oracle?
were an easy thing for every man, it would not
be held to be a divine injunction.

In the case of Demosthenes and Cicero, then,
it would seem that the Deity originally fashioned

them on the same plan, implanting in their natures

many similarities, such as their love of distinction,
their love of freedom in their political activities,
and their lack of courage for wars and dangers,
and uniting in them also many similarities of
fortune. For in my opinion two other orators could
not be found who, from small and obscure begin-
nings, became great and powerful; who came into
conflict with kings and tyrants; who lost each a
daughter; who were banished from their native
cities and returned with honour; and who, after

1 See the note on the Dion, ii. 4. 2 At Delphi.

Go

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀποδράντας δ᾽ αὖθις καὶ ληφθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν
πολεμίων, ἅμα δὲ παυσαμένῃ τῇ τῶν πολιτῶν
/ Ν ’ / id
ἐλευθερίᾳ τὸν βίον συγκαταστρέψαντας" ὥστε,
εἰ γένοιτο τῇ φύσει καὶ τῇ τύχῃ καθάπερ τεχνί-
ταῖς ἅμιλλα, χαλεπῶς ἂν διακριθῆναι πότερον
αὕτη τοῖς τρόποις ἢ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐκείνη τοὺς
Μ ς / > ’ vA \
ἄνδρας ὁμοιοτέρους ἀπείργασται. λεκτέον δὲ
περὶ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου πρότερον.

IV. Δημοσθένης ὁ πατὴρ Δημοσθένους ἦν μὲν
τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὡς ἱστορεῖ
Θεόπομπος, ἐπεκαλεῖτο δὲ μαχαιροποιὸς ἐργα-
στήριον ἔχων μέγα καὶ δούλους τεχνίτας τοὺς
τοῦτο πράττοντας. ἃ δ᾽ Αἰσχίνης ὁ ῥήτωρ εἴρηκε
περὶ τῆς μητρός, ὡς ἐκ Τύλωνός τινος ἐπ᾽ αἰτίᾳ

, [4 > »” ,

οσίας φεύγοντος ἐξ ἄστεος γεγόνοι καὶ Bap-

Bapov γυναικός, οὐκ ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν εἴτ᾽ ἀληθῶς
"Μ μΜ Ὁ \ , .
εἴρηκεν εἴτε βλασφημῶν καὶ καταψευδόμενος.
> > € / ς \ n ‘
ἀπολειφθεὶς δ᾽ ὁ Δημοσθένης ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς
ἑπταέτης ἐν εὐπορίᾳ (μικρὸν γὰρ ἀπέλιπεν ἡ
σύμπασα τίμησις αὐτοῦ τῆς οὐσίας πεντεκαίδεκα
ταλάντων) ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ἠδικήθη, τὰ μὲν
νοσφισαμένων, τὰ δ᾽ ἀμελησάντων, ὥστε καὶ τῶν
διδασκάλων αὐτοῦ τὸν μισθὸν ἀποστερῆσαι. διά
τε δὴ τοῦτο τῶν ἐμμελῶν καὶ προσηκόντων ἐλευ-
θέρῳ παιδὶ μαθημάτων ἀπαίδευτος δοκεῖ γενέσθαι
καὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀσθένειαν καὶ θρύψιν,
οὐ προϊεμένης τοῖς πόνοις τῆς μητρὸς αὐτόν, οὐδὲ
προσβιαζομένων τῶν παιδαγωγῶν. ἦν γὰρ ἐξ
ἀρχῆς κάτισχνος καὶ νοσώδης, καὶ τὴν λοιδορου-
em ..... . ”

8

i,

DEMOSTHENES, ut. 3-iv. 3

taking to flight again and being captured by their
enemies, ended their lives as soon as their country-
men ceased to be free. So that, if there should
be a competition between nature and fortune, as
between artists, it would be difficult to decide
whether the one made the men more alike in their
characters, or the other in the circumstances of their
lives. But I must speak of the more ancient first.
IV. Demosthenes, the father of _Demosthenes,
belonged to the better class of citizens, as Theo-
pompus tells us, and was surnamed Cutler, because
he had a large factory and slaves who were skilled
workmen in this business. But as for what Aeschines
the orator says of the mother of Demosthenes,!
namely, that she was a daughter. of one Gylon,
who was banished from the city on a charge of
treason, and of a barbarian woman, I cannot say
whether he speaks truly, or is uttering slander
and lies. However, at the age of seven, Demos-
thenes was left by his father in affluence, since
the total value of his estate fell little short. of
fifteen talents ;? but he was wronged by his guar-
dians, who appropriated some of his property to
their own uses and neglected the rest, so that
even his teachers were deprived of their pay. It
was for this reason, as it seems, that he did not
pursue the studies which were suitable and proper
for a well-born boy, and also because of his bodily
weakness and fragility, since his. mother would
not permit him to work hard in the_ palaestra,
and his tutors would not force him to do so. For
from the first he was lean and sickly, and_ his
1 On the Crown, §§ 171 f.

2 A talent was equivalent to about £235, or $1,200, with
five or six times the purchasing power of modern money.

9

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μένην ἐπωνυμίαν, τὸν Βάταλον, εἰς τὸ σῶμα
λέγεται σκω πτόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν παίδων λαβεῖν.
ἣν δὲ ὁ “Βάταλος, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοί φασιν, αὐλητὴς
τῶν κατεαγότων, καὶ δραμάτιον εἰς τοῦτο κωμῳ-
δῶν αὐτὸν Ἀντιφάνης πεποίηκεν. ἔνιοι δέ τινες —
ὡς ποιητοῦ τρυφερὰ καὶ παροίνια γράφοντος
τοῦ Βατάλου eee ας δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ τῶν οὐκ

εὐπρεπῶν τι λεχθῆναι τοῦ σώματος μορίων παρὰ
τοῖς ᾿Αττικοῖς τότε καλεῖσθαι βάταλος. δ᾽ δ
᾿Αργᾶς (καὶ τοῦτο γάρ φασι τῷ Δημοσθένει.

γενέσθαι παρώνυμον) ἢ πρὸς τὸν τρόπον, ὡς —
θηριώδη καὶ πικρὸν ἐτέθη: τὸν γὰρ ὄφιν ἔνιοι
τῶν ποιητῶν ἀργᾶν ὀνομάξουσιν' ἢ πρὸς τὸν

fi LA 4 ve
CM ee ee hae 6.4 τὸ RL 91. OTe νὰ,

το κότος,

Αργας τοὔνομα ποιητὴς ἣν Gert: πονηρῶν καὶ
ἀργαλέων. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ταύτῃ."

V. Τῆς δὲ πρὸς τοὺς λόγους ὁρμῆς ἀρχὴν τς
φασι τοιαύτην γενέσθαι. Καλλιστράτου τοῦ ῥή-
τορος ἀγωνίζεσθαι τὴν περὶ ᾿Ωρωποῦ κρίσιν ἐν 8.
τῷ δικαστηρίῳ μέλλοντος ἣν προσδοκία τῆς δίκης
μεγάλη διά τε τὴν τοῦ ῥήτορος δύναμιν, ἀνθοῦντος
τότε μάλιστα τῇ δόξῃ, καὶ διὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν οὖσαν.
περιβόητον. ἀκούσας οὖν ὁ Δημοσθένης τῶν —
διδασκάλων καὶ τῶν παιδωγωγῶν συντιθεμένων
τῇ δίκῃ παρατυχεῖν, ἔπεισε τὸν ἑαυτοῦ maida-
γωγὸν δεόμενος καὶ προθυμούμενος ὅπως αὐτὸν᾽

1 After these words Bekker retains the κατὰ Πλάτωνα
which Coraés, Sintenis, and Graux, after Wyttenbach, Foject
as a gloss. Cf. Plato, Symposium, p 220, ο.

Io

DEMOSTHENES, iv. 3-v. 2

opprobrious surname of Batalus is said to have been
given him by the boys in mockery of his physique.
Now Batalus, as some say, was an effeminate flute-
player, and Antiphanes wrote a farce in which he
held him up to ridicule for this. But some speak
of Batalus as a poet who wrote voluptuous verses
and drinking songs. And it appears that one of
the parts of the body which it is not decent to
name was at that time called Batalus by the
Athenians. But the name of Argas (for they tell
us that Demosthenes had this nickname also) was
given him either with reference to his manners,
which were harsh and savage, the snake being
called “argas’’ by some of the poets; or with
reference to his way of speaking, which was dis-
tressing to his hearers, Argas being the name of
a composer of vile and disagreeable songs. So
much on this head.

V. The origin of his eager desire to be an orator,
they tell us, was as follows. Callistratus the orator
was going to make a plea in court on the question
of Oropus,' and the trial was eagerly awaited, not
only because of the ability of the orator, who was
then at the very height of his reputation, but
also because of the circumstances of the case,
which was notorious. Accordingly, when Demos-
thenes heard the teachers and. tutors agreeing
among themselves to be present at the trial, with
great importunity he persuaded his own tutor to

1 In 366 B.c. Oropus, a town on the confines of Attica and
Boeotia, was wrested from Athens by the Thebans. Sub-
sequently there was « trial for treason at Athens, in which
Callistratus the orator and Chabrias the general figured, but
the details of the trial are obscure.

I!

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀγάγοι πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόασιν. ὁ δ᾽ ἔχων πρὸς τοὺς
ἀνοίγοντας τὰ δικαστήρια δημοσίους συνήθειαν,
εὐπόρησε ὥρας ἐν ἡ καθήμενος ὁ παῖς ἀδήλως
ἀκούσεται τῶν λεγομένων. εὐημερήσαντος δὲ
τοῦ Καλλιστράτου καὶ θαυμασθέντος ὑπερφυῶς,
ἐκείνου μὲν ἐζήλωσε τὴν δόξαν, ὁρῶν προπεμπό-
μένον ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν καὶ μακαριζόμενον, τοῦ
δὲ λόγου μᾶλλον ἐθαύμασε καὶ κατενόησε τὴν

; \ ‘ s 1 ΩΝ 6 \ 6 ¢
ἰσχὺν ὡς πάντα χείρουσῦαν καὶ TLUATEVELV

πεφυκότος. ὅθεν ἐάσας τὰ λοιπὰ μαθήματα καὶ
τὰς παιδικὰς διατριβάς, αὐτὸς αὑτὸν ἤσκει καὶ
διεπόνει ταῖς μελέταις, @ ἂν τῶν λεγόντων
ἐσόμενος καὶ αὐτός. ἐχρήσατο δὲ ᾿Ισαΐίῳ πρὸς
τὸν λόγον ὑφηγητῇ, καίπερ ᾿Ισοκράτους τότε

4 ” “ὔ Υ̓ \ € ’
ολάζοντος, εἴτε, ὡς τινες λέγουσι, τὸν ὡρισμένον.

μισθὸν “looxpates τελέσαι. μὴ δυνάμενος, τὰς
, δ ὃ \ \ > , " A ws
δέκα μνᾶς, διὰ τὴν ὀρφανίαν, εἴτε μᾶλλον τοῦ

Ἰσαίου τὸν λόγον ὡς δραστήριον καὶ πανοῦρ-
ον ἐπὶ τὴν χρείαν ἀποδεχόμενος. Ἕρμιππος

δέ φῆσιν ἀδεσπότοις ὑπομνήμασιν ἐντυχεῖν. ἐν.

οἷς ἐγέγραπτο τὸν Δημοσθένην συνεσχολακέναι
Πλάτωνι καὶ πλεῖστον εἰς τοὺς λόγους ὠφελῆ-
σθαι, Κτησιβίου δὲ μέμνηται λέγοντος παρὰ
Καλλίου τοῦ Συρακουσίου καί τινων ἄλλων τὰς
Ἰσοκράτους τέχνας καὶ τὰς ᾿Αλκιδάμαντος κρύφα
λαβόντα τὸν Δημοσθένην καταμαθεῖν.

VI. Ὡς γοῦν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενόμενος τοῖς ἐπι-
τρόποις ἤρξατο δικάζεσθαι καὶ Aoyoypadeiv ἐπ᾽

Δ ὡς πάντα Graux with Μᾶ; πάντα.
12

ΕΞ - ν"ῬΡῬΒ..

*

DEMOSTHENES, v. 2-vi. 1

take him to the hearing. This tutor, having an
acquaintance with the public officials who opened
the courts, succeeded in procuring a place where
the boy could sit unseen and listen to what was
said. Callistratus won his case and was extravagantly
admired, and Demosthenes conceived a desire to
emulate his fame, seeing him escorted on his way
by the multitude and congratulated by all; but
he had a more wondering appreciation of the
power of his oratory, which was naturally adapted
to subdue and master all opposition. Wherefore,
bidding farewell to his other studies and to the
usual pursuits of boyhood, he_ practised himself
laboriously in declamation, with the idea that he
too was to be an orator. He also employed Isaeus
as his guide to the art of speaking, although Isocrates
was lecturing at the time; either, as some say,
because he was an orphan and unable to pay Iso-
crates his stipulated fee of ten minas,! or because
he preferred the style of Isaeus for its effectiveness
and adaptability in actual use. But Hermippus says
that he once came upon some anonymous memoirs
in which it was recorded that Demosthenes was
a pupil of Plato and got most help from him in
his rhetorical studies. He also quotes Ctesibius
as saying that from Callias the Syracusan and
certain others Demosthenes secretly obtained the
rhetorical systems of Isocrates and Alcidamas and
mastered them.

Vl. However this may be, when Demosthenes
came of age he began to bring suits against his
guardians and to write speeches attacking them.

1 Equivalent to about £40, or $200, with five or six times
the purchasing power of modern money.

13

4

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

αὐτοὺς πολλὰς διαδύσεις Kal παλινδικίας εὑρί-
σκοντας, ἐγγυμνασάμενος, κατὰ τὸν Θουκυδίδην,
ταῖς μελέταις οὐκ ἀκινδύνως οὐδ᾽ ἀργῶς, κατευ-
τυχήσας ἐκπρᾶξαι μὲν οὐδὲ πολλοστὸν ἠδυνήθη
μέρος τῶν πατρῴων, τόλμαν δὲ πρὸς τὸ λέγειν
καὶ συνήθειαν ἱκανὴν λαβὼν καὶ γευσάμενος τῆς
περὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας φιλοτιμίας καὶ δυνάμεως ἐπε-
χείρησεν εἰς μέσον παριέναι καὶ τὰ κοινὰ πράτ-
τειν. καὶ καθώπερ Λαομέδοντα τὸν ᾿Ορχομένιον
λέγουσι καχεξίαν τινὰ σπληνὸς ἀμυνόμενον ὃδρό-
μοις μακροῖς χρῆσθαι τῶν ἰατρῶν κελευσάντων,
εἶθ᾽ οὕτως διαπονήσαντα τὴν ἕξιν ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς
στεφανίταις ἀγῶσι καὶ τῶν ἄκρων γενέσθαι
δολιχοδρόμων, οὕτως τῷ Δημοσθένει συνέβη τὸ
πρῶτον ἐπανορθώσεως ἕνεκα τῶν ἰδίων ἀποδύντι
πρὸς τὸ λέγειν, ἐκ τούτου κτησαμένῳ δεινότητα

Ἁ / > Lal lal » ’ὔ
καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς ἤδη καθάπερ

, > a / n > \ Cal ,
στεφανίταις ἀγῶσι πρωτεύειν τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ βή-
ματος ἀγωνιζομένων πολιτῶν.

, / “~ > 4 “ /
Καίτοι τό ye πρῶτον ἐντυγχάνων τῷ δήμῳ
, / \ n > >
θορύβοις περιέπιπτε Kai κατεγελᾶτο Ou ἀήθειαν,
τοῦ λόγου συγκεχύσθαι ταῖς περιόδοις καὶ Be-
βασανίσθαι τοῖς ἐνθυμήμασι πικρῶς ἄγαν καὶ

/ an
κατακόρως δοκοῦντος. ἣν δέ τις, ὡς ἔοικε, Kal

fol 3 / \ , 5 / 4 /
φωνῆς ἀσθένεια καὶ γλώττης ἀσάφεια καὶ πνεύ-
ματος κολοβότης ἐπιταράττουσα τὸν νοῦν τῶν
λεγομένων τῷ διασπᾶσθαι τὰς περιόδους. τέλος
δ᾽ ἀποστάντα τοῦ δήμου καὶ ῥεμβόμενον ἐν 1]ει-
14

ψὰ, ὦ Δ. Les

DEMOSTHENES, vi. 1-4

They devised many evasions and new trials, but
Demosthenes, after practising himself in these ex-
ercises, as Thucydides says,} not without toil and
danger, won his cause, although he was able to
recover not even a small fraction of his patrimony.
However, he acquired sufficient practice and con-
fidence in speaking, and got a taste of the dis-
tinction and power that go with forensic contests,
and therefore essayed to come forward and engage
in public matters. And just as Laomedon the
Orchomenian—so we are told—practised long-dis-
tance running by the advice of his physicians, to
ward off some disease of the spleen, and then,
after restoring his health in this way, entered the
great games and became one of the best runners
of the long course, so Demosthenes, after apply-
ing himself to oratory in the first place for the
sake of recovering his private property, by this
means acquired ability and power in speaking,
and at last in public business, as it were in the great
games, won the first place among the citizens who
strove with one another on the bema.

And yet when he first addressed the people he
was interrupted by their clamours and laughed at
for his inexperience, since his discourse seemed to
them confused by long periods and too harshly and
immoderately tortured by formal arguments. He
had also, as it would appear, a certain weakness of
voice and indistinctness of speech and shortness of
breath which disturbed the sense of what he said by
disjoining his sentences. And finally, when he had
forsaken the assembly and was wandering about

1 Kal ἐμπειρότεροι ἐγένοντο μετὰ κινδύνων Tas μελέτας ποιού-
μενοι (i. 18, 3 of the Athenians and Lacedaemonians).

15

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

patel dt’ ἀθυμίαν Ἰδὔνομος ὁ Θριάσιος ἤδη πάνυ
γέρων θεασάμενος ᾿ἐπετίμησεν, ὅτε τὸν λόγον
ἔχων ὁμοιότατον τῷ Περικλέους προδίδωσιν ὑπ᾽
ἀτολμίας καὶ μαλακίας ἑαυτόν, οὔτε τοὺς ὄχλους
ὑφιστώμενος εὐθαρσῶς, οὔτε τὸ σῶμα πρὸς
τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἐξαρτυόμενος, ἀλλὰ τρυφῇ περιορῶν
μαραινόμενον.

VIL. Πάλιν δέ ποτέ φασιν ἐκπεσόντος αὐτοῦ.
καὶ ἀπιόντος οἴκαδε συγκεχυμένου 1 καὶ βαρέως
φέροντος ἐπακολουθῆσαι Σάτυρον τὸν ὑποκριτὴν
ἐπιτήδειον ὄντα καὶ συνελθεῖν. ὀδυρομένου δὲ
τοῦ Δημοσθένους πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅτε πάντων φιλο-
πονώτατος ὧν τῶν λεγόντων καὶ μικροῦ δέων
καταναλωκέναι τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀκμὴν εἰς τοῦτο
χάριν οὐκ ἔχει πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, ἀλλὰ κραϊπαλῶν-

τες ἄνθρωποι ναῦται καὶ ἀμαθεῖς ἀκούονται καὶ

κατέχουσι τὸ βῆμα, παρορᾶται δ' αὐτός, “᾿Αληθῆ
λέγεις, ὧ Δημόσθενες," φάναι τὸν Σάτυρον, “ ἀλλ᾽
ἐγὼ τὸ αἴτιον ἰάσομαι ταχέως, ἄν μοι τῶν Εὐρι-
πίδου τινὰ ῥήσεων ἢ Σοφοκλέους ἐθελήσῃς εἰπεῖν
ἀπὸ στόματος." εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους
μεταλαβόντα τὸν Σάτυρον οὕτω πλάσαι καὶ
διεξελθεῖν ἐν ἤθει “πρέποντι καὶ διαθέσει τὴν
αὐτὴν ῥῆσιν ὥσθ᾽ ὅλως ἑτέραν τῷ Δημοσθένει
φανῆναι. πεισθέντα δ᾽ ὅσον ἐκ τῆς ὑποκρίσεως
τῷ λόγῳ κόσμου. καὶ χάριτος πρόσεστι, μικρὸν
ἡγήσασθαι καὶ τὸ μηδὲν εἶναι τὴν ἄσκησιν ἀμε-
λοῦντι τῆς προφορᾶς καὶ διαθέσεως τῶν λεγο-
μένων. ἐκ τούτου κατάγειον μὲν οἰκοδομῆσαι

1 συγκεχυμένου Graux with M4: συγκεκαλυμμένου (with
miu filed head).

16

46
4\4
DEMOSTHENES, νι. 4-vu1. 3

dejectedly in the Piraeus, Eunomus the Thriasian,
who was already a very old man, caught sight of him
and upbraided him because, although he had a style
of speaking which was most like that of Pericles,
he was throwing himself away out of weakness and
lack of courage, neither facing the multitude with
boldness, nor preparing his body for these forensic
contests, but suffering it to wither away in slothful
neglect.

VII. At another time, too, they say, when he had
been rebuffed by the people and was going off
homewards disconcerted and in great distress, Satyrus
the actor, who was a familiar acquaintance of his,
followed after and went indoors with him. Demos-
thenes lamented to him that although he was the
most laborious of all the orators and had almost
used up the vigour of his body in this calling, he
had no favour with the people, but debauchees,
sailors, and illiterate fellows were listened to and
held the bema, while he himself was ignored. “You
are right, Demosthenes,” said Satyrus, “but I will
quickly remedy the cause of all this, if you will con-
sent to recite off-hand for me some narrative speech ©
from Euripides or Sophocles.” Demosthenes did so,
whereupon Satyrus, taking up the same speech
after him, gave it such a form and recited it with
such appropriate sentiment and disposition that. it
appeared to Demosthenes to be quite another. Per-
suaded, now, how much of ornament and_ grace
action lends to oratory, he considered it of little
or no use for a man to practise declaiming if he
neglected the delivery and disposition of his words.
After this, we are told, he built a subterranean

17

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μελετητήριον, ὃ δὴ διεσώζετο καὶ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς,
ἐνταῦθα δὲ πάντως μὲν ἑκάστης ἡμέρας κατιόντα
πλάττειν τὴν ὑπόκρισιν καὶ διαπονεῖν τὴν φωνήν,
tA \ Ν a e ΄“ / A a /
πολλάκις δὲ καὶ μῆνας ἑξῆς δύο καὶ τρεῖς συνά-
πτειν, ξυρούμενον τῆς κεφαλῆς θάτερον μέρος
ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲ βουλομένῳ πάνυ προελθεῖν ἐνδέ-
χεσθαι δι’ αἰσχύνην.
VIII. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς πρὸς τοὺς ἐκτὸς
5] 4 \ , \ » , e ,
ἐντεύξεις Kal λόγους Kal ἀσχολίας ὑποθέσεις
> ral \ > \ lal ral >
ἐποιεῖτο Kal ἀφορμὰς τοῦ φιλοπονεῖν. ἀπαλ-
λαγεὶς γὰρ αὐτῶν τάχιστα κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ
/ \ , / 4 . 9 a
μελετητήριον, Kai OveEner Tas Te πράξεις ἐφεξῆς
καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀπολογισμούς. ἔτι δὲ τοὺς
λόγους οἷς παρέτυχε λεγομένοις, ἀναλαμβάνων
εἰς ἑαυτὸν εἰς γνώμας ἀνῆγε καὶ περιόδους, ἐπαν-
\
ορθώσεις Te παντοδαπὰς Kal μεταφράσεις ἐκαινο-
τόμει τῶν εἰρημένων ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρου πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἢ
ὑφ᾽ αὑτοῦ πάλιν πρὸς ἄλλον. ἐκ τούτου δόξαν
- id > > A » > > > ,
εἶχεν ὡς οὐκ εὐφυὴς ὦν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ πόνου συγκει-
td
μένῃ δεινότητι καὶ δυνάμει χρώμενος. ἐδόκει TE
τούτου σημεῖον εἶναι μέγα τὸ μὴ ῥαδίως ἀκοῦσαί
τινα Δημοσθένους ἐπὶ καιροῦ λέγοντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ
καθήμενον ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ πολλάκις τοῦ δήμου
1h » \ 4 \ 3 \ 1
καλοῦντος ὀνομαστὶ μὴ παρελθεῖν, εἰ μὴ τύχοι
πεφροντικὼς καὶ παρεσκευασμένος. εἰς τοῦτο
δὲ ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ τῶν δημαγωγῶν ἐχλεύαζον
αὐτόν, καὶ Πυθέας ἐπισκώπτων ἐλλυχνίων ἔφη-

18

DEMOSTHENES, vu. 2- νπιι. 3

study, which, in fact, was preserved in our time,}
and into this he would descend every day without
exception in order to form his action and cultivate
his voice, and he would often remain there even for
two or three months together, shaving one side of
his head in order that shame might keep him from
going abroad even though he greatly wished to do so.

VIII. Nor was this all, but he would make his
interviews, conversations, and business with those
outside, the foundation and starting point for eager
toil.. For as soon as he parted from his associates,
he would go down into his study, and there would
go over his transactions with them in due order,
and the arguments used in defence of each course.
And still further, whatever speeches he chanced to
hear delivered he would take up by himself and
reduce to propositions and periods, and he would in-
troduce all sorts of corrections and changes of ex-
pression into the speeches made by others against
himself, or, contrariwise, by himself against others.
Consequently it was thought that he was not a
man of good natural parts, but that his ability
and power were the product of toil. And there
would seem to be strong proof of this in the fact
that Demosthenes was rarely heard to speak on the
spur of the moment, but though the people often
called upon him by name as he sat in the assembly,
he would not come forward unless he had given
thought to the question and was prepared to speak
upon it. For this, many of the popular leaders
used to rail at him, and Pytheas, in particular, once
told him scoffingly that his arguments smelt of lamp-

? An erroneous tradition identifies this with the choragic
monument of Lysicrates (the ‘* Lantern of Demosthenes ᾽)).

εἰς,

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

+

4 σεν ὄζειν αὐτοῦ τὰ ἐνθυμήματα. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν
ἠμείψατο πικρῶς ὃ Δημοσθένης: “Οὐ ταὐτὰ
γάρ," εἶπεν, “ἐμοὶ καὶ σοί, ὦ ἸΠυθέα, ὁ λύχνος
σύνοιδε." πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους οὐ παντάπασιν
ἣν ἔξαρνος, ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε γράψας οὔτ᾽ ἄγραφα
κομιδῇ λέγειν ὡμολόγει. καὶ μέντοι δημοτικὸν
ἀπέφαινεν ἄνδρα. τὸν λέγειν μελετῶντα" θερα-
πείας γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτο δήμου παρασκευήν, τὸ δ᾽
ὅπως ἕξουσιν οἱ πολλοὶ πρὸς τὸν λόγον ἀφρον-
τιστεῖν ὀλιγαρχικοῦ καὶ βίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ πειθοῖ

ὅ προσέχοντος. τῆς δὲ πρὸς καιρὸν ἀτολμίας αὐτοῦ
καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦνται σημεῖον, ὅτε Δημάδης μὲν
ἐκείνῳ θορυβηθέντι πολλάκις ἀναστὰς ἐκ προ-
χείρου συνεῖπεν, ἐκεῖνος δ᾽ οὐδέποτε Δημάδῃ.

IX. Πόθεν οὖν, φαίη τις ἄν, ὁ Αἰσχίνης πρὸς
τὴν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις τόλμαν θαυμασιώτατον ἀπε:
κάλει τὸν ἄνδρα; πῶς δὲ Πύθωνι τῷ Βυζαντίῳ

" ον δεν

ri. Th

ai hci |, abate

> -
νἀ Νὺ δὰ Οὗ a,

5
fr’. ne Pied ore

θρασυνομένῳ καὶ ῥέοντι πολλῷ κατὰ τῶν ᾿Αθη-
ναίων ἀναστὰς μόνος ἀντεῖπεν, ἢ Λαμάχου τοῦ
Μυριναίου γεγραφότος ἐγκώμιον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καὶ
Φιλίππου τῶν βασιλέων, ἐν ᾧ πολλὰ Θηβαίους
2 καὶ ᾿Ολυνθίους εἰρήκει κακῶς, καὶ ἀναγινώσκον-
τος Ὀλυμπίασι, παραστὰς καὶ διεξελθὼν μεθ᾽
ἱστορίας καὶ ἀποδείξεως ὅσα Θηβαίοις καὶ Χαλ-
κιδεῦσιν ὑπάρχει καλὰ πρὸς τὴν “Ἑλλάδα, καὶ

1 See Aeschines, On the Crown, § 152.
20

DEMOSTHENES, vit. 3-1x. 2

wicks. To him, then, Demosthenes made a sharp
answer. ‘ Indeed,’ said he, “thy lamp and mine,
O Pytheas, are not privy to the same pursuits.” To
the rest, however, he made no denial at all, but
confessed that his speeches were neither altogether
unwritten, nor yet fully written out. Moreover,
he used to declare that he who rehearsed his
speeches was a true man of the people: for such
preparation was a mark of deference to the people,
whereas heedlessness of what the multitude will _
think of his speech marks a man of oligarchical ἡ
spirit, and one who relies on force rather than on

persuasion. Another circumstance, too, is made ἃ ᾿
proof of his lack of courage for an emergency,

namely, that when he was interrupted by the

clamours of the people, Demades often rose and

spoke off-hand in his support, but he never rendered-
such a service to Demades.

IX. How, then, some one might say, could
Aeschines call him a man of the most astonishing
boldness in his speeches?! And how was it that,
when Python of Byzantium? was inveighing with
much boldness and a great torrent of words against
the Athenians, Demosthenes alone rose up and spoke
against him? Or how did it happen that, when
Lamachus the Myrinaean had written an encomium on
Kings Philip and Alexander, in which many injurious
things were said of Thebes and Olynthus, and while
he was reading it aloud at Olympia, Demosthenes
came forward and rehearsed with historical proofs all
the benefits which the peoples of Thebes and Chal-
cidice had conferred upon Greece, and, on the other

2 An envoy of Philip to the Athenian assembly, in 343 B.o,
See Demosthenes, On the Crown, § 136. 3 In 324 5,0.

VOL. VII. B 2:

PLUTARCH’S ΤΙΝΕΒ

“ % 4
πάλιν ὅσων αἴτιοι γεγόνασι κακῶν οἱ κοχακεύον-

/ “ > / \ 4
TES Μακεδόνας, οὕτως ἐπέστρεψε τοὺς παρόντας.

ὥστε δείσαντα τῷ θορύβῳ τὸν σοφιστὴν ὑπεκδῦ-
ναι τῆς πανηγύρεως;

8 ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἔοικεν ὁ ἀνὴρ τοῦ Περικλέους τὰ μὲν
ἄχλα μὴ πρὸς αὑτὸν ἡγήσασθαι, τὸ δὲ πλάσμα
καὶ τὸν σχηματισμὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ “μὴ ταχέως
μηδὲ περὶ παντὸς ἐκ τοῦ παρισταμένου rey yew,
ὥσπερ ἐκ τούτων μεγάλου γεγονότος, ξηλῶν. καὶ
μιμούμενος, οὐ πάνυ προσΐεσθαι τὴν ἐν τῷ καιρῷ
δόξαν, οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τύχῃ πολλάκις ἑκὼν εἶναι ποιεῖ-

4 σθαι τὴν δύναμιν. ἐπεὶ τόλμαν γε καὶ θάρσος οἱ
λεχθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγοι τῶν γραφέντων μᾶλ-
λον εἶχον, εἴ τι δεῖ πιστεύειν ᾿Βρατοσθένει καὶ
Δημητρίῳ τῷ Φαληρεῖ καὶ τοῖς κωμικοῖς. ὧν
᾿Ερατοσθένης μέν φησιν αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις
πολλαχοῦ γεγονέναι παράβᾳκχον, ὁ δὲ Φαληρεὺς
τὸν ἔμμετρον ἐκεῖνον ὅρκον ὀμόσαι ποτὲ πρὸς τὸν
δῆμον ὥσπερ ἐνθουσιῶντα"

μὰ γῆν, μὰ κρήνας, μὰ ποταμούς, μὰ νάματα.

δ τῶν δὲ κωμικῶν ὁ μέν τις αὐτὸν ἀποκαλεῖ ῥωπο-
περπερήθραν, ὁ δὲ παρασκώπτων͵ ὡς χρώμενον
τῷ ἀντιθέτῳ φησὶν οὕτως" }

A. ἀπέλαβεν ὥσπερ ἔλαβεν...
Β. ἠγάπησεν ἂν
τὸ ῥῆμα τοῦτο παραλαβὼν. Δημοσθένης.

1 Kock, Com. Att. Frag. ii. p. 128. From Plutarch’s
Morals, p. 845b, it is to be inferred rather that this was a
verse of ‘Antiphanes ridiculing the perfervid manner οἱ
Demosthenes, 2 Kock, op. cit., iii. p. 461. 3G

22

————— Ὑρρ “

DEMOSTHENES, 1x. 2-

hand, all the evils of which the flatterers of the Mace-
donians had been the cause, and thereby so turned
the minds of the audience that the sophist was
terrified at the outcry against him and slunk away
from the festival assemblage? —

But although Demosthenes, as it would appear,
did not regard the other characteristics of Pericles

as suitable for himself, he admired and sought. to

imitate the formality of his speech and bearing, as
well as his refusal to speak suddenly or on every
subject that might present itself, as if his greatness
was due to these things; but he by no means sought
the reputation which is won in a sudden emergency,
nor did he often. of his own free will stake his
influence upon chance. However, those orations
which were spoken off-hand by him had more
courage and boldness than those which he wrote
out, if we are to put any confidence in Eratosthenes,
Demetrius the Phalerian, and the comic poets. Of
these, Eratosthenes says that often in his speeches
Demosthenes. was like one frenzied, and the Phal-
erean says that once, as if under inspiration, he
swore the famous metrical oath to the people :—

« By earth, by springs, by rivers,and by streams.”}
Of the comic poets, one calls him a “ rhopoperpere-

thras,” or trumpery-braggart,? and another, ridiculing
his use of the antithesis, says this :—

(First slave) “ My master, as he took, retook.”
(Second slave (?)) “ Demosthenes would have been
delighted to take over this phrase.”’ ὃ
8 Kock, op. cit., ii. p. 80. A verse precedes which may be
translated : ‘‘ My master, on receiving all his patrimony,”
and the point apparently is that the heir took what was a
gift as his rightful due.

#3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

«ς
ἐκτὸς εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία πρὸς τὸν ὑπὲρ ᾿Αλοννήσου
λόγον ὁ ᾿Αντιφάνης καὶ τουτὶ πέπαιχεν, ἣν ᾿Αθη-
ναίοις Δημοσθένης συνεβούλευε μὴ λαμβάνειν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀπολαμβάνειν παρὰ Φιλίππου.

Χ. Πλὴν τόν γε Δημάδην πάντες ὡμολόγουν
τῇ φύσει χρώμενον ἀνίκητον εἶναι, καὶ παραφέρειν
αὐτοσχεδιάζοντα τὰς τοῦ Δημοσθένους σκέψεις

4 > , ? ς -

καὶ παρασκευάς. ᾿Αρίστων δ᾽ ὁ Χῖος καὶ Θεο-
φράστου τινὰ δόξαν ἱστόρηκε περὶ τῶν ῥητόρων.
ἐρωτηθέντα γὰρ ὁποῖός τις αὐτῷ φαίνεται ῥήτωρ
c L ἀν τὰς ὟΝ a 0 9
ὁ Δημοσθένης, εἰπεῖν" Αξιος τῆς πόλεως:
ὁποῖος δὲ Δημάδης, “ Ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν." ὁ &
αὐτὸς φιλόσοφος Πολύευκτον ἱστορεῖ τὸν Σφήτ-
τιον, ἕνα τῶν τότε πολιτευομένων ᾿Αθήνησιν,
ἀποφαίνεσθαι μέγιστον μὲν εἶναι ῥήτορα Δημο-
σθένην, δυνατώτατον δὲ εἰπεῖν Φωκίωνα: πλεῖ-

\ > s ͵ ἀν.» "ἢ , \
στον yap ἐν βραχυτάτῃ λέξει νοῦν ἐκφέρειν. καὶ
μέντοι καὶ τὸν Δημοσθένην φασὶν αὐτόν, ὁσάκις.
A ἣι > lal > A / > ’, /

dv! ἀντερῶν αὐτῷ Φωκίων ἀναβαίνοι, λέγειν
Ν \ 10 ccf -“ > lal / A
πρὸς tous συνήθεις" “Ἢ τῶν ἐμῶν λόγων κοπὶς
ἀνίσταται." τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ἄδηλον εἴτε πρὸς τὸν
λόγον τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὁ Δημοσθένης εἴτε πρὸς τὸν

/ \ \ / > l4 “ /
βίον καὶ τὴν δόξαν ἐπεπόνθει, πολλῶν πάνυ Kal
μακρῶν περιόδων ἕν ῥῆμα καὶ νεῦμα πίστιν
ἔχοντος ἀνθρώπου κυριώτερον ἡγούμενος.

ΧΙ. Τοῖς δὲ σωματικοῖς ἐλαττώμασι τοιαύτην
ἐπῆγεν ἄσκησιν, ὡς ὁ Φαληρεὺς Δημήτριος ἱστο-

1 ἂν omitted by Bekker, after Coraés and Schaefer ; also
by Graux with M8,

24

DEMOSTHENES, 1x. 5-x1. 1

Unless, indeed, this, too, was a jest of Antiphanes
upon the speech of Demosthenes concerning Halon-
nesus,! in which the orator counselled the Athenians
not to take the island from Philip, but to re-
take it.

X. Still, all men used to agree that Demades, in
the exercise of his natural gifts, was invincible, and
that when he spoke on the spur of the moment he
surpassed the studied preparations of Demosthenes.
And Ariston the Chian records an opinion which
Theophrastus also passed upon the two orators.
When he was asked, namely, what sort of an orator
he thought Demosthenes was, he replied : “ Worthy
of the city’’; and what Demades, ‘‘ Too good for the
city.” And the same philosopher tells us that
Polyeuctus the Sphettian, one of the political leaders
of that time at Athens, declared that Demosthenes
was the greatest orator, but Phocion the most in-
fluential speaker; since he expressed most sense in
fewest words. Indeed, we are told that even De-
mosthenes himself; whenever Phocion mounted the
bema to reply to him, would say to his intimates:
** Here comes the chopper of my speeches.” Now,
it is not clear whether Demosthenes had this feeling
towards Phocion because of his oratory, or because
of his life and reputation, believing that a single
word or nod from a man who is trusted has more
power than very many long periods.

XI. For his bodily deficiencies he adopted the
exercises which I shall describe, as Demetrius the
Phalerian tells us, who says he heard about them from

1 Or. vii., wrongly attributed to Demosthenes. There is
in § 5 a phrase similar to the one under comment,

25

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a / > a / 3 4 Py
pet, λέγων αὐτοῦ Δημοσθένους ἀκούειν πρεσβύ-
τοῦ γεγονότος, τὴν μὲν ἀσάφειαν καὶ τραυλότητα

τῆς γλώττης ἐκβιάξεσθαι καὶ διαρθροῦν εἰς τὸ

στόμα ψήφους λαμβάνοντα καὶ ῥήσεις ἅμα λέ-
γοντα, τὴν δὲ φωνὴν ἐν τοῖς δρόμοις γυμνάζεσθαι
καὶ ταῖς πρὸς τὰ σιμὰ προσβάσεσι διαλεγόμενον
καὶ λόγους τινὰς ἢ στίχους ἅμα τῷ πνεύματε
πυκνουμένῳ προφερόμενον' εἶναι δ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγα
κάτοπτρον οἴκοι, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο τὰς μελέτας ἐξ
ἐναντίας ἱστάμενον περαίνειν.
Λέγεται δέ, ἀνθρώπου προσελθόντος δεομένου
συνηγορίας καὶ διεξιόντος ὡς ὑπό του λάβοι
πληγάς, “᾿Αλλὰ σύ ye,” φάναι τὸν Δημοσθένην,
“τούτων ὧν λέγεις οὐδὲν πέπονθας." ἐπιτείναν-
τος δὲ τὴν φωνὴν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ βοῶντος
“᾿Εγώ, Δημόσθενες, οὐδὲν πέπονθα ;᾽ “ Νὴ Δία,"
φάναι, “νῦν ἀκούω “φωνὴν ἀδικουμένου καὶ πε-
πονθότος. Ὁ οὕτως @eTo μέγα. πρὸς πίστιν εἶναι
τὸν τόνον καὶ τὴν ὑπόκρισιν τῶν λεγόντων. τοῖς
μὲν οὖν πολλοῖς ὑποκρινόμενος ἤρεσκε θαυμαστῶς,
οἱ δὲ χαρίεντες ταπεινὸν ἡγοῦντο καὶ ἀγεννὲς

la) \ \ / ka
αὐτοῦ τὸ πλάσμα καὶ μαλακόν, ὧν καὶ Δημήτριος.

ὁ Φαληρεύς ἐστιν. Αἰσίωνα δέ φησιν Ἕρμιππος,
ἐρωτηθέντα περὶ τῶν πάλαι ῥητόρων καὶ τῶν
καθ᾽ αὑτόν, εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀκούων μὲν ἄν τις ἐθαύ-
μασεν ἐκείνους εὐκόσμως καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῶς τῷ
δήμῳ διαλεγομένους, ἀναγινωσκόμενοι δ᾽ οἱ Δημο-
σθένους λόγοι πολὺ τῇ κατασκευῇ καὶ δυνάμει
διαφέρουσιν. οἱ μὲν οὖν γεγραμμένοι τῶν λόγων

26

|

DEMOSTHENES, x1. 1-4

Demosthenes himself, now grown old.. The indis-
tinctness and lisping! in his speech he used to
correct and drive away by taking pebbles in his
mouth and then reviting speeches. His voice he |
used to exercise by discoursing while running or |
going up steep places, and by reciting speeches or |
verses at a single breath. Moreover, he had in his |
house a large looking-glass, and in front of this he ©
used to stand and go through his. exercises in/
declamation.

A story is told of a man coming to him and ©
begging his services as advocate, and telling at great
length how he had been assaulted and beaten: by
some one. “ But certainly,” said Demosthenes, “ you
got none of the hurts which you describe.”’ Then
the man raised his voice and shouted: “1, Demos-
thenes, no hurts?” “Now, indeed,” said Demos-
thenes, “I hear the voice of one who is wronged
and hurt.” So-important in winning credence did
he consider the tone and action of the speaker.
Accordingly, his own action in speaking was aston-
ishingly pleasing to most men, but men of refine-
ment, like Demetrius the Phalerian, thought his
manner low, ignoble, and weak. And Hermippus
tells us that Aesion,?, when asked his opinion of the
ancient orators as compared with those of his own
time, said that one would have listened with ad-
miration when the older orators discoursed to the
people decorously and in the grand manner, but
that the speeches of Demosthenes, when read
aloud, were far superior in point of arrangement
and power. Now, it is needless to remark that

1 Strictly, an inability to pronounce the letter “‘r,” giving

instead the sound of ‘‘].” See the Alcibiades, i. 4.
2 A contemporary of Demosthenes,

27

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὅτε TO αὐστηρὸν πολὺ καὶ πικρὸν ExovaL, τί ἂν
λέγοι τις; ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἀπαντήσεσι ταῖς παρὰ τὸν

5 καιρὸν ἐχρῆτο καὶ τῷ γελοίῳ. Δημάδου μὲν γὰρ
εἰπόντος “ ‘Exe Δημοσθένης, ἡ bs τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶν,"
9 Αὕτη," εἶπεν, “ἡ ᾿Αθηνᾶ πρώην ἐν Κολλυτῷ
μοιχεύουσα ἐλήφθη." πρὸς δὲ τὸν κλέπτην ὃς
ἐπεκαλεῖτο Χαλκοῦς, καὶ αὐτὸν εἰς τὰς ἀγρυ-
πνίας αὐτοῦ καὶ νυκτογραφίας πειρώμενόν TL
λέγειν, “ Οἶδα," εἶπεν, “ὅτε σε λυπῶ λύχνον

6 καίων. ὑμεῖς δέ, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, μὴ θαυ-
μάξετε τὰς γινομένας κλοπάς, ὅταν τοὺς μὲν
κλέπτας χαλκοῦς, τοὺς δὲ τοίχους πηλίνους
ἔ ὠμεν.᾿ ᾿ ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων καίπερ ἔτι πλείω
λέγειν ἔχοντες ἐνταῦθα παυσόμεθα" τὸν δ᾽ ἄλλον
αὐτοῦ τρόπον καὶ τὸ ἦθος ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων καὶ
τῆς πολιτείας θεωρεῖσθαι δίκαιόν ἐ ἐστιν.

XII. “Ὥρμησε μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τὸ πράττειν τὰ
κοινὰ τοῦ Φωκικοῦ πολέμου συνεστῶτος, ὡς
αὐτός τέ φησι καὶ λαβεῖν ἔ ἔστιν ἀπὸ τῶν Φιλιπ-
πικῶν δημηγοριῶν. αἱ μὲν γὰρ ἤδη διαπεπρα-
γμένων ἐκείνων γεγόνασιν, αἱ δὲ πρεσβύταται τῶν
ἔγγιστα πραγμάτων ἅπτονται. δῆλος δ᾽ ἐστὶ
καὶ τὴν κατὰ Μειδίου παρασκευασάμενος εἰπεῖν
δίκην δύο μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς τριάκοντα, γεγονὼς ἔτη,
μηδέπω δ᾽ ἔχων ἰσχὺν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ μηδὲ δόξαν.

2 ὃ καὶ μάλιστά μοι δοκεῖ δείσας ἐπ᾽ ἀργυρίῳ
καταθέσθαι τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἔχθραν"

οὐ γάρ τι γλυκύθυμος ἀνὴρ ἣν οὐδ᾽ ἀγανόφρων,

1 357-346 8.6. 2 On the Crown, § 18.
5 About 350 B.o. The speech ‘‘Against Meidias” (Or. xxi.)
was never delivered. See § 154.

28

DEMOSTHENES, x1. 4=xu. 2

his written speeches have much in them that is
harsh and bitter; but in his extempore rejoinders
he was also humorous. For instance, when Demades
said: ‘Demosthenes teach me! As well might
the sow teach Athena.” “It was this Athena,”
said Demosthenes, “that was lately found playing
the harlot in Collytus.” And to the thief nick-
named Brazen, who attempted to make fun of
him for his late hours and his writing at night,
“1 know,” he said, “that I annoy you with my
lighted lamp. But you, men of Athens, must not
wonder at the thefts that are committed, when we
have thieves of brass, but house-walls of clay.”
However, though I have still more to say on. this
head, I shall stop here ; the other traits of his char-
acter, and his disposition, should be surveyed in
connection with his achievements as a statesman.
ΧΙ]. Well, then, he set out to engage in public
matters after the Phocian war! had broken out, as
he himself says,? and as it is possible to gather from
his Philippic harangues. For some of these were
made after the Phocian war was already ended, and
the earliest of them touch upon affairs which were
closely connected with it. And it is clear that when
he prepared himself to speak in the prosecution of
Meidias* he was thirty-two years old, but had as
yet no power or reputation in the conduct of the
city’s affairs. And his fears on this score were the
chief reason, in my opinion, why he compromised his
ease against the man he hated for a sum of money:

“For he was not at all a sweet-tempered man or
of gentle mood,” 4

4 Iliad, xx. 467, of Achilles.
29

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀλλ᾽ ἔντονος καὶ βίαιος περὶ τὰς ἀμύνας. ὁρῶν
δ᾽ οὐ φαῦλον οὐδὲ τῆς αὑτοῦ δυνάμεως ἔργον
ἄνδρα καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ λόγῳ καὶ φίλοις εὖ πε-
φραγμένον. καθελεῖν, τὸν Μειδίαν, ἐνέδωκε τοῖς
ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δεομένοις. αἱ δὲ τρισχίλιαι καθ᾽
ἑαυτὰς οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκοῦσι τὴν Δημοσθένους
ἀμβλῦναι πικρίαν, ἐλπίξζοντος καὶ δυναμένου
περιγενέσθαι.

Λαβὼν δὲ τῆς πολιτείας καλὴν ὑπόθεσιν τὴν
πρὸς Φίλιππον ὑπὲρ τῶν Ελλήνων δικαιολογίαν,
καὶ πρὸς ταύτην ἀγωνιζόμενος ἀξίως, ταχὺ δόξαν
ἔσχε καὶ περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων. ἤρθη. καὶ
τῆς παρρησίας, ὥστε θαυμάξεσθαι μὲν ἐν τῇ ED-
λάδι, θεραπεύεσθαι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ μεγάλου. βασιλέως,
πλεῖστον δ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγον εἶναι παρὰ τῷ Φιλίππῳ
τῶν δημαγωγούντων, ὁμολογεῖν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπε-
χθανομένους ὅτι πρὸς ἔνδοξον αὐτοῖς ἄνθρωπον
ὁ ἀγών ἐστι. καὶ γὰρ Αἰσχίνης καὶ “Ὑπερείδης
τοιαῦτα ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κατηγοροῦντες εἰρήκασιν.

XIII. Ὅθεν οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως παρέστη Θεοπόμπῳ
λέγειν αὐτὸν ἀβέβαιον τῷ τρόπῳ γεγονέναι, καὶ
μήτε πράγμασι μήτ᾽ ἀνθρώποις πολὺν χρόνον
τοῖς «αὐτοῖς ἐπιμένειν “δυνάμενον. φαίνεται γάρ,
εἰς ἣν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς τῶν πραγμάτων μερίδα καὶ
τάξιν αὑτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ κατέστησε, ταύτην
ἄχρι τέλους διαφυλάξας, καὶ οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ βίῳ
μὴ μεταβαλόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν βίον ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ
μεταβαλέσθαι προέμενος. οὐ γάρ, ὡς Δημάδης
ἀπολογούμενος διὰ τὴν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ μεταβολὴν
ἔλεγεν, αὑτῷ μὲν αὐτὸν τἀναντία πολλάκις εἰρη-
κέναι, τῇ δὲ πόλει μηδέποτε, καὶ Μελάνωπος

20

.

DEMOSTHENES, xi. 2-x11. 2

but vehement and violent in his requitals. _How-
ever, seeing that it was no mean task and one
beyond his power to overthrow a man like Meidias,
who was well hedged about with wealth, oratory
and friends, he yielded to those who interceded
in his behalf. For it does not seem to me that the
three thousand drachmas of themselves could have
dulled the bitter feelings of Demosthenes if he had
expected or felt able to triumph over his adversary.

_ But when he had once taken as a noble basis for
his political activity the defence of the Greeks
against Philip, and was contending worthily here, he
quickly won a reputation and was lifted into a con-
spicuous place by the boldness of his speeches, so
that he was admired in Greece, and treated with
deference by the Great King; Philip, too, made
more account of him than of any other popular
leader at Athens, and it was admitted even by those
who hated him that they had to contend with a man
of mark. For both Aeschines and Hypereides say
thus much for him while denouncing him.

XIII. Wherefore I do not know how it occurred
to Theopompus to say that Demosthenes was un-
stable in his character and unable to remain true
for any length of time to the same policies or the
same men. For it is apparent that after he had at
the outset adopted a party and a line of policy in
the conduct of the city’s affairs, he maintained this
to the end, and not only did not change his posi-
tion while. he lived, but actually gave up his life
that he might not change it. For he was not like
Demades, who apologised for his change of policy
by saying that he often spoke at variance with him-
self, but never at variance with the interests of the

21

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀντιπολιτευύμενος Καλλιστράτῳ καὶ πολλάκις 85
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρήμασι μετατιθέμενος εἰώθει λέγειν
πρὸς τὸν δῆμον" “Ὃ μὲν ἀνὴρ ἐχθρός, τὸ δὲ
τῆς πόλεως νικάτω συμφέρον," Νικόδημος δ᾽ ὁ
Μεσσήνιος Κασάνδρῳ προστιθέμενος πρότερον,
εἶτ᾽ αὖθις ὑ ὑπὲρ Δημητρίου πολιτευόμενος οὐκ ἔφη
τἀναντία λέγειν, ἀεὶ γὰρ εἶναι συμφέρον ἀκ-
ροᾶσθαι τῶν κρατούντων, οὕτω καὶ περὶ Δη-
μοσθένους ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν οἷον ἐκτρεπομένου καὶ
πλαγιάζοντος ἢ φωνὴν ἢ πρᾶξιν, ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ
ἀφ᾽ ἑνὸς καὶ ἀμεταβλήτου διαγράμματος τῆς
πολιτείας ἕνα τόνον ἔχων ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀεὶ
διετέλεσε. Παναίτιος δ᾽ ὁ φιλόσοφος καὶ τῶν
λόγων αὐτοῦ φησιν οὕτω γεγράφθαι τοὺς πλεί-
στους ὡς μόνου τοῦ καλοῦ δι᾿ αὑτὸ αἱρετοῦ ὄντος,
τὸν περὶ τοῦ στεφάνου, τὸν κατὰ ᾿Αριστοκράτους,
τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀτελειῶν, τοὺς Φιλιππικούς" ἐν οἷς
πᾶσιν οὐ πρὸς τὸ ἥδιστον ἢ ῥᾷστον ἢ λυσιτελέ-
στατὸν ἄγει τοὺς πολίτας, ἀλλὰ πολλαχοῦ τὴν
ἀσφάλειαν καὶ τὴν σωτηρίαν οἴεται δεῖν ἐν
δευτέρᾳ τάξει τοῦ καλοῦ ποιεῖσθαι καὶ τοῦ πρέ-
ποντος, ὡς, εἴγε τῇ περὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις αὐτοῦ
φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ τῇ τῶν λόγων εὐγενείᾳ παρῆν
ἀνδρεία τε πολεμιστήριος καὶ τὸ καθαρῶς ἕκαστα
πράττειν, οὐκ ἐν τῷ κατὰ Μοιροκλέα καὶ ἸΠολύ-
εὐκτον καὶ Ὑπερείδην ἀριθμῷ τῶν ῥητόρων, ἀλλ᾽
ἄνω μετὰ Κίμωνος καὶ Θουκυδίδου καὶ Περικλέους
ἄξιος ἣν τίθεσθαι.

Υ
τὸ

32

DEMOSTHENES, xin. 2-4

city; nor like Melanopus, who, though opposed
politically to Callistratus, was often bought over by
him, and then would say to the people: “The man
is my enemy, it is true, but the interests of the city
shall prevail’’; nor like Nicodemus the Messenian,
who first attached himself to Cassander, and then
again advocated the interests of Demetrius, but
said that he was not contradicting himself, for it
- was always advantageous to listen to one’s masters.
We cannot say such things of Demosthenes. also,
as of one who is turned from his course and
veers to and fro either in word or deed—nay, he
followed one unchangeable scale, as it were, and
ever held to one key in politics. And Panaetius
the philosopher says that most of his speecnes also
are written in the conviction that the good alone is
to be chosen for its own sake, as, for instance, the
speech “On the Crown,’ ! the one “ Against Aristo-
crates,’ 2 that “For the Immunities,’? and the
Philippics ;* for in all these he does not try to lead
his countrymen to do what is pleasantest or easiest
or most profitable, but in many places thinks they
ought to make their safety and preservation second-
ary to what is honourable and fitting, so that, if the
loftiness of his principles and the nobility of his
speeches had been accompanied by such bravery as
becomes a warrior and by incorruptibility in all his
dealings, he would have been worthy to be num-
bered, not with such orators as Moerocles, Polyeuc-
tus, Hypereides, and their contemporaries, but high
up with Cimon, Thucydides, and Pericles.

1 Or. xviii. 2.Oe 2 04n.
3. Or. xx. (Against Leptines).
4. Ors. iv., vi., ix.

33

rs

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XIV. Τῶν γοῦν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ Φωκίων οὐκ ἐπαι-
7. . / ‘ > a
νουμένης προϊστάμενος πολιτείας, ἀλλὰ δοκῶν
/ Ὁ“ ὃ > > ὃ 7 } ὃ 7
μακεδονίξειν, ὅμως δι’ ἀνδρείαν καὶ δικαιοσύνην
οὐδὲν οὐδαμῆ χείρων ἔδοξεν ᾿Εφιάλτου nal’ Apt-
στείδου καὶ Κίμωνος ἀνὴρ γενέσθαι. Δημοσθένης
> > > a “ ᾽ / eo ς
δ᾽ οὐκ ὧν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀξιόπιστος, ὥς φησιν ὁ
Δημήτριος, οὐδὲ πρὸς τὸ λαμβάνειν παντάπασιν
> , > a \ \ ,
ἀπωχυρωμένος, ἀλλὰ TO. μὲν παρὰ Φιλίππου
Ν / > / Μ a > Μ >
καὶ Μακεδονίας ἀνάλωτος ὦν, τῷ δ᾽ ἄνωθεν ἐκ
Σούσων καὶ Ἐκβατάνων ἐπιβατὸς χρυσίῳ γεγονὼς
καὶ κατακεκλυσμένος, ἐπαινέσαι μὲν ἱκανώτατος
“" ὰ lal / / / θ δὲ >
ἣν τὰ TOV προγόνων καλά, μιμήσασθαι δὲ οὐχ
“ > \ 4 > ς \ c/s δ Ν
ὅμοιος. ἐπεὶ τούς γε καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ῥήτορας (ἔξω δὲ
λόγου τίθεμαι Φωκίωνα) καὶ τῷ βίῳ παρῆλθε.
φαίνεται δὲ καὶ μετὰ παρρησίας μάλιστα τῷ
, lal
δήμῳ διαλεγόμενος καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιθυμίας τῶν
πολλῶν ἀντιτείνων καὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν αὐτῶν
b] / ig > lal / ΄-“ ”
ἐπιφυόμενος, ὡς ἐκ τῶν λόγων λαβεῖν ἔστιν.
€ a \ \ , [τ “ > β ΓΦ,
ἱστορεῖ δὲ καὶ Θεόπομπος ὅτι, τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐπί
/ or SN , e > ?
τινα προβαλλομένων QUTOV κατηγορίαν, ὡς ὃ οὐχ
ς 7 ‘al 4 > a i o © lal
ὑπήκουε, θορυβούντων, ἀναστὰς εἶπεν: “ “Tels
ἐμοί, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, συμβούλῳ μέν, κἂν μὴ
θέλητε, χρήσεσθε: συκοφάντῃ δὲ οὐδὲ ἂν θέλητε."
σφόδρα δ᾽ ἀριστοκρατικὸν αὐτοῦ πολίτευμα καὶ
\ ἃ τὴν n ἃ e \ iol > Υ͂
τὸ περὶ ᾿Αντιφῶντος: ὃν ὑπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας
ἀφεθέντα συλλαβὼν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου

1 Theopompus almost always displays hostility to Athens
and her popular leaders.

34

DEMOSTHENES, xiv. 1-4

XIV. At any rate, Phocion, among his contem-
poraries, though he took the lead in a policy which
is not to be commended, and though he had the
reputation of favouring Macedonia, nevertheless,
by reason of his bravery and integrity, was held
to be in no wise inferior to Ephialtes and Aristides
and Cimon. Demosthenes, however, was not worthy
of confidence when he bore arms, as Demetrius
says, nor was he altogether inaccessible to bribes,
but though he did not succumb to the gold which
came from Philip and Macedonia, that which came
down in streams from Susa and Ecbatana reached
and overwhelmed him, and therefore while he was
most capable of praising the virtues of earlier gene-
rations, he was not so good at imitating them. For
certainly the orators of his own day (though I leave
Phocion out of the account) were surpassed by him
even in his life and conversation. And it is manifest
that beyond them all he reasoned boldly with the
people, opposed himself to the desires of the
multitude, and persistently attacked their faults,
as may be gathered from his speeches. -And even
Theopompus! tells us that, when the Athenians
nominated him to conduct a certain impeachment,
and, on his refusal, raised a tumult against him,
he rose and said: ‘*Men of Athens, I will serve
you as a counsellor, even though you do not wish
it; but not as a false accuser, even though you
wish it.” Moreover, the measures which he took
in the case of Antiphon? were exceedingly aris-
tocratic in their spirit. Antiphon had been acquitted
by the assembly, but Demosthenes arrested him
and brought him before the council of the Areio-

2 See Demosthenes, On the Crown, §§ 132 f.
35

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βουλὴν ἀνήγαγε, καὶ παρ᾽ οὐδὲν TO προσκροῦσαι
τῷ δήμῳ θέμενος ἤλεγξεν ὑπεσχημένον Φιλίππῳ
τὰ νεώρια ἐμπρήσειν" καὶ παραδοθεὶς ὁ ἄνθρωπος
ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπέθανε. κατηγόρησε δὲ καὶ
τῆς ἱερείας Θεωρίδος ὡς ἄλλα τε ῥᾳδιουργούσης
πολλὰ καὶ τοὺς δούλους ἐξαπατᾶν διδασκούσης"
καὶ θανάτου τιμησάμενος ἀπέκτεινε.

XV. Λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὸν κατὰ Τιμοθέου τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ λόγον, ᾧ χρησάμενος ᾿Απολλόδωρος
εἷλε τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦ ὀφλήματος, Δημοσθένης

γράψαι τῷ ᾿Απολλοδώρῳ, καθάπερ καὶ τοὺς πρὸς

Φορμίωνα καὶ Στέφανον, ἐφ᾽ οἷς εἰκότως ἠδόξησε.
καὶ γὰρ ὁ Φορμίων ἠγωνίζετο λόγῳ Δημοσθένους
πρὸς τὸν ᾿Απολλόδωρον, ἀτεχνῶς καθάπερ ἐξ
ἑνὸς μαχαιροπωλίου τὰ κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἐγχειρίδια
πωλοῦντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀντιδικοις. τῶν δὲ δημο-

᾽ὔ « \ ΨΚ / ‘ : ͵ὕ
σίων ὁ μὲν Kat ᾿Ανδροτίωνος καὶ Τιμοκράτους
καὶ ᾿Αριστοκράτους ἑτέροις ἐγράφησαν, οὔπω τῇ
πολιτείᾳ προσεληλυθότος" δοκεῖ γὰρ δυεῖν ἢ
τριῶν δέοντα ἔτη τριάκοντα γεγονὼς ἐξενεγκεῖν

\ , ᾿] / \ \ Ἀπ Ἢ 7
τοὺς λόγους ἐκείνους: τὸν δὲ κατὰ ᾿Αριστογείτονος

> \ > , \ Ν ὶ nr > “ ὃ Ν
αὐτὸς ἠγωνίσατο, καὶ τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀτελειῶν, διὰ
τὸν Χαβρίου παῖδα Κτήσιππον, ὥς φησιν αὐτός,
ὡς δ᾽ ἔνιοι λέγουσι, τὴν μητέρα τοῦ νεανίσκου

7 > \ xv 4 > \
μνώμενος. οὐ μὴν ἔγημε ταύτην, ἀλλὰ Lapia
36

853

DEMOSTHENES, χιν. 4—xv. 3

pagus, and making no account of the offence thus
given to the people, convicted him of having
promised Philip to set fire to the dockyards; and
Antiphon was given up to justice by the council
and suffered death. He also accused the priestess
Theoris of many misdemeanours, and particularly
of teaching the slaves to practise deceit; and by
fixing the penalty at death he brought about her
execution.

XV. It is said, too, that the speech which Apollo-
dorus used in order to secure the conviction of Timo-
theus the general in an action for debt was written
for him by Demosthenes, and likewise the speeches
which Apollodorus used against Phormio and Steph-
anus, in which cases Demosthenes properly won dis-
credit. For Phofmio contended against Apollodorus
with a speech which Demosthenes had written for
him,! the orator thus simply selling to the disputants,
as it were from one and the same cutlery-shop,? the
knives with which to wound each other. Moreover,
of his public orations, those against Androtion® and
Timocrates* and Aristocrates* were written for
others to pronounce, before he had as yet entered
public life; for it appears that these speeches were
produced when he was twenty-seven or twenty-
eight years of age. But he himself delivered the
speech against Aristogeiton,® as well as the one
“On the Immunities,’’ at the instance, as he
himself says, of Ctesippus the son of Chabrias, but
as some say, because he was. wooing the mother
of this young man. However, he did not marry
this woman, but had a certain woman of Samos

1 Or. xxxvi. 2 See chapter iv. 1. 5°On. xxii
4 Or. xxiv. δ Or. xxiii, δ Or. xxv. 7 Or. xx.

37

_ PLUTARCH’S LIVES ἢ

\ / ε ς ad A / Β ε M A

τινὶ συνῴκησεν, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Δημήτριος ὁ Μάγνης

-“ ς na
ἐν τοῖς περὶ συνωνύμων. ὁ δὲ κατ᾽ Αἰσχίνου τῆς
παραπρεσβείας ἄδηλον εἰ λέλεκται" καίτοι φησὶν
Ἰδομενεὺς παρὰ τριάκοντα μόνας τὸν Αἰσχίνην
> a > Ὁ ΝΎ Ψ cf 4 es
ἀποφυγεῖν. ἀλλ, οὐκ ἔοικεν οὕτως ἔχειν τἀληθές,
εἰ δεῖ τοῖς περὶ στεφάνου γεγραμμένοις ἑκατέρων
χόγοις τεκμαίρεσθαι. μέμνηται γὰρ οὐδέτερος
αὐτῶν ἐναργῶς οὐδὲ τρανῶς ἐκείνου τοῦ ἀγῶνος
ὡς ἄχρι δίκης προελθόντος. ταυτὶ μὲν οὖν ἕτεροι
διακρινοῦσι μᾶλλον.

XVI. Ἡ δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους πολιτεία φανερὰ
μὲν ἦν ἔτι καὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ὑπαρχούσης, οὐδὲν
ἐῶντος ἀνεπιτίμητον τῶν πραττομένων ὑπὸ τοῦ

a sg ams. Ἐ
Μακεδόνος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ ταράττοντος τοὺς
» 7 ὶ ὃ / > FEB \ 4 θΘ
᾿Αθηναίους καὶ διακαίοντος ἐπὶ τὸν ἀνθρωπον.
διὸ καὶ παρὰ Φιλίππῳ πλεῖστος ἣν λόγος αὐτοῦ"

ae 4 4 δέ e > ’

καὶ ὅτε πρεσβεύων δέκατος ἧκεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν,
» \ 4 / Ε] “ \

ἤκουσε μὲν πάντων Φίλιππος, ἀντεῖπε δὲ μετὰ
πλείστης ἐπιμελείας πρὸς τὸν ἐκείνου Χόγον. οὐ
μὴν ἔν γε ταῖς ἄλλαις τιμαῖς καὶ φιλοφροσύναις
ὅ αὑτὸν τῷ Δ θένει i ἰλλὰ
ὅμοιον αὑτὸν τῷ Δημοσθένει παρεῖχεν, ἀλλὰ

/ \ \ \

προσήγετο τοὺς περὶ Δἰσχίνην καὶ Φιλοκράτην

“Ὁ σ΄ > / 2 / Ν /-
μᾶλλον. ὅθεν ἐπαινούντων ἐκείνων τὸν Φίλιππον
ὡς καὶ λέγειν δυνατώτατον καὶ κάλλιστον ὀφθῆ-
ναι καὶ νὴ Δία συμπιεῖν ἱκανώτατον, ἠναγκάζετο
βασκαίνων ἐπισκώπτειν ὡς τὸ μὲν σοφιστοῦ, τὸ

\ / \ \ a v / >
δὲ γυναικός, TO δὲ σπογγιᾶς εἴη, βασιλέως ὃ
οὐδὲν ἐγκώμιον.

38 ‘

DEMOSTHENES, xv. 3-xv1. 2

to wife, as Demetrius the Magnesian tells us in
his work “ On Persons of the Same Name.” Whether
the speech denouncing the treacherous embassage of
Aeschines! was delivered or not, is uncertain; and
yet Idomeneus says that Aeschines got off by only
thirty votes. But this would seem to be untrue,
if we are to judge by the written speeches of both
orators “On the Crown.’? For neither of them
speaks clearly and distinctly of that contention as
one which came to trial. This question, however,
will have to be decided by others.

XVI. The political attitude of Demosthenes was
manifest even while peace still lasted, for he would
let no act of the Macedonian pass uncensured,
but on every occasion kept rousing and inflaming
the Athenians against him. Therefore Philip also
made most account of him; and when Demosthenes
eame to Macedonia in an embassy of ten,’ Philip
listened indeed to them all, but took most pains
to answer his speech. As regards all other marks
of honour and kindly attention, however, Philip
did not treat Demosthenes as well as the others,
but courted rather the party of Aeschines and
Philocrates. And so when these lauded Philip as
most powerful in speaking, most fair to look upon,
and, indeed, as a most capable fellow-drinker, De-
mosthenes had to say in bitter raillery that the
first encomium was appropriate for a sophist, the
second for a woman, and the third for a sponge,
but none of them for a king.

1 Or. xix.

2 See the second note on xxiv. 1 f.

3 In 346 B.c. they obtained the so-called Peace of Philo-
crates.

39

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XVII. Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εἰς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἔρρεπε τὰ
πράγματα, τοῦ μὲν Φιλίππου μὴ δυναμένου τὴν
ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, τῶν δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ἐγειρομένων
wipe a / - \ > ”
ὑπὸ τοῦ Δημοσθένους, πρῶτον μὲν εἰς Εὔβοιαν
> , Ἁ > / , ξ ‘
ἐξώρμησε τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους καταδεδουλωμένην ὑπὸ

n ΄ , \ ΄ »,
τῶν τυράννων Φιλίππῳ: καὶ διαβάντες, ἐκείνου
τὸ ψήφισμα γράψαντος, ἐξήλασαν τοὺς Μακέ-
δόνας. δεύτερον δὲ Βυζαντίοις ἐβοήθησε καὶ
Περινθίοις ὑπὸ τοῦ Μακεδόνος πολεμουμένοις,
πείσας τὸν δῆμον ἀφέντα τὴν ἔχθραν καὶ τὸ
μεμνῆσθαι τῶν περὶ τὸν συμμαχικὸν ἡμαρτημένων
ἑκατέροις πόλεμον ἀποστεῖλαι δύναμιν αὐτοῖς,
a Ὁ > , ¥ ΝΜ , \
ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἐσώθησαν. ἔπειτα πρεσβεύων καὶ δια-

΄ » cf / 7
λεγόμενος τοῖς “λλησι καὶ παροξύνων συνέστησε

\ 3 / e }] Ν 4 “
πλὴν ὀλίγων ἅπαντας ἐπὶ τὸν Φίλιππον, ὥστε
σύνταξιν γενέσθαι πεζῶν μὲν μυρίων καὶ πεντα-

/ e / \ / ” n
κισχιλίων, ἱππέων δὲ δισχιλίων, ἄνευ TOV πολι-
τικῶν δυνάμεων, χρήματα δὲ καὶ μισθοὺς τοῖς

/ > / 4 με /
ξένοις εἰσφέρεσθαι προθύμως. ὅτε καί φησι
Θεόφραστος, ἀξιούντων τῶν συμμάχων ὁρισθῆ-

Ν > , ? an ’ Ν
vat τὰς εἰσφοράς, εἰπεῖν Κρωβύλον τὸν δημα-
γωγὸν ὡς οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται πόλεμος.
᾿Ἐπηρμένης δὲ τῆς “λλάδος πρὸς τὸ μέλλον

\ / >» \ / > ,
Kal συνισταμένων Kat ἔθνη καὶ πόλεις Εὐβοέων,
᾿Αχαιῶν, Κορινθίων, Μεγαρέων, Λευκαδίων, Kep-
κυραίων, ὁ μέγιστος ὑπελείπετο τῷ Δημοσθένει
τῶν ἀγώνων, Θηβαίους προσαγαγέσθαι τῇ συμ-

40

DEMOSTHENES, xvun. 1-4

XVII. And when matters were inclining at last
to war, since Philip was unable to keep quiet
and the Athenians were being stirred up by
Demosthenes, in the first place, he urged the
Athenians to invade Euboea, which had _ been
brought into subjection to Philip by its tyrants ;
and it was on his motion that they crossed over to
the island and drove out the Macedonians. In the
second place, he came to the aid of the citizens of
Byzantium and Perinthus when the Macedonian was
making war upon them, by persuading the Athenian
people to remit their hatred and forget the wrongs
committed by each of these cities in the Social War,’
and to send them a force,—the force which saved
them. Next, he went on an embassy to the Greek
states, and by arguing with them and pricking them
on brought almost all of them into a league against
Philip, so that they raised a mercenary force of
fifteen thousand foot and two thousand Horse, apart
from the citizen soldiery, and readily contributed
money to pay them. It was at this time, as Theo-
phrastus says, when the allies were demanding that
their contributions be fixed within limits, that
Crobylus the popular leader said: “‘ War has no
fixed rations.” #

Greece was now in suspense as it thought of
the future, and its peoples and cities were leaguing
themselves together, Euboeans, Achaeans, Corin-
thians, Megarians, Leucadians, and Corcyraeans.
But the most important struggle still remained
for Demosthenes in bringing the Thebans to join

1 At the outbreak of the Social War (357-355 8.0.) Byzan
tium and other allies of Athens had revolted from her.
2 See the note on the Crassus, ii. 8.

41

PLUTARCRH’S LIVES

μαχίᾳ, χώραν τε σύνορον τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς καὶ δύνα-
μιν ἐναγώνιον ἔχοντας, καὶ μάλιστα τότε τῶν
Ἑλλήνων εὐδοκιμοῦντας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις. ἣν δ᾽
οὐ ῥάδιον ἐπὶ προσφάτοις εὐεργετήμασὶι τοῖς περὶ
τὸν Φωκικὸν πόλεμον τετιθασευμένους ὑπὸ τοῦ
Φιλίππου μεταστῆσαι τοὺς. Θηβαίους, καὶ μά-
λιστα ταῖς διὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν ἁψιμαχίαις ἀνα-
ξαινομένων ἑκάστοτε τῶν πολεμικῶν πρὸς ἀλλή-
λας διαφορῶν ταῖς πόλεσιν.

XVUI. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ Φίλιππος ὑπὸ τῆς
περὶ τὴν Ἄμφισσαν εὐτυχίας ἐπαιρόμενος εἰς τὴν
᾿Βλάτειαν ἐξαίφνης ἐνέπεσε καὶ τὴν Φωκίδα
κατέσχεν, ἐκπεπληγμένων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων. καὶ
μηδενὸς τολμῶντος ἀναβαίνειν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα μηδὲ
ἔχοντος ὅ τι χρὴ λέγειν, ἀλλ᾽ ,ἀπορίας οὔσης ἐν
μέσῳ καὶ σιωπῆς, παρελθὼν μόνος ὁ Δημοσθένης
συνεβούλευε τῶν Θηβαίων ἔχεσθαι" καὶ τἄλλα
παραθαρρύνας καὶ μετεωρίσας, ὥσπερ εἰώθει,
τὸν δῆμον ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, ἀπεστάλη πρεσβευτὴς
μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων εἰς Θήβας. ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος,
ὡς Μαρσύας φησίν, ᾿Αμύνταν μὲν καὶ Κλέαρχον
Μακεδόνας, Δάοχον δὲ Θεσσαλὸν καὶ Θρασυδαῖον
ἀντεροῦντας.

Τὸ μὲν οὖν συμφέρον οὐ διέφευγε τοὺς τῶν
Θηβαίων λογισμούς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ὄμμασιν ἕκαστος
εἶχε τὰ τοῦ πολέμου δεινά, ἔτι τῶν Φωκικῶν
τραυμάτων νεαρῶν παραμενόντων' ἡ δὲ τοῦ ῥή-
τορος δύναμις, ὥς φησι Θεόπομπος, ἐκριπίζουσα

1 In 339 B.c., Philip was deputed by the Amphictyonic
Council to punish the city of Amphissa, near Delphi, for
sacrilege. Cf. Demosthenes, On the Crown, §§ 143 ff.

42

854

DEMOSTHENES, xvn. 4-xvul. 3

the alliance, for they had a territory bounding
that of Attica and a force ready to take the
field, and at that time were accounted the best
soldiers in Greece. But it was no easy matter,
in view of the recent benefits with which Philip
had cultivated their favour during the Phocian
war, fo make the Thebans change sides, and espe-
cially because in the petty quarrels brought on
by their proximity to Athens the differences which
made for war between the two cities were all the
while stirred up anew.

~ XVIII. Philip, however, elated by his good-
fortune in the matter of Amphissa,! surprised
Elateia and occupied Phocis. This step drove the
Athenians out of their senses: no one ventured
to ascend the bema and no one knew what ought
to be said, but perplexity and silence reigned in
the assembly. Then it was that Demosthenes,
and he alone, came forward and advised the people
to cling to Thebes; and after giving them courage
in other ways and buoying them up with hopes,
as he was wont to do, he was sent with others
as ambassador to Thebes. Philip also, as Marsyas
tells us, sent Amyntas and Clearchus of Macedonia,
Daochus of Thessaly, and Thrasydaeus, to speak
in opposition to the Athenians.

Well, then, the Thebans, in their calculations,
were nat blind to their own interests, but each
of them had before his eyes the terrors of war,
since their losses in the Phocian war? were still
fresh ; however, the power of the orator, as Theo-
pompus says, fanned up their courage and inflamed

2 ‘The second so-called Sacred War (357-346 B.c.), in which
Athens aided the Phocians, and Philip the Thebans.

43

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τὸν θυμὸν αὐτῶν καὶ διακαίουσα τὴν φιλοτιμίαν
ἐπεσκότησε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν, ὥστε καὶ φόβον
καὶ λογισμὸν καὶ χάριν ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐνθου-
σιῶντας ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου πρὸς τὸ καλόν. οὕτω
δὲ μέγα καὶ λαμπρὸν ἐφάνη τὸ τοῦ ῥήτορος ἔργον
ὥστε τὸν μὲν Φίλιππον εὐθὺς ἐπικὴηρυκεύεσθαι
δεόμενον εἰρήνης, ὀρθὴν δὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα γενέσθαι
καὶ συνεξαναστῆναι πρὸς τὸ μέλλον, ὑπηρετεῖν
δὲ μὴ μόνον τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῷ Δημοσθένει
ποιοῦντας τὸ προσταττόμενον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς
βοιωτάρχας, διοικεῖσθαι δὲ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἁπάσας
οὐδὲν ἧττον ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου τότε τὰς Θηβαίων ἢ
τὰς ᾿Αθηναίων, ἀγαπωμένου παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις καὶ
δυναστεύοντος οὐκ ἀδίκως οὐδὲ παρ᾽ ἀξίαν, ὥσπερ
ἀποφαίνεται Θεόπομπος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ προση-
κόντως.

XIX. Τύχη δέ τις ἔοικε δαιμόνιος ἐν περιφορᾷ
πραγμάτων, εἰς ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ συμπεραίνουσα τὴν
ἐλευθερίαν τῆς “Ελλάδος, ἐναντιοῦσθαι τοῖς
πραττομένοις, καὶ πολλὰ σημεῖα τοῦ μέλλοντος
ἀναφαίνειν, ἐν οἷς ἥ τε ἸΤυθία δεινὰ προὔφαινε
μαντεύματα, καὶ χρησμὸς ἤδετο παλαιὸς ἐκ τῶν
Σιβυλλείων:

τῆς ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι μάχης ἀπάνευθε γενοίμην,
αἰετὸς ἐν νεφέεσσι καὶ ἠέρι θηήσασθαι.

, e / « ’ὔ > J
κλαίει ὁ νικηθείς, ὃ δὲ νικήσας ἀπόλωλε.

Τὸν δὲ Θερμώδοντά φασιν εἶναι παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐν
Χαιρωνείᾳ ποτάμιον μικρὸν εἰς τὸν Κηφισὸν
ἐμβάλλον. ἡμεῖς δὲ νῦν μὲν οὐδὲν οὕτω τῶν
ῥευμάτων ἴσμεν ὀνομαζόμενον, εἰκάζομεν δὲ τὸν
καλούμενον Αἵμονα Θερμώδοντα λέγεσθαι τότε:

44

DEMOSTHENES, xvii. 2- ΧΙΧ. 2

their honourable ambition and obscured all other
considerations, so that, casting away fear and cal-
culation and feelings of obligation, they were rapt
away by his words into the path of honour. And
so great and glorious was the orator’s success seen
to be that Philip at once sent an embassy and asked
for peace, while Greece was confident and up in
arms to aid Demosthenes for the future; and not
only did the Athenian generals assist him and
do what he ordered, but also the Boeotarchs. He
managed at this time all the assemblies of the
Thebans no less than those of the Athenians; he
was beloved by both peoples and exercised supreme
power, not illegally nor unworthily, as Theopompus
declares, but rather with perfect propriety.

XIX. But it would seem that some divinely or-
dered fortune in the revolution of affairs, which was
putting an end at this time to the freedom of the
Greeks, opposed their efforts, and showed forth
many signs of what was to come. Among these
were the dire prophecies which the Pythian priestess
made known, and an ancient oracle which was
recited from the Sibylline books :—

“From the battle on Thermodon may I be far re-
moved,
To behold it like an eagle in clouds and upper air.
Tears are for the conquered there, and for the
conqueror, death.”

Now, the Thermodon, they say, is in my native
territory, in Chaeroneia, being a little river which
empties into the Cephisus. But I know of no river
bearing this name at the present time; I conjecture,
however, that the stream now called Haemon then

45

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ yap παραρρεῖ παρὰ τὸ Ἡράκλειον, ὅπου κατε-
στρατοπέδευον οἱ “Ελληνες: καὶ τεκμαιρόμεθα
τῆς μάχης γενομένης αἵματος ἐμπλησθέντα καὶ
νεκρῶν τὸν ποταμὸν ταύτην διαλλάξαι τὴν προσ-
ηγορίαν. ὁ δὲ Δοῦρις οὐ ποταμὸν εἶναί φησι
τὸν Θερμώδοντα, ἀλλ’ ἱστάντας τινὰς σκηνὴν
καὶ περιορύττοντας ἀνδριαντίσκον εὑρεῖν λίθινον,
ὑπὸ γραμμάτων τινῶν διασημαινόμενον ὡς εἴη
Θερμώδων, ἐν ταῖς ἀγκάλαις ᾿Αμαζόνα φέροντα
τετρωμένην. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ χρησμὸν ἄλλον
ἄδεσθαι λέγοντα" ‘

τὴν δ᾽ ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι μάχην μένε, παμμέλαν
ὄρνι"
τηνεί τοι κρέα πολλὰ παρέσσεται Ψ τ λρθπώο

ΧΧ. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὅπως ἔχει, διαιτῆσαι

, e A, ’ / n n
χαλεπόν: ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης λέγεται τοῖς τῶν
“Ἑλλήνων ὅπλοις ἐκτεθαρρηκώς, καὶ λαμπρὸς ὑπὸ
ῥώμης καὶ προθυμίας ἀνδρῶν τοσούτων προκαλου-
μένων τοὺς πολεμίους αἰρόμενος, οὔτε χρησμοῖς
ἐᾶν προσέχειν οὔτε μαντείας ἀκούειν, ἀλχὰ καὶ
γὴν Πυθίαν ὑπονοεῖν ὡς φιλιππίζουσαν, ἀνα-

΄ 9 , \ ‘ , :

μιμνήσκων ᾿Επαμινώνδου τοὺς Θηβαίους καὶ
Περικλέους τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, ὡς ἐκεῖνοι τὰ τοιαῦτα
δειλίας ἡγούμενοι προφάσεις ἐχρῶντο τοῖς λο-
γισμοῖς. μέχρι μὲν οὖν τούτων ἀνὴρ ἣν ἀγαθός"
> \ a ΄ \ 2O\_- 2 O9r of | dee :
ἐν δὲ TH μάχῃ καλὸν οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽ ὁμολογούμενον

46

᾿
Ξ
3
Ε
Ρ
& 5

Ἢ ee "

ψάρι. μα αὶ πον
J) a

εἰ ayaa.
PPO th the κχ τ...

ἐν hi

ΠΡῚΝ

DEMOSTHENES, χιχ. 2-Χχ. 2

bore the name of Thermodon. For it flows past the
Heracleum, where the Greeks had their camp; and
I judge that after the battle the river was filled with
blood and corpses and therefore received its present
name in exchange.! Duris, however, says that this
Thermodon was not a river, but that some. soldiers
who were pitching a tent and digging a trench about
it, found a small stone figure, an inscription upon
which signified that it was Thermodon,? carrying in
its arms a wounded Amazon. They say also that in
reference to this another oracle is recited as follows :—

“ For the battle on Thermodon wait thou, all-black |
bird ;
_ There thou shalt have in abundance the flesh of

2?

men.

XX. How this matter really stands, then, it is
difficult to decide; but as for Demosthenes, he is
said to have had complete confidence in the Greek
forces, and to have been lifted into a state of glow-
ing excitement by the strength and ardour of so
many men eager to engage the enemy, so that he
would not suffer his countrymen to give heed to
oracles or listen to prophecies; nay, he even sus-
pected the Pythian priestess of being in sympathy
with Philip, reminding the Thebans of Epaminondas
and the Athenians of Pericles, and declaring that
those great leaders regaided things of this kind as
pretexts for cowardice, and therefore followed the
dictates of reason. Up to this point, then, he was a
brave man; but in the battle® he displayed no con-

1 Deriving Αἵμων from αἷμα (blood).

2 3.6. the god-of the river Thermodon, in Cappadocia, on

the banks of which the Amazons were thought to dwell.
Cf. the Theseus, xxvii. 6. 8. At Chaeroneia, 338 8.0.

47

w

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 “- > [4 » Ν

ἔργον οἷς εἶπεν ἀποδειξάμενος wyeto λιπὼν

τὴν τάξιν, ἀποδρὰς αἴσχιστα καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψας,
» 6. ν Ἁ > A n > , «

οὐδὲ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν τῆς ἀσπίδος, ὡς ἔλεγε

Πυθέας, αἰσχυνθείς, ἐπιγεγραμμένης γράμμασι

χρυσοῖς, ᾿Αγαθῇ τύχῃ.

Παραυτίκα μὲν οὖν ὁ Φίλιππος ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ
διὰ τὴν χαρὰν ἐξυβρίσας, καὶ κωμάσας ἐπὶ τοὺς
νεκροὺς μεθύων, ἦδε τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Δημοσθένους
ψηφίσματος πρὸς πόδα διαιρῶν καὶ ὑποκρούων'"

Δημοσθένης Δημοσθένους ἸΤΠαιανιεὺς τάδ᾽ εἶπεν'

> / \ \ , “ / “ἘΝ
ἐκνήψας δὲ καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ περιστάντος αὐτὸν
> “ > a \ »” \ ,
ἀγῶνος ἐν νῷ λαβὼν ἔφριττε τὴν δεινότητα Kal
τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ ῥήτορος, ἐν μέρει μικρῷ μιᾶς
ἡμέρας τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ τοῦ σώματος
ἀναρρῖψαι κίνδυνον ἀναγκασθεὶς vm αὐτοῦ.
διῖκτο δ᾽ ἡ δόξα μέχρι τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως"

> a » lal / > /
κἀκεῖνος ἔπεμψε τοῖς σατράπαις ἐπὶ θάλασσαν
γράμματα, χρήματα Δημοσθένει διδόναι κελεύων,
καὶ προσέχειν ἐκείνῳ μάλιστα τῶν ᾿λλήνων, ὡς
περισπάσαι δυναμένῳ καὶ κατασχεῖν ταῖς “EXXN-
νικαῖς ταραχαῖς τὸν Μακεδόνα. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν
ὕστερον ἐφώρασεν ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ἐν Σάρδεσιν ἐπι-
στολάς τινας ἀνευρὼν τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ γράμ-
ματα τῶν βασιλέως στρατηγῶν, δηλοῦντα τὸ
πλῆθος τῶν δοθέντων αὐτῷ χρημάτων.

XXI. Τότε δὲ τῆς ἀτυχίας τοῖς “Ἕλλησι
γεγενημένης οἱ μὲν ἀντιπολιτευόμενοι ῥήτορες
48

;

DEMOSTHENES, xx. 2-xx1. 1

f
duct that was honourable or consonant. with his
words, but forsook his post, cast away his arms, and
ran away most disgracefully, nor was he ashamed to
belie the inscription on his shield, as Pytheas said,
whereon was written in letters of gold, “ With good
fortune.”

Immediately after his victory, then, Philip waxed
insolent for joy, and going forth in revel rout to see
the bodies of the slain, and being in his cups,
recited the beginning of the decree introduced by
Demosthenes, dividing it into feet and marking off
the time :-—

* Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of Paeania,
thus moves ;”’!

but when he got sober and realized the magnitude
of the struggle in which he had been involved, he
shuddered at the power and the ability of the orator
who had forced him to hazard his empire and his
life in the brief span of a single day. ~ And the
fame of this orator penetrated even to the Persian
king, who sent letters to his satraps on the coast,
bidding them to offer money to Demosthenes, and
to pay more attention to him than to any other
Greek, since he was able to distract and detain the
Macedonian? with the troubles which he raised in
Greece. These things, now, were discovered at a
later time by Alexander, who found at Sardis certain
letters of Demosthenes and documents of the King’s
generals, which disclosed the amount of money they
had given him.

XXI. At this time, however; when their disaster
fell upon the Greeks, the orators of the opposing
1 The Greek words form an iambic tetrameter cataletic,

3 Philip was threatening the invasion of Asia.

49

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπεμβαίνοντες τῷ Δημοσθένει κατεσκεύαζον εὐ-
θύνας καὶ γραφὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν' ὁ δὲ δῆμος οὐ μόνον
τούτων ἀπέλυεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμῶν διετέλει καὶ
͵ s « ») > \ /
προκαλούμενος αὖθις ὡς εὔνουν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν,
“ \ a ? / > /
ὥστε Kal TOV ὀστέων ἐκ Χαιρωνείας κομισθέντων
/ \ + led - >’ ,
καὶ θαπτομένων τὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔπαινον
εἰπεῖν ἀπέδωκεν, οὐ ταπεινῶς οὐδ᾽ ἀγεννῶς φέρων
τὸ συμβεβηκός, ὡς γράφει καὶ τραγῳδεῖ Θεό-
πομπος, ἀλλὰ τῷ τιμᾶν μάλιστα καὶ κοσμεῖν τὸν
΄ ᾽ ΄ \ \ " ὶ
σύμβουλον ἀποδεικνύμενος TO μὴ μεταμέλεσθαι
A , \ \ 5 a "
τοῖς βεβουλευμένοις. τὸν μὲν οὖν λόγον εἶπεν
ε / n \ / > « ,
ὁ Δημοσθένης, τοῖς δὲ ψηφίσμασιν οὐχ ἑαυτόν,
arr’ ἐν μέρει τῶν φίλων ἕκαστον ἐπέγραφεν,
> Ld \ » , \ A
ἐξοιωνιζόμενος τὸν ἴδιον δαίμονα καὶ τὴν τύχην,
ἕως αὖθις ἀνεθάρρησε Φιλίππου τελευτήσαντος.
ἐτελεύτησε δὲ τῇ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν εὐτυχίᾳ χρόνον
> \ / “ “ a
ov πολὺν ἐπιβιώσας" Kal τοῦτο δοκεῖ τῷ τελευ-
ταίῳ τῶν ἐπῶν ὁ χρησμὸς ἀποθεσπίσαι"

κλαίει ὁ νικηθείς, ὁ δὲ νικήσας ἀπόλωλεν.

XXII. "Eyvw μὲν οὖν κρύφα τὴν τοῦ Φιλίππου
τελευτὴν ὁ Δημοσθένης, προκαταλαμβάνων δὲ
τὸ θαρρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ μέλλοντα τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους,
προῆλθε φαιδρὸς εἰς τὴν βουλὴν ὡς ὄναρ ἑωρα-
κὼς ἀφ᾽ οὗ τι μέγα προσδοκᾶν ᾿Αθηναίοις
ἀγαθόν: καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ παρῆσαν οἱ τὸν Φιλίπ-

50

DEMOSTHENES, ΧΧΙ. 1-xxu. I

party assailed Demosthenes and prepared reckonings
and indictments against him; but the people not
only absolved him from these, nay, they actually
continued to honour him and invited him again, as
a loyal man, to take part in public affairs. Conse-
quently, when the bones of those who had fallen
at Chaeroneia were brought home for burial, they
assigned to him the honour of pronouncing the
eulogy over the men; nor did they show a base
or ignoble spirit under the calamity which had
befallen them, as Theopompus writes in his inflated
style, but by the special honour and respect which
they paid to their counsellor they made it manifest
that they did not repent of the counsels he had
given them. The oration, then, was pronounced by
Demosthenes, but to the decrees which he proposed
he would not put his own name, but rather those of
his friends, one after the other, avoiding his own as
inauspicious and unfortunate, until he once more
took courage upon Philip’s death. And Philip died,
surviving his success at Chaeroneia only a short
time ;1 and this, it would seem, was foretold by the
last verse of the oracle :—

“Tears are for the conquered there, and for the
conqueror, death,”

XXII. Now, Demosthenes had secret intelligence
of Philip’s death, and by way of inspiring the
Athenians with courage for the. future, he came
forth to the council with a glad countenance, de-
claring that he had had a dream which led him to
expect some great blessing for Athens; and not
long afterwards the messengers came with tidings of

1 Philip. was assassinated by Pausanias, one of his royal
bodyguard, in 336 B.o. See the Alexander, x. 4,

51

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

που θάνατον ἀπαγγέλλοντες. εὐθὺς οὖν ἔθυον
fal ,
εὐαγγέλια καὶ στεφανοῦν ἐψηφίσαντο Ilaveaviav.
Ν a e , ” \ e /
καὶ προῆλθεν ὁ Δημοσθένης ἔχων λαμπρὸν ἱμάτιον
> / « Ε ς , “ Ν
ἐστεφανωμένος, ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν τῆς θυγατρὸς
> [ον ’ ς e > , \ n
αὐτοῦ τεθνηκυίας, ὡς ὁ Αἰσχίνης φησὶ λοιδορῶν
ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ κατηγορῶν αὐτοῦ μισοτεκνίαν,
+ ye! Ἅ > \ \ Ld > \ /
αὐτὸς ὧν ἀγεννὴς καὶ μαλακός, εἰ τὰ πένθη Kal
\ ? \ ε / \ , a
τοὺς ὀδυρμοὺς ἡμέρου καὶ φιλοστόργου ψυχῆς
b] a lal \ > , / a
ἐποιεῖτο σημεῖα, TO δὲ ἀλύπως φέρειν ταῦτα
καὶ πράως ἀπεδοκίμαξεν
ρᾷως μαξεν.
᾿Εγὼ δ᾽, ὡς μὲν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ βασιλέως ἡμέρως
ce , > > 4
οὕτω καὶ φιλανθρώπως ἐν ols ηὐτύχησε χρησα-
μένου πταίσασιν αὐτοῖς στεφανηφορεῖν καλῶς
> \ θύ > a ” Ν ἃ r
εἶχε καὶ θύειν, οὐκ ἂν εἴποιμι: πρὸς yap TO
νεμεσητῷ καὶ ἀγεννές, ζῶντα μὲν τιμᾶν καὶ
an 7, ΟΝ \
ποιεῖσθαι πολίτην, πεσόντος δ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρου μὴ
φέρειν τὴν χαρὰν μετρίως, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπισκιρτᾶν τῷ
νεκρῷ καὶ παιωνίζειν, ὥσπερ αὐτοὺς ἀνδρα-
γαθήσαντας: ὅτι μέντοι τὰς οἴκοι τύχας καὶ
, ares \ > x an \ ς
δάκρυα καὶ ὀδυρμοὺς ἀπολιπὼν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ὁ
/ ἃ Ὁ , / v ψυ, Φ
Δημοσθένης, ἃ τῇ πόλει συμφέρειν ᾧετο, ταῦτ
ἔπραττεν, ἐπαινῶ, καὶ τίθεμαι πολιτικῆς καὶ
> 4 “ 9 «ὃ Ν \ \ ς 4
ἀνδρώδους ψυχῆς ἀεὶ πρὸς TO κοινὸν ἱστάμενον
\ \ > tal / ΄ -“ ,
καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα πάθη Kal πράγματα τοῖς δημοσίοις
/ δὲ" \ gs a
ἐπανέχοντα τηρεῖν τὸ ἀξίωμα πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ

52

[

856,

DEMOSTHENES, xxi. 1-4

Philip’s death. At once, then, the Athenians pro-
ceeded to make thank-offerings for glad tidings and
voted a crown for Pausanias. And Demosthenes came
forth in public dressed in a splendid robe and wear-
ing a garland on his head, although his daughter
had died only six days before, as Aeschines says,!
who rails at him for this and denounces him as an
unnatural father. And yet Aeschines himself was
of a weak and ungenerous nature, if he considered
mournings and lamentations as the signs of an affec-
tionate spirit, but condemned the bearing of such
losses serenely and without repining.

For my own part, I cannot say that it was honour-
able in the Athenians to crown themselves with
garlands and offer sacrifices to the gods on the
death of a king who, in the midst of his successes,
had treated them so mildly and humanely in their
reverses ; for besides provoking the indignation of
the gods, it was also an ignoble thing to honour
him while he was alive and make him a citizen
of Athens, but when he had fallen by another's
hand to set no bounds to their joy, nay, to leap,
as it were, upon the dead, and sing paeans of
victory, as if they themselves had wrought a deed
of valour. However, for leaving his domestic mis-
fortunes and tears and lamentations to the women
and going about such business as he thought advan-
tageous to the city, 1 commend Demosthenes, and
I hold it. to be the part of a statesmanlike and
manly spirit to keep ever in view the good of
the community, to find support for domestic
sorrows and concerns in the public welfare, and
to preserve one’s dignity far more than actors

1 Against Ctesiphon (or On the Crown), § 77.
VOL, VII. G25

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τοὺς ὑποκριτὰς τῶν βασιλικῶν καὶ τυραννι-
κῶν προσώπων, ods ὁρῶμεν οὔτε κλαίοντας οὔτε
al » -“ , ς > \ /
γελῶντας ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις ὡς αὐτοὶ θέλουσιν,
> ΨΥ ae \ ᾽ a \ \ e ,
ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ὁ ἀγὼν ἀπαιτεῖ πρὸς THY ὑπόθεσιν.
Χωρὶς δὲ τούτων, εἰ δεῖ τὸν ἀτυχήσαντα μὴ
περιορᾶν ἀπαρηγόρητον ἐν τῷ πάθει κείμενον,
ἀλλὰ καὶ λόγοις χρῆσθαι κουφίζουσι καὶ πρὸς
ἡδίω πράγματα τρέπειν τὴν διάνοιαν, ὥσπερ
« 4 5 lal > \ “ a
οἱ τοὺς ὀφθαλμιῶντας ἀπὸ TOV λαμπρῶν καὶ
> / > \ \ 4
ἀντιτύπων ἐπὶ τὰ χλωρὰ Kal μαλακὰ χρώ-
ματα τὴν ὄψιν ἀπάγειν κελεύοντες, πόθεν av
τις ἐπαγάγοιτο βελτίω παρηγορίαν ἢ πατρίδος
εὐτυχούσης ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν παθῶν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα
σύγκρασιν ποριζόμενος τοῖς βελτίοσιν ἀφανί-
ζουσαν τὰ χείρω; ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰπεῖν προήχθη-
ρος > lal \ 3 ,
μεν ὁρῶντες ETLKN@VTA πολλοὺς καὶ ἀποθηλύ-
vovta τὸν Αἰσχίνην τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ πρὸς οἶκτον.
XXIIL. Αἱ δὲ πόλεις πάλιν τοῦ Δημοσθένους
> / > , an
ἀναρριπίζοντος αὐτὰς συνίσταντο. καὶ Θηβαῖοι
μὲν ἐπέθεντο τῇ φρουρᾷ καὶ πολλοὺς ἀνεῖλον,
ὅπλα τοῦ Δημοσθένους αὐτοῖς συμπαμασκευά-
σαντος, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δ᾽ ὡς πολεμήσοντες μετ᾽ αὐτῶν
παρεσκευάζοντο. καὶ τὸ βῆμα κατεῖχεν ὁ Δη-
μοσθένης, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐν ᾿Ασίᾳ στρατηγοὺς
“ ΄ " Ν > a > ᾿ / /
τοῦ βασιλέως ἔγραφε Tov ἐκεῖθεν ἐπεγείρων πόλε-
Ε] / - \ / > cal
μον Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, παῖδα καὶ Μαργίτην ἀποκαλῶν
αὐτόν. ἐπεὶ μέντοι. τὰ περὶ. τὴν χώραν θέμενος
παρὴν αὐτὸς μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν,

54

DEMOSTHENES, xxm, 4--ΧΧΙΙΙ. 2

do when they take the parts of kings and tyrants ;
for these, as we see in the theatres, neither weep
nor laugh according to their own inclinations, but
as the subject of the action demands.

And apart from these considerations, if it is our
duty not to allow the unfortunate to lie comfortless
in his sorrow, but to address him with cheering
words and turn his thoughts to pleasanter things
(like those who tell people with sore eyes to with-
draw their gaze from bright and hard colours
and fix it upon those which are soft and green),
how can a man obtain better consolation for his
domestic griefs than by blending them with the
general welfare of a prosperous country, thus making
the better things obscure the worse? These things,
then, I have been led to say on seeing that many
have their hearts softened to effeminate pity by this
discourse of Aeschines.

XXIII. The cities of Greece, under the incita-
tions of Demosthenes, now formed themselves into
a league again. The Thebans, whom Demosthenes
had helped to provide with arms, fell upon their
Macedonian garrison and slew many of them;
while the Athenians made preparations to go to war
along with them. Demosthenes reigned supreme
in the assembly, and wrote letters to the King’s
generals in Asia stirring them up to make war
upon Alexander, whom he called a boy and a
Margites.1 When, however, Alexander had settled
the affairs of his own country and came in person
with his forces into Boeotia, prone lay the courage

1 6. Silly Madman. A mock heroic poem bearing this
name was attributed to Homer. Cf. Aeschines, On the
Crown, § 160.

55

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐξεκέκοπτο μὲν ἡ θρασύτης τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ ὁ
Δημοσθένης ἀπεσβήκει, Θηβαῖοι δὲ προδοθέντες
im ἐκείνων ἠγωνίσαντο καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς καὶ τὴν
πόλιν ἀπέβαλον. θορύβου δὲ μεγάλου τοὺς
᾿Αθηναίους περιεστῶτος, ἀπεστάλη μὲν ὁ Δημο-
σθένης αἱρεθεὶς μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων πρεσβευτὴς πρὸς
᾿Αλέξανδρον, δείσας δὲ τὴν ὀργὴν ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαι-
ρῶνος ἀνεχώρησεν ὀπίσω καὶ τὴν πρεσβείαν
ἀφῆκεν. εὐθὺς δ᾽ ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐξήτει πέμπων
τῶν δημαγωγῶν δέκα μέν, ὡς ᾿Ιδομενεὺς καὶ
Δοῦρις εἰρήκασιν, ὀκτὼ δ᾽, ὡς οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ
δοκιμώτατοι τῶν συγγραφέων, τούσδε, Δημοσθέ-
νην, Πολύευκτον, ᾿Εφιάλτην, Λυκοῦργον, Μοι-
ροκλέα, Δήμωνα, Καλλισθένην, Χαρίδημον.

Ὅτε καὶ τὸν περὶ τῶν προβάτων λόγον ὁ
Δημοσθένης προσῆψε τῷ δήμῳ, ἃ τοῖς λύκοις
τοὺς κύνας ἐξέδωκε, διηγησάμενος αὑτὸν μὲν
εἴκασε καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὑτῷ κυσὶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ δήμου
μαχομένοις, ᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ τὸν Μακεδόνα μονό-
λυκον προσηγόρευσεν. ἔτι δ᾽, ““Ὥσπερ," ἔφη,
“σοὺς ἐμπόρους ὁρῶμεν, ὅταν ἐν τρυβλίῳ δεῖγμα
περιφέρωσι, δι’ ὀλίγων πυρῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς
πιπράσκοντας, οὕτως ἐν ἡμῖν λανθάνετε πάντας
αὑτοὺς συνεκδιδόντες.᾽ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ᾿Αριστό-
βουλος ὁ Κασσανδρεὺς ἱστόρηκε.

Βουλευομένων δὲ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ διαπο-
ρούντων, ὁ Δημάδης λαβὼν πέντε τάλαντα παρὰ
τῶν ἀνδρῶν ὡμολόγησε πρεσβεύσειν καὶ δεή-

1 προσῆψε... ἃ Graux with M®: ὡς.

56

DEMOSTHENES, xxu. 2-5

of the Athenians, and Demosthenes was _ extin-
guished, while the Thebans, betrayed by their
allies, fought by themselves and lost their city."
Then, in the midst of the great confusion which
reigned at Athens, Demosthenes was chosen and
sent with others as an ambassador to Alexander,
but fearing the wrath of the king he turned back
at Cithaeron and abandoned the embassy.? Then
straightway Alexander sent to Athens a demand
for the surrender to him of ten of their popular
leaders, according to Idomeneus and Duris, but
according to the most and most reputable writers,
only eight, namely, Demosthenes, Polyeuctus, Ephi-
altes, Lycurgus, Moerocles, Demon, Callisthenes,
and Charidemus.

It was on this occasion that Demosthenes told
the Athenians the story of how the sheep sur-
rendered their dogs to the wolves, comparing
himself and his fellow-orators to dogs fighting in
defence of the people, and calling Alexander “the
Macedonian arch-wolf.”’ Moreover, he said further:

φῦ αν

yourselves, all of you.” Such, then, is the account
which Aristobulus of Cassandreia has given.

The Athenians were deliberating on this demand
and were at a loss how to treat it, when Demades,
for five talents which he had received from the
men demanded, agreed to go on an embassy to

1 In October, 335 8.6.
3 Cf. Aeschines, On the Crown, § 161.

57

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σεσθαι τοῦ βασιλέως ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, εἴτε TH φιλίᾳ
πιστεύων, εἴτε προσδοκῶν μεστὸν εὑρήσειν ὥσπερ
λέοντα φόνου κεκορεσμένον. ἔπεισε δ᾽ οὖν καὶ
παρῃτήσατο τοὺς ἄνδρας ὁ Δημάδης, καὶ διήλλα-
ἕεν αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν.
XXIV. ᾿Απελθόντος δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου μεγάλοι
μὲν ἦσαν οὗτοι, ταπεινὰ δ᾽ ἔπραττεν ὁ Δημο-
/ / VphoaF a δ
σθένης. κινουμένῳ δὲ Αγιδι τῷ Σπαρτιάτῃ
/ Nal / g)7) FF n
βραχέα συνεκινήθη πάλιν, εἶτ᾽ ἔπτηξε, τῶν μὲν
> θ , > / n δ᾽ ΝΜ ὃ
Αθηναίων οὐ συνεξαναστάντων, τοῦ Arytoos
πεδόντος Kal τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων συντριβέντων.
Εσήχθη δὲ τότε καὶ ἡ περὶ τοῦ στεφάνου
\ \ σε tal \ >
γραφὴ κατὰ Κτησιφῶντος, γραφεῖσα μὲν ἐπὶ
Χαιρώνδου ἄρχοντος μικρὸν ἐπάνω τῶν Χαιρωνι-
κῶν, κριθεῖσα δ᾽ ὕστερον ἔτεσι δέκα ἐπ᾽ ᾿᾽Αριστο-
φῶντος, γενομένη δὲ ὡς οὐδεμία τῶν δημοσίων
, / \ / n /
περιβόητος διά τε τὴν δόξαν τῶν λεγόντων Kal
τὴν τῶν δικαζόντων εὐγένειαν, of τοῖς ἐλαύνουσι
τὸν Δημοσθένην τότε πλεῖστον δυναμένοις καὶ
μακεδονίζουσιν οὐ προήκαντο τὴν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ
ψῆφον, GAN οὕτω λαμπρῶς ἀπέλυσαν ὥστε τὸ
πέμπτον μέρος τῶν ψήφων Αἰσχίνην μὴ μετα-
λαβεῖν. ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως

1 From 333 Β.σ. to 330 B.c., Agis III., the king of Sparta,
carried on war against Macedonia in conjunction with Persia.
In the latter year he was defeated and slain by Antipater,
Alexander’s regent in Macedonia.

2 In 336 B.c., Ctesiphon proposed that Demosthenes receive
a golden crown for certain public services, and Aeschines
indicted Ctesiphon for proposing an illegal measure. The
document (Demos. De Cor. § 54), from which Plutarch takes

58

7

2

a ee oe, | a

DEMOSTHENES, ΧΧΠΙ. 5—xxIv. 2

the king and entreat him in their behalf; either
because he relied on the friendship of Alexander,
or because he expected to find him sated, like a
lion glutted with slaughter. At any rate, Demades
persuaded the king to let the men off, and recon-
ciled him with the city.

XXIV. So when Alexander went back to Mace-
donia, Demades and his associates were high in
power, but Demosthenes acted a humble part.
It is true that when Agis the Spartan was active
in revolt Demosthenes once more made a feeble
effort in his support, but then he cowered down,
since the Athenians would not join in the uprising.
Agis fell in battle, and the Lacedaemonians were
crushed.?

It was at this time that the indictment against
Ctesiphon in the matter of the crown came on
for trial. It had been prepared in the archonship
of Chaerondas a little before the battle of Chaero-
neia, but came on for trial ten years later? in the
archonship of Aristophon. It became the most
celebrated of all public causes, not only on account
of the fame of the orators, but also because of
the noble conduct of the judges, who, though
the prosecutors of Demosthenes were then at the
height of power and acting in the interests of
Macedonia, would not vote against him, but ac-
quitted him so decisively that Aeschines did not
get a fifth part of their ballots? Consequently,
Aeschines forsook the city at once, and spent the

the name of Chaerondas, the archon of 338, has been shown
to be spurious. The case was tried in 330 B.c.

8 This made Aeschines liable to a fine of 1,000 drachmas,
and made it impossible for him to bring any future action
before an Athenian court,

59

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

dyer’ ἀπιών, καὶ περὶ Ῥόδον καὶ ᾿Ιωνίαν σοφι-
στεύων κατεβίωσε.

XXV. Mer’ οὐ πολὺ δ᾽ “Aprados ἧκεν ἐξ
᾿Ασίας εἰς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἀποδρὰς ᾿Αλέξανδρον,
αὑτῷ τε πράγματα συνειδὼς πονηρὰ δι’ ἀσωτίαν,

’ a » \ bY a / ,
κἀκεῖνον ἤδη χαλεπὸν ὄντα τοῖς φίλοις δεδοικώς.
καταφυγόντος δὲ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον αὐτοῦ καὶ μετὰ
τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῶν νεῶν αὑτὸν παραδιδόντος,
οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι ῥήτορες εὐθὺς ἐποφθαλμιάσαντες
πρὸς τὸν πλοῦτον ἐβοήθουν καὶ συνέπειθον τοὺς
> , , \ , 4 es € AN
Αθηναίους δέχεσθαι καὶ σώζειν τὸν ἱκέτην. ὁ δὲ
Δημοσθένης πρῶτον μὲν ἀπελαύνειν συνεβούλευε
tov ἽΑρπαλον, καὶ φυλάττεσθαι μὴ τὴν πόλιν
> s > ͵ > 2 > , \
ἐμβάλωσιν eis πόλεμον ἐξ οὐκ ἀναγκαίας Kal
»ὼ / «2 > #37 “
ἀδίκου προφάσεως" ἡμέραις δ᾽ ὀλίγαις ὕστερον
> / Lal / ION weEN cw
ἐξεταζομένων τῶν χρημάτων ἰδὼν αὐτὸν o”Ap-
παλος ἡσθέντα βαρβαρικῇ κύλικι καὶ καταμαν-
θάνοντα τὴν τορείαν καὶ τὸ εἶδος, ἐκέλευσε δια-

nr /
βαστάσαντα τὴν ὁλκὴν TOD χρυσίου σκέψασθαι.
θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους τὸ βάρος καὶ
΄ ῇ » 7 cod

πυθομένου πόσον ἄγει, μειδιάσας ὁ ἽΔρπαλος,
“"Αξει σοι, φησίν, “εἴκοσι τάλαντα" καὶ

n \ a
γενομένης τάχιστα τῆς νυκτὸς ἔπεμψεν αὐτῷ

\ ΄ A ” , = >
τὴν κύλικα μετὰ τῶν εἴκοσι ταλάντων. ἦν ὃ
» Ν c od 5 “ \ ’
ἄρα δεινὸς ὁ ἽΑρπαλος ἐρωτικοῦ πρὸς χρυσίον
ἀνδρὸς ὄψει καὶ διαχύσει καὶ βολαῖς ὀμμάτων

al «ς
ἀνευρεῖν ἦθος. οὐ γὰρ ἀντέσχεν ὁ Δημοσθένης,

60

DEMOSTHENES, xxiv. 2--χχν. 4

rest of his life as a teacher of rhetoric in Rhodes
and Ionia.

XXV. Not long afterwards Harpalus! came out
of Asia to Athens. He had run away from
Alexander, because he was conscious that his
prodigality had led him into criminal practices,
and because he was afraid of his master, who was
now become harsh to his friends. But after he
had taken refuge with the Athenian people and
put himself in their hands with his ships and his
treasures, the other orators at once fixed their
longing eyes upon his wealth, came to his aid, and
tried to persuade the Athenians to receive and
save the suppliant. But Demosthenes, in the
beginning, counselled them to drive MHarpalus
away, and to beware lest they plunge the city
into war upon an unnecessary and unjust ground;
a few days afterwards, however, while they were
making an inventory of the treasure, Harpalus
saw that Demosthenes was eyeing with pleasure
a cup of barbarian make, with a keen appreciation
of its fashion and of the ornamental work upon it.
He therefore bade him poise it in his hand and see
how heavy the gold was. And when Demosthenes
was amazed at its weight and asked how much it
would amount to, Harpalus smiled and said, ‘‘ For
you it will amount to twenty talents;” and as
soon as night was come he sent him the cup with
the twenty talents. Now, Harpalus was skilful in
detecting the character of a man who had a passion
for gold, by means of the look that spread over
his face and the glances of his eyes. For Demos-
thenes could not resist, but was overcome by the

1 Alexander’s treasurer. He came to Athens in 324 B.c

61

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀλλὰ πληγεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς δωροδοκίας ὥσπερ Tapa-
/ \ / ac ,
δεδεγμένος φρουρὰν προσκεχωρήκει τῷ Aprahy.
[οἱ >
καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν εὖ Kal καλῶς ἐρίοις Kal ταινίαις
\ a , , > \ Seay
κατὰ τοῦ τραχήλου καθελιξάμενος εἰς τὴν ἐκ-
κλησίαν προῆλθε: καὶ κελευόντων ἀνίστασθαι
καὶ λέγειν, διένευεν ὡς ἀποκεκομμένης αὐτῷ τῆς
al € ᾽ > al / > ς \
φωνῆς. of δ᾽ εὐφυεῖς χλευάζοντες οὐχ ὑπὸ
συνάγχης ἔφραζον, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀργυράγχης εἰλῆφθαι
νύκτωρ τὸν δημαγωγόν. ὕστερον δὲ τοῦ δήμου
Ν > / \ / /
παντὸς αἰσθομένου τὴν δωροδοκίαν καὶ βουλό-
μενον ἀπολογεῖσθαι καὶ πείθειν οὐκ ἐῶντος, ἀλλὰ
χαλεπαίνοντος καὶ θορυβοῦντος, ἀναστάς τις
ἔσκωψεν εἰπών: “Οὐκ ἀκούσεσθε, ὦ ἄνδρες
> n n 4 / 5 bP
Αθηναῖοι, τοῦ THY κύλικα ἔχοντος;

Τότε μὲν οὖν ἀπέπεμψαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὸν
“Ἄρπαλον, δεδιότες δὲ μὴ λόγον ἀπαιτῶνται χρη-
μάτων ὧν διηρπάκεσαν οἱ ῥήτορες, ζήτησιν ἐποι-
οὔντο νεανικὴν καὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἐπιόντες ἠρεύνων,
πλὴν τῆς Καλλικλέους τοῦ ᾿Αρρενίδου. μόνην
γὰρ τὴν τούτου νεωστὶ γεγαμηκότος οὐκ εἴασαν
ἐλεγχθῆναι, νύμφης ἔνδον οὔσης, ὡς ἱστορεῖ
Θεόπομπος.

XXVI. Ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ὁμόσε χωρῶν εἰσή-
νεγκε ψήφισμα τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴν
ἐξετάσαι τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνῃ δόξαντας
ἀδικεῖν δοῦναι δίκην. ἐν δὲ πρώτοις αὐτοῦ τῆς
βουλῆς ἐκείνου καταψηφισαμένης, εἰσῆλθε μὲν

62

DEMOSTHENES, xxv. 4—xxvi. 1

bribe, and now that he had, as it were, admitted
a garrison into his house, promptly went over to
the side of Harpalus. Next day, after swathing
his neck carefully in woollen bandages, he went
forth into the assembly ; and when he was urged
to rise and speak, he made signs that his voice
was ruined. The wits, however, by way of raillery,
declared that the orator had been seized over-
night, not with an ordinary quinsy, but with a
silver quinsy. And afterwards, when the whole
people learned that he had been bribed, and would
not permit him, when he wished it, to have a hear-
ing and make his defence, but were angry and
raised a tumult against him, someone rose and
said jokingly: “ Men of Athens, will you not listen
to the man who holds the cup?”’!

At that time, then, they sent Harpalus away from
the city, and fearing lest they should be called
to account for the moneys which the orators had
seized, they made a zealous search for it, and
went round to their houses on the quest, except
that of Callicles the son of Arrhenides. For his
house was the only one which they would not allow
to be searched, since he was newly married and his
bride was within, as Theopompus relates.

XXVI. But Demosthenes put a bold face on the
matter and introduced a bill providing that the
case should be referred for investigation to the
council of the Areiopagus, and that those should be
brought to trial who were found guilty there. He
was himself, however, among the first condemned by
the council, and came before the court for trial,

1 At feasts, the cup passed from guest to guest, and the
one who held it had the right of uninterrupted speech or
song,

& 63

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> Ν / 3 \ \ , ,
εἰς TO δικαστήριον, ὀφλὼν δὲ πεντήκοντα ταλάν-
’
των δίκην καὶ παραδοθεὶς εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον,
> , n } Lae 4 \ 1 » 3 / Lal
αἰσχύνῃ τῆς αἰτίας φησὶ καὶ δι’ ἀσθένειαν τοῦ
σώματος οὐ δυναμένου φέρειν τὸν εἱργμὸν ἀπο-

“ a a /
δρᾶναι τοὺς μὲν λαθόντα, τῶν δὲ λαθεῖν ἐξουσίαν
δόντων. λέγεται γοῦν ὡς οὐ μακρὰν τοῦ ἄστεος
φεύγων αἴσθοιτό τινας τῶν διαφόρων αὐτῷ πολι-

΄“ \
τῶν ἐπιδιώκοντας, Kal βούλοιτο μὲν αὑτὸν ἀπο-

4 ς ae setae) / i ae
κρύπτειν, ὡς δ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι φθεγξάμενοι τοὔνομα καὶ

cal 7 >
προσελθόντες ἐγγὺς ἐδέοντο λαβεῖν ἐφόδια παρ
αὐτῶν, ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο κομίζοντες ἀργύριον οἴκο-
θεν καὶ τούτου χάριν ἐπιδιώξαντες αὐτόν, ἅμα δὲ
θαρρεῖν παρεκάλουν καὶ μὴ φέρειν ἀνιαρῶς τὸ
συμβεβηκός, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀνακλαύσασθαι τὸν
Δημοσθένην καὶ εἰπεῖν: “Πῶς δ᾽ οὐ μέλλω

, 7 5) Ne Cy > ec.’ yas
φέρειν βαρέως ἀπολιπὼν πόλιν ἐχθροὺς τοιούτους
Μ 7 > e λυ Ir ς lal > € “ὃ ῇ
ἔχουσαν οἵους ἐν ἑτέρᾳ φίλους εὑρεῖν οὐ ῥᾷδιόν

”
ἐστιν;

Ἤνεγκε δὲ τὴν φυγὴν μαλακῶς, ἐν Αἰγίνῃ καὶ
Τροιζῆνι καθεζόμενος τὰ πολλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν
᾿Αττικὴν ἀποβλέπων δεδακρυμένος, ὥστε φωνὰς
οὐκ εὐγνώμονας οὐδ᾽ ὁμολογούσας τοῖς ἐν τῇ
πολιτείᾳ νεανιεύμασιν ἀπομνημονεύεσθαι. λέ-

> cal bd > tA
yeTat yap ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος ἀπαλλαττόμενος Kal
/ a tal
πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀνατείνας τὰς χεῖρας εἰπεῖν:
““ἾΩ, δέσποινα ἸΠολιάς, τί δὴ τρισὶ τοῖς χαλεπω-

τάτοις χαίρεις θηρίοις, γχαυκὶ καὶ δράκοντι καὶ

1 φησὶ Reiske, and Graux with Μᾶ ; φασί.
64

858

DEMOSTHENES, xxvi. 1-4

where he was sentenced to a fine of fifty talents and
delivered over to prison in default of payment. But
out of shame at the charge under which he lay, as
he says,’ and owing to the weakness of his body,
which could not endure confinement, he ran away,
through the carelessness of some of his keepers and
the connivance of others. At any rate, we are told
that when he was in flight at a short distance from
the city, he learned that some of the citizens who
were his enemies were in pursuit of him, and there-
fore wished to hide himself; and when they called
upon him loudly by name, and came up near to him,
and begged him to accept from them provision for
his journey, declaring that they were bringing money
from home for this very purpose, and were pursuing
him only in order to get it to him; and when at
the same time they exhorted him to be of good
courage and not to be pained at what had happened,
Demosthenes broke out all the more into cries ot
grief, saying: “ Surely I must be distressed to leave
a city where my enemies are as generous as I can
hardly find friends to be in another.”

And he bore his exile without fortitude, taking up
his quarters in Aegina and Troezen for the most
part, and looking off towards Attica with tears in his
eyes, so that utterances of his are on record which
are not generous or consonant with his spirited
efforts as a statesman. We are told, namely, that
as he was leaving the city he lifted up his hands
towards the acropolis and said: * O potent Guardian
of the City, Athena, how, pray, canst thou take
delight in those three most intractable beasts, the

1 In the second of the letters which have come down to us
under his name, § 17.

65

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

» a
δ δήμῳ; " τοὺς δὲ προσιόντας αὐτῷ καὶ συνδιατρί-
βοντας νεανίσκους ἀπέτρεπε τῆς πολιτείας λέγων
ὡς εἰ, δυεῖν προκειμένων ὁδῶν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς, τῆς
\ ] \ \ a \ A ’ 7 an >
μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα Kal τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, THs δ᾽ ἄντι-
Kpus εἰς τὸν ὄλεθρον, ἐτύγχανε προειδὼς τὰ κατὰ
\ / / / \ / \
τὴν πολιτείαν κακά, φόβους καὶ φθόνους καὶ
“ e A.
διαβολὰς καὶ ἀγῶνας, ἐπὶ ταύτην ἂν ὁρμῆσαι
\ / 7
‘ > n ’
τὴν εὐθὺ τοῦ θανάτου τείνουσαν.
XXVIT. ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ ἔτι φεύγοντος αὐτοῦ τὴν
> / \ > / » | > UA
εἰρημένην φυγὴν ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν ἐτελεύτησε,
τὰ δ᾽ “Ἑλληνικὰ συνίσταντο πάλιν, Λεωσθένους
ἀνδραγαθοῦντος καὶ περιτειχίζοντος ᾿Αντίπατρον
2 ἐν Λαμίᾳ πολιορκούμενον. Πυθέας μὲν οὖν ὁ
ῥήτωρ καὶ Καλλιμέδων ὁ Κάραβος ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν
φεύγοντες ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ προσεγένοντο, καὶ μετὰ
τῶν ἐκείνου φίλων καὶ πρέσβεων περιϊόντες οὐκ
v
εἴων ἀφίστασθαι τοὺς “EAAnvas οὐδὲ προσέχειν
n > ,ὔ / \ “-“ > ”
τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις" Δημοσθένης δὲ τοῖς ἐξ ἄστεος
πρεσβεύουσι προσμίξας ἑαυτὸν ἠγωνίζετο καὶ
συνέπραττεν ὅπως αἱ πόλεις συνεπιθήσονται τοῖς
Μακεδόσι καὶ συνεκβαλοῦσιν αὐτοὺς τῆς ᾿Ελλά-
3 δος. ἐν δ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίᾳ καὶ λοιδορίαν τοῦ Πυθέου
καὶ τοῦ Δημοσθένους γενέσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους
εἴρηκεν ὁ Φύλαρχος ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ, τοῦ μὲν ὑπὲρ
τῶν Μακεδόνων, τοῦ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν Ελλήνων λέ-
, \ \ \ /, > n “
γοντος. λέγεται δὲ τὸν μὲν Πυθέαν εἰπεῖν ὅτι,
/ ΦΙ ΗΝ > ἃ Ψ > / A
καθάπερ οἰκίαν εἰς ἣν ὄνειον εἰσφέρεται γάλα,
κακόν TL πάντως ἔχειν νομίζομεν, οὕτω καὶ πόλιν
ἀνάγκη νοσεῖν εἰς ἣν ᾿Αθηναίων πρεσβεία παρα-

66

DEMOSTHENES, xxvi. 4-ΧΧΠ. 3

owl, the serpent, and the people?’’. Moreover,
when young men came to visit and converse with
him, he would try to deter them from public life,
saying that if two roads had been presented to him
in the beginning, one leading to the bema and the
assembly, and the other straight to destruction, and
if he could have known beforehand the evils at-
tendant on a public career, namely, fears, hatreds,
ealumnies and contentions, he would have taken
that road which led directly to death.

XXVII. But while he was still undergoing the
exile of which I have spoken, Alexander died,! and
the Greek states proceeded to form a league again,
while Leosthenes was displaying deeds of valour and
walling Antipater up in Lamia, where he held him
in siege. Accordingly, the orators Pytheas and
Callimedon (called the Stag-beetle) fled from Athens
and joined the party of Antipater, and travelling
about with the regent’s friends and ambassadors
tried to prevent the Greeks from revolting or attach-
ing themselves to Athens; but Demosthenes, joining
himself to the ambassadors from Athens, used his
utmost efforts in helping them to induce the cities
to unite in attacking the Macedonians and expelling
them from Greece. And Phylarchus states that in
Arcadia Pytheas and Demosthenes actually fell to
abusing one another in an assembly, the one speak-
ing in behalf of the Macedonians, the other in
behalf of the Greeks. Pytheas, we are told, said
that just as we think that a house into which asses’
milk is brought must certainly have some evil in it,
so also a city must of necessity be diseased into
which an Athenian embassy comes; whereupon

1 At Babylon, in May, 323 B.o.
67

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 γίνεται' τὸν δὲ Δημοσθένην στρέψαι τὸ παρά-
δειγμα, φήσαντα καὶ τὸ γάλα τὸ ὄνειον ἐφ᾽ ὑγιείᾳ
καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ παραγίνεσθαι
τῶν νοσούντων. :

ἜΦφ᾽ οἷς ἡσθεὶς ὁ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων δῆμος ψηφί-
ferat τῷ Δημοσθένει κάθοδον. τὸ μὲν οὖν
ψήφισμα Δήμων ὁ Παιανιεύς, ἀνεψιὸς ὧν Δη-
μοσθένους, εἰσήνεγκεν: ἐπέμφθη δὲ τριήρης ἐπ᾽

δ αὐτὸν εἰς Αὔγιναν. ἐκ δὲ Πειραιῶς ἀνέβαινεν
οὔτε ἄρχοντος οὔτε ἱερέως ἀπολειφθέντος, ἀλλὰ
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν ὁμοῦ πάντων ἀπαντών-
των καὶ δεχομένων προθύμως. ὅτε καί φησιν
αὐτὸν ὁ Μάγνης Δημήτριος ἀνατείναντα τὰς
χεῖρας μακαρίσαι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης αὑτόν, ὡς
βέλτιον ᾿Αλκιβιάδου κατιόντα' πεπεισμένους
γάρ, οὐ βεβιασμένους, ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δέχεσθαι τοὺς

6 πολίτας. τῆς δὲ χρηματικῆς ζημίας αὐτῷ μενού-
σης (οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν χάριτι λῦσαι καταδίκην) ἐσοφί- 859):
σαντο πρὸς τὸν νόμον. εἰωθότες γὰρ ἐν TH
θυσίᾳ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ σωτῆρος ἀργύριον τελεῖν
τοῖς κατασκευάζουσι καὶ κοσμοῦσι τὸν βωμόν,
ἐκείνῳ τότε ταῦτα ποιῆσαι καὶ παρασχεῖν πεντή-
κοντα ταλάντων ἐξέδωκαν, ὅσον ἦν τίμημα τῆς
καταδίκης.

XXVIII. Οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀπέλαυσε
τῆς πατρίδος κατελθών, ἀλλὰ ταχὺ τῶν ᾿Ελληνι-
κῶν πραγμάτων συντριβέντων Μεταγειτνιῶνος
μὲν ἡ περὶ Κραννῶνα μάχη συνέπεσε, Bondpo-

68

DEMOSTHENES, xxvii. 3-xxviil. 1

Demosthenes. turned the illustration against him
by saying that asses’ milk was given to restore
health, and the Athenians came to bring salvation
to the sick.

At this conduct the Athenian people were de-
lighted, and voted that Demosthenes might return
from exile. The decree was brought in by Demon
of Paeania, who was a cousin of Demosthenes; and
a trireme was sent to Aegina to fetch him home.
When he set out to go up to the city from Piraeus,
not an archon or a priest was missing, and all the rest
of the people also met him in a body and welcomed
him eagerly. 1t was at this time, too, as Demetrius
the Magnesian says, that he lifted his hands towards
heaven and blessed himself for that day, since he
was coming home from exile more honourably than
Alcibiades did; for he had persuaded, not forced,
his fellow-citizens to welcome him. It is true that
his pecuniary fine remained standing against him
(for it was not lawful to remit an assessment by act
of grace), but they found a device to evade the law.
It was their custom, namely, in the case of a sacrifice
to Zeus the Saviour, to pay a sum of money to those
who prepared and adorned the altar, and they now
gave Demosthenes the contract to make these pre-
parations for fifty talents, which was just the amount.
of his assessment.

XXVIII. However, he did not enjoy his native
city for long after his return from exile, but the
cause of Greece was speedily crushed, and in the
month of Metageitnion the battle at Crannon
took place,! in that of Boédromion the Macedonian

1 August 6th, 322 B.c. In this battle Antipater and

Craterus ofushed the combined armies of the Greeks and
concluded the so-called Lamian war. 6
9

~

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μιῶνος δὲ παρῆλθεν εἰς Μουνυχίαν ἡ φρουρά,
Πυανεψεῶνος δὲ Δημοσθένης ἀπέθανε τόνδε τὸν
τρόπον.

Ὥς ᾿Αντίπατρος καὶ Κρατερὸς ἠγγέλλοντο
προσιόντες ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Δη-
μοσθένην φθάσαντες ὑπεξῆλθον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως,
ὁ δὲ δῆμος αὐτῶν θάνατον κατέγνω Δημάδου
γράψαντος. ἄλλων δὲ ἀλλαχοῦ διασπαρέντων
ὁ ᾿Αντίπατρος περιέπεμπε τοὺς συλλαμβάνοντας,
ὧν ἡγεμὼν ἣν ᾿Αρχίας ὁ κληθεὶς φυγαδοθήρας.
τοῦτον δὲ Θούριον ὄντα τῷ γένει. λόγος ἔχει τρα-
γῳδίας ὑποκρίνεσθαί ποτε, καὶ τὸν “Αἰγινήτην
Πῶλον τὸν ὑπερβαλόντα τῇ τέχνῃ πάντας ἐκεί-
νου γεγονέναι μαθητὴν ἱστοροῦσιν. “Ἕρμιππος
δὲ τὸν “Ἀρχίαν ἐν τοῖς Λακρίτου τοῦ ῥήτορος
μαθηταῖς" ἀναγράφει" Δημήτριος δὲ τῆς ᾿Αναξιμέ-

νους διατριβῆς μετεσχηκέναι ησὶν αὐτόν. οὗτος
οὖν ὁ ᾿Αρχίας Ὑπερείδην μὲν τὸν ῥήτορα καὶ
᾿Αριστόνικον τὸν Μαραθώνιον καὶ τὸν “Δημητρίου
τοῦ Φαληρέως ἀδελφὸν Ἱμεραῖον ἐ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ κατα-
φυγόντας ἐπὶ τὸ Aidxevov ἀποσπάσας ἔπεμψεν
εἰς Κλεωνὰς πρὸς ᾿Αντέπατρον" κἀκεῖ διεφθά-
pnoav, Ὑπερείδου δὲ καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν ἐκτμη-
θῆναι λέγουσι. |

3. ©. 0.3 Tov δὲ Δημοσθένην πυθόμενος ἱκέτην
ἐν Καλαυρίᾳ ἐ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ Ποσειδῶνος καθέξεσθαι,
διαπλεύσας ὑπηρετικοῖς καὶ ἀποβὰς μετὰ Θρᾳ-
κῶν δορυφόρων ἔπειθεν ἀναστάντα βαδίξειν μετ᾽
αὐτοῦ πρὸς ᾿Αντίπατρον ὡς δυσχερὲς πεισόμενον

1 μαθηταῖς with Reiske, Coraés, Bekker, and Μ8 (Graux):
μαθητήν.

79

DEMOSTHENES, xxvit. 1--ΧΧΙΧΟΙ

garrison entered Munychia, and in that of Pyanep-
sion Demosthenes died, in the following manner.

When Antipater and Craterus were reported to
be advancing upon Athens, Demosthenes and his
associates succeeded in escaping by stealth from
the city, and the people, on motion of Demades,
passed sentence of death upon them. Since they
dispersed themselves to different places, Antipater
sent his soldiers about to arrest them, under the
command of Archias the so-called Exile-hunter.
This man was a native of Thurii, and the story
goes that he was once a tragic actor; indeed, it
is recorded that Polus of Aegina, the best actor
of his time, was a pupil of his. But Hermippus
states that Archias was one of the pupils. of
Lacritus the rhetorician; while Demetrius says
that he belonged to the school of Anaximenes.
This Archias, then, finding that Hypereides the
orator and Aristonicus of Marathon and Himeraeus
the brother of Demetrius the Phalerean had taken
refuge in the sanctuary of Aeacus at Aegina, haled
them away and sent them to Antipater at Cleonae.
There they were put to death, and Hypereides,
it is said, also had his tongue cut out.

XXIX. Moreover, on learning that Demosthenes
had taken sanctuary in the temple of Poseidon
at Calauria, Archias sailed across to the island in
small boats, and after landing with Thracian spear-
men tried to persuade the fugitive to leave the
temple and go with him to Antipater, assuring
him that he would suffer no harsh treatment. But

71

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ε Ν
2 οὐδέν. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ἐτύγχανεν ὄψιν ἑωρακὼς
κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐκείνης τῆς νυκτὸς ἀλλόκοτον.
»Ο ἢ Ν > 7 nan? ’ /
ἐδόκει yap ἀνταγωνίζεσθαι τῷ ᾿Αρχίᾳ τραγῳδίαν
nr » ἈΝ
ὑποκρινόμενος, εὐημερῶν δὲ καὶ κατέχων τὸ
, > ¢ a \ ,
θέατρον ἐνδείᾳ παρασκευῆς καὶ χορηγίας κρα-
»" a > /
τεῖσθαι. διὸ τοῦ ᾿Αρχίου πολλὰ φιλάνθρωπα
διαλεχθέντος ἀναβλέψας πρὸς αὐτόν, ὥσπερ
> 4 / ic? > , ” 5 ςς »
ἐτύγχανε καθήμενος, “ἾΩῺ ᾿Αρχία," εἶπεν, “ οὔτε
nr ,
ὑποκρινόμενός με ἔπεισας πώποτε οὔτε νῦν πεί-
’ ΄ ᾽᾽ > / > > fal
8 celts ἐπαγγελλόμενος." ἀρξαμένου δ᾽ ἀπειλεῖν
a a a 4
τοῦ Apyiou μετ᾽ ὀργῆς, ‘ Nov,” ἔφη, “λέγεις τὰ
ἐκ τοῦ Μακεδονικοῦ τρίποδος, ἄρτι δ᾽ ὑπεκρίνου.:
μικρὸν οὖν ἐπίσχες, ὅπως ἐπιστείλω τι τοῖς
οἴκοι. καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐντὸς ἀνεχώρησε τοῦ
ναοῦ: καὶ λαβὼν βιβλίον ὡς γράφειν μέλλων
προσήνεγκε τῷ στόματι τὸν κάλαμον, καὶ δακών,
ὥσπερ ἐν τῷ διανοεῖσθαι καὶ γράφειν εἰώθει,
χρόνον τινὰ κατέσχεν, εἶτα συγκαλυψάμενος
4 ἀπέκλινε τὴν κεφαλήν. οἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ τὰς
θύρας ἑστῶτες δορυφόροι κατεγέλων ὡς ἀπο-
δειλιῶντος αὐτοῦ, καὶ μαλακὸν ἀπεκάλουν καὶ
+ ¢ > > , \ > Υ̓͂
ἄνανδρον, ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Αρχίας προσελθὼν ἀνίστασθαι
παρεκάλει, καὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἀνακυκλῶν λόγους
αὖθις ἐπηγγέλλετο διαλλαγὰς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντί-
πατρον. ἤδη δὲ συνῃσθημένος ὁ Δημοσθένης
ἐμπεφυκότος αὐτῷ τοῦ φαρμάκου καὶ κρατοῦντος
ἐξεκαλύψατο' καὶ διαβχέψας πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρχίαν,
ὅ “Οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις," εἶπεν, “ἤδη τὸν ἐκ τῆς τρα-
γῳδίας ὑποκρινόμενος Κρέοντα καὶ τὸ σῶμα

72

DEMOSTHENES, χχιχ. 1-5

it chanced that Demosthenes, in his sleep the
night before, had seen ἃ strange vision. He
dreamed, namely, that he was acting in a tragedy
and contending with Archias for the prize, and
that although he acquitted himself well and won
the favour of the audience, his lack of stage decora-
tions and costumes cost him the victory. There-
fore, after Archias had said many kindly things
to him, Demosthenes, just as he sat, looked stead-
fastly at him and said: “O Archias, thou didst
never convince me by thine acting, nor wilt thou
now convince me by thy promises.” And when
Archias began to threaten him angrily, “ Now,”
said he, “thou utterest the language of the Mace-
donian oracle ;! but a moment ago thou wert acting
a part. Wait a little, then, that I may write a
message to my family.” With these words, he
retired into the temple, and taking a scroll, as
if about to write, he put his pen to his mouth
and bit it, as he was wont to do when thinking
what he should write, and kept it there some
time, then covered and bent his head. The spear-
men, then, who stood at the door, laughed at
him for playing the coward, and called him weak
and unmanly, but Archias came up and urged
him to rise, and reiterating the same speeches as
before, promised him a reconciliation with Antipater.
But Demosthenes, now conscious that the poison
was affecting and overpowering him, uncovered his
head; and fixing his eyes upon Archias, “Thou
canst not be too soon now,’ said he, “in playing
the part of Creon in the tragedy and casting this

1 i.e. thy real sentiments, in obedience to Antipater.

73

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τοῦτο ῥίπτων ἄταφον. ἐγὼ δ᾽, ὦ φίλε Πόσειδον,
ἔτι ζῶν ἐξανισταμαι τοῦ ἱεροῦ" τῷ δὲ ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ

\ / 50.» ς Ν \ x > ’
καὶ Μακεδόσιν οὐδ᾽ ὁ σὸς ναὸς καθαρὸς ἀπολέ-
λειπται." ταῦτ᾽ εἰπών, καὶ κελεύσας ὑπολαβεῖν

Soe » / \ / ¢ a
αὐτὸν ἤδη τρέμοντα Kal σφαλλόμενον, ἅμα TO
προελθεῖν καὶ παραλλάξαι τὸν βωμὸν ἔπεσε καὶ
στενάξας ἀφῆκε τὴν ψυχήν.

XXX. Τὸ δὲ φάρμακον ᾿Αρίστων μὲν ἐκ τοῦ
καλάμου λαβεῖν φησιν αὐτόν, ὡς εἴρηται: 114π-
/ Φ \ e / cd 3 /
πος δέ τις, οὗ THY ἱστορίαν “Ἑρρμιππος ἀνείληφε,
φησί, πεσόντος αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὸν βωμὸν ἐν μὲν τῷ
βιβλίῳ γεγραμμένην ἐπιστολῆς ἀρχὴν εὑρεθῆναι,
“Δημοσθένης ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ,᾽ καὶ μηδὲν ἄλλο"

“ ae ᾽ ’

θαυμαζομένης δὲ τῆς περὶ τὸν θάνατον ὀξύτητος
- \ \ a ’ ὩΣ e ΝΜ
διηγεῖσθαι τοὺς παρὰ ταῖς θύραις Θρᾷκας ὡς ἔκ
«ε \ a lal n
τίνος ῥακίου λαβὼν εἰς THY χεῖρα προσθοῖτο τῷ
στόματι καὶ καταπίοι τὸ φάρμακον" αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἄρα
χρυσὸν φὠήθησαν εἶναι τὸ καταπινόμενον" ἡ δ᾽
ὑπηρετοῦσα παιδίσκη, πυνθανομένων τῶν περὶ
\ > ’, / \ 3 , > 2
τὸν ᾿Αρχίαν, φαίη πολὺν εἶναι χρόνον ἐξ οὗ
φοροίη τὸν ἀπόδεσμον ἐκεῖνον ὁ Δημοσθένης ὡς
φυλακτήριον. ᾿Ερατοσθένης δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν
κρίκῳ φησὶ κοίλῳ τὸ φάρμακον φυλάσσειν: τὸν
\ / 5 ἴω > an , ,
δὲ κρίκον εἶναι τοῦτον αὐτῷ φόρημα περιβραχιό-
a . [τὰ / \ > a
νιον. τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων, ὅσοι γεγράφασι περὶ αὐτοῦ,

/ δέ 3 \ ὃ \ > > na
πάμπολλοι δέ εἰσι, Tas διαφορὰς οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον

> lal \ [τ / ε nw

ἐπεξελθεῖν: πλὴν ὅτι Δημοχάρης ὁ tod Δημο-

74

SEAN

ee ee ee
re Wa Viste! Fy NO el be

i

:

DEMOSTHENES, ΧΧΙΧ. 5—xxx. 4

body out without burial. But I, O beloved
Poseidon, will depart from thy sanctury while I
am still alive; whereas Antipater and the Mace-
donians would not have left even thy temple
undefiled.” So speaking, and bidding someone
“support him, since he was now trembling and
tottering, he had no sooner gone forth and passed
by the altar than he fell, and with a groan gave
up the ghost.

XXX. As for the poison, Ariston says he took
it from the pen, as I have said; but a certain
Pappus, from whom Hermippus took his story,
says that when he had fallen by the side of the
altar, there was found written in the scroll the
beginning of a letter, “ Demosthenes to Antipater,”
and nothing more; and that when men were amazed
at the suddenness of his death the Thracians who
had stood at the door told the story that he took
the poison into his hand from a cloth and put it
to his mouth and swallowed it; and that they them-
selves, strange to say, had supposed that what he
swallowed was gold; and that the little maid who
served him, when inquiries were made by Archias,
said that Demosthenes had long worn that cloth
girdle as a safeguard against his enemies. And
even Eratosthenes himself says that Demosthenes
kept the poison in a hollow bracelet, and that
he wore this bracelet as an ornament upon his
arm. But the divergent stories of all the others
who have written about the matter, and they
are very many, need not be recounted; except
that Demochares the relative of Demosthenes says

1 An allusion to the Creon in the Antigone of Sophocles,

by whose edict the body of Polyneices was to be left unburied
(vv. 26 ff., 191 ff.).
75

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σθένους οἰκεῖος οἴεσθαί φησιν αὐτὸν οὐχ ὑπὸ φαρ-
μάκου, θεῶν δὲ τιμῇ καὶ προνοίᾳ τῆς Μακεδόνων
ὠμότητος ἐξαρπαγῆναι, συντόμως καταστρέ-

\ > / / \ ¢ 3. "ἃ
ψαντα καὶ ἀλύπως. κατέστρεψε δὲ ἕκτῃ ἐπὶ
δέκα τοῦ Πυανεψιῶνος μηνός, ἐν ἧ τὴν σκυθρω-᾿
ποτάτην τῶν Θεσμοφορίων ἡμέραν ἄγουσαι παρὰ
τῇ θεῷ νηστεύουσιν αἱ γυναῖκες.

Τούτῳ μὲν ὀλίγον ὕστερον ὁ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων
δῆμος ἀξίαν ἀποδιδοὺς τιμὴν εἰκόνα τε χαλκῆν
ἀνέστησε καὶ τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἐψηφίσατο τῶν
ἀπὸ γένους ἐν Πρυτανείῳ σίτησιν ἔχειν. καὶ τὸ
2 / A / b] / n /
ἐπίγραμμα τὸ θρυλούμενον ἐπεγράφη τῇ βάσει
τοῦ ἀνδριάντος"

εἴπερ ἴσην ῥώμην γνώμῃ, Δημόσθενες, εἶχες,
οὔποτ᾽ ἂν Ελλήνων ἦρξεν Αρης Μακεδών.

οἱ γὰρ αὐτὸν τὸν Δημοσθένην τοῦτο ποιῆσαι
λέγοντες ἐν Καλαυρίᾳ, μέλλοντα τὸ φάρμακον
προσφέρεσθαι, κομιδῆ φλυαροῦσι.

ΧΧΧΙ. Μικρὸν δὲ πρόσθεν ἢ παραβαλεῖν
ἡμᾶς ᾿Αθήναξε λέγεταί τι τοιόνδε συμβῆναι.
στρατιώτης ἐπὶ κρίσιν τινὰ καλούμενος ὑφ᾽ ἡγε-
μόνος, ὅσον εἶχε χρυσίδιον εἰς τὰς χεῖρας ἐνέθηκε
τοῦ ἀνδριάντος. ἕστηκε δὲ τοὺς δακτύλους συνέ-
χων δι’ ἀλλήλων, καὶ παραπέφυκεν οὐ μεγάλη
2 πλάτανος. ἀπὸ ταύτης πολλὰ τῶν φύλλων, εἴτε

1 An annual festival in honour of Demeter and Persephone.
2 This statue, the work of Polyeuctus, was erected in
280-279 B.c., on motion of Demochares, a nephew of Demos-

76

DEMOSTHENES, xxx. 4-ΧΧΧΙ. 2

that in his opinion it was not due to poison, but
to the honour and kindly favour shown him by
the gods, that he was rescued from the cruelty
of the Macedonians by a speedy and painless death.
And he died on the sixteenth of the month Pyanep-
sion, the most gloomy day of the Thesmophoria,!
which the women observe by fasting in the temple
of the goddess.

It was to this man, a little while after his death,
that the Athenian people paid worthy honour by
erecting his statue? in bronze, and by decreeing
that the eldest of his house should have public
maintenance in the prytaneium. And this cele-
brated inscription was inscribed upon the pedestal
of his statue :-—

“ΤΡ thy strength had only been equal to thy purposes,
Demosthenes,
Never would the Greeks have been ruled by a
Macedonian Ares.”

Of course those who say that Demosthenes himself
composed these lines in Calauria, as he was about to
put the poison to his lips, talk utter nonsense.
XXXI. Now, a short time before I took up my
abode in Athens, the following incident is_ said
to have occurred. A soldier who had been called
to an account by his commander, put what little
gold he had into the hands of this statue of Demos-
thenes. It stood with its fingers interlaced, and
hard by grew a small plane-tree. Many of the
leaves from this tree, whether the wind accidentally

thenes. The well-known marble statue of Demosthenes in
the Vatican is thought to be a copy of it. See Pausanias,
i. 8, 2, with Frazer’s notes.

77

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ > 4 ‘ Μ“ > Ν
πνεύματος ἐκ τύχης καταβαλόντος, εἴτ αὐτὸς
-“ ε > / / /
οὕτως ὁ θεὶς ἐκάλυψε, περικείμενα Kal συμπεσόν-
τα λαθεῖν ἐποίησε τὸ χρυσίον οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον.
. a = ᾿ \ » lal la
ὡς δ᾽ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπανελθὼν ἀνεῦρε καὶ διεδόθη
λόγος ὑπὲρ τούτου, πολλοὶ τῶν εὐφυῶν ὑπόθεσιν
λαβόντες εἰς τὸ ἀδωροδόκητον τοῦ Δημοσθένους
διημιλλῶντο τοῖς ἐπιγράμμασι.
Δημάδην δὲ χρόνον οὐ πολὺν ἀπολαύσαντα
a / , ς / / ,
τῆς φυομένης δόξης ἡ Δημοσθένους δίκη κατή-
γαγεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ods ἐκολάκευεν αἰσχρῶς,
e \ 4 > / / > fol \
ὑπὸ τούτων ἐξολούμενον δικαίως, ἐπαχθῆ μὲν
ὄντα καὶ πρότερον αὐτοῖς, τότε δ᾽ εἰς αἰτίαν
/
ἄφυκτον ἐμπεσόντα. ηράμματα yap ἐξέπεσεν
αὐτοῦ, δι’ ὧν παρεκάλει Περδίκκαν ἐπιχειρεῖν
Μακεδονίᾳ καὶ σώζειν τοὺς “EAAnvas ὡς ἀπὸ
fal “ 7 / Ν > /
σαπροῦ καὶ παλαιοῦ στήμονος (λέγων τὸν ᾿Αντί-
πατρον) ἠρτημένους. ἐφ᾽ οἷς Δεινάρχου τοῦ
Κορινθίου κατηγορήσαντος παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Κάσ-
σανδρος ἐγκατέσφαξεν αὐτοῦ τῷ κόλπῳ τὸν υἱόν,
εἶτα οὕτως ἐκεῖνον ἀνελεῖν προσέταξεν, ἐν τοῖς
μεγίστοις διδασκόμενον ἀτυχήμασιν ὅτι πρώτους
ἑαυτοὺς οἱ προδόται πωλοῦσιν, ὃ πολλάκις Δημο-
σθένους προαγορεύοντος οὐκ ἐπίστευσε.
Τὸν μὲν οὖν Δημοσθένους ἀπέχεις, Σόσσιε,
βίον ἐξ ὧν ἡμεῖς ἀνέγνωμεν ἢ διηκούσαμεν.

8

DEMOSTHENES, χχχι. 2-4

blew them thither, or whether the depositor himself
took this way of concealing his treasure, lay cluster-
ing together about the gold and hid it for a long
time. At last, however, the man came back, found
his treasure intact, and an account of the matter
was spread abroad, whereupon the wits of the city
took for a theme the incorruptibility of Demosthenes
and vied with one another in their epigrams.

As for Demades, he had not long enjoyed his
growing reputation when vengeance for Demosthenes
brought him into Macedonia, whose people he had
disgracefully flattered, only to be by them justly
put to death. He had been obnoxious to them
even before this, but now fell under a charge from
which there was no escape. A letter of his, namely,
leaked out, in which he had urged Perdiccas to seize
Macedonia and deliver the Greeks, who, he said,
were fastened to it only by an old and rotten thread
(meaning Antipater). And when Deinarchus the
Corinthian denounced him for this, Cassander! flew
into a rage and slew the son of Demades as he
stood close by his father’s side, and then ordered
that Demades should be likewise killed. Demades
was now learning amid his extremest misfortunes
that traitors sell themselves first, a truth of which
Demosthenes had often assured him, but which he
would not believe.

And so, Sosius,? thou hast the promised Life of
Demosthenes, drawn from such written or oral
sources as I could find.

1 The son of Antipater and, later, his successor. ὃ
2 See the opening sentence of the Life,

79

ἦεν Blt τὸν nil odode shy ἢ
egg ae ΒΑΘΈΟΣ To “woe ὑπὲ vate. hae se
babs 6) ρα θῖν: acroil ta abst: af otal

id: Sieben “να to
Ho. ταῦ ertnepeth ois aatlaoomer.
ay Ἂ wl ἡ;-. bid haa. bing ei 2
; filet tot ἘΣ ἠξί ΓΤ ὃν
BE? αἶγες ἀπε "to Cri ae δὰ
Pipe ht Ao odin’ 96}, δοήμϑνο νο Fae
ἢ ith ΠΗ SAAR μὰ ἡ: BY

i rar
AEE gin “iodl} sk tga! ἜΝ 960 ΟΥ̓ΡᾺ

PF a hedge pure wt dot fad oa oboe: ed

“purtieraniotl 1k somergnoy tod ott Hy

‘Rag an i a ὅθι eingiexe ld oni
Wh 32 the rab ed. sith. τῷ iim: faa tte
igs: {81} οὐ stoi randy nage, ἔμ, okt
nae? dyad » Yeon {π᾿ WaT dud eid
oted Gi 16 SST A Sefaaas δύ ase
5155 t-test shew ἢ ἔπει ol OY

pike. ol Το ραν, ott 4 soi νει δ

heed} ogratior hse bless. yh ule tor Ot AS
ar a eaitoumtriskl, sain bee

ΠΝ bat tial. ἐβονημγαθ ner μονα
εοἰεαιπεβοῖαν. ἐεϑμιθη ζο ΝΕ big
doike In ‘aw bo: i pari Caetcrese

op ilies ὑπο Bie 5 See πρενὰς gee’ eit

Pees

* ‘\aoaasoaue aid ees. Frias:
Sk ‘addin: anf

CICERO

ΚΙΚΕΡΩΝ

I. Κικέρωνος δὲ τὴν μὲν μητέρα λέγουσιν 861
Ἑλβίαν καὶ γεγονέναι καλῶς καὶ βεβιωκέναι,
περὶ δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς οὐδὲν ἦν πυθέσθαι μέτριον.
οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐν κναφείῳ τινὶ καὶ γενέσθαι καὶ

an \ A / e >? > 4
τραφῆναι τὸν ἄνδρα λέγουσιν, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς Τύλλον
Αττιον ἀνάγουσι τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ γένους, βασιλεύ-
σαντα λαμπρῶς ἐν Οὐολούσκοις καὶ πολεμή-
σαντα Ῥωμαίοις οὐκ ἀδυνάτως. ὁ μέντοι πρῶτος
ἐκ τοῦ γένους Κικέρων ἐπονομασθεὶς ἄξιος λόγου
δοκεῖ γενέσθαι, διὸ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν οὐκ ἀπέρριψαν
οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτόν, GAN ἠσπάσαντο, καίπερ ὑπὸ
πολλῶν χλευαζομένην. κίκερα γὰρ οἱ Λατῖνοι
τὸν ἐρέβινθον καλοῦσι, κἀκεῖνος ἐν τῷ πέρατι
τῆς ῥινὸς διαστολήν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀμβλεῖαν εἶχεν
ὥσπερ ἐρεβίνθου διαφυήν, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἐκτήσατο τὴν
ἐπωνυμίαν. αὐτός γε μὴν Κικέρων, ὑπὲρ οὗ τάδε
γέγραπται, τῶν φίλων αὐτὸν οἰομένων δεῖν, ὅτε
πρῶτον ἀρχὴν μετήει καὶ πολιτείας ἥπτετο,
φυγεῖν τοὔνομα καὶ μεταθέσθαι, λέγεται νεανιευ-
σάμενος εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀγωνιεῖται τὸν Κικέρωνα τῶν
Σκαύρων καὶ τῶν Κάτλων ἐνδοξότερον ἀποδεῖξαι.
ταμιεύων δ᾽ ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς ἀνάθημα
ποιούμενος ἀργυροῦν τὰ μὲν πρῶτα δύο τῶν
ὀνομάτων ἐπέγραψε, tov τε Μάρκον καὶ τὸν

82

CICERO

I. Ir is said of Helvia, the mother of Cicero, that
she was well born and lived an honourable life;
but of his father nothing can be learned that does
not go to an extreme. For some say that he was
born and reared in a fuller’s shop, while others
trace the origin of his family to Tullus Attius,}
an illustrious king of the Volscians, who waged
war upon the Romans with great ability. However,
the first member of the family who was surnamed
Cicero seems to have been worthy of note, and
for that reason his posterity did not reject the
surname, but were fond of it, although many
made it a matter of raillery. For “cicer” is the
Latin name for chick-pea, and this ancestor of
Cicero, as it would seem, had a faint dent in the
end of his nose like the cleft of a chick-pea, from
which he acquired his surname. Cicero himself,
however, whose Life I now write, when he first
entered public life and stood for office and his
friends thought he ought to drop or change the
name, is said to have replied with spirit that he
would strive to make the name of Cicero more
illustrious than such names as Scaurts or Catulus.
Moreover, when he was quaestor in Sicily and
was dedicating to the gods a piece of silver plate,
he had his first two names inscribed thereon, the

1 Called Tullus Aufidius in the Coriolanus, xxii. 1.
83

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Τύλλιον, ἀντὶ δὲ τοῦ τρίτου σκώπτων ἐρέβινθον
ἐκέλευσε παρὰ τὰ γράμματα τὸν τεχνίτην ἐντο-

“ a lal ,
ρεῦσαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος ἱστό-
ρηται.

Il. Τεχθῆναι δὲ Κικέρωνα λέγουσιν ἀνωδύνως
καὶ ἀπόνως λοχευθείσης αὐτοῦ τῆς μητρὸς ἡμέρᾳ
- a “ EA
τρίτῃ τῶν νέων ΚΚαλανδῶν, ἐν ἧ viv οἱ ἄρχοντες

nr \

εὔχονται καὶ θύουσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος. TH δὲ

τίτθη φάσμα δοκεῖ γενέσθαι καὶ προειπεῖν ὡς
a / a

ὄφελος μέγα πᾶσι Ῥωμαίοις ἐκτρεφούσῃ. ταῦτα
δὲ ΝΜ > 7 / 3 ὃ a

é ἄλλως ὀνείρατα καὶ φλύαρον εἶναι δοκοῦντα
/ hy ᾽ / 4 ᾽ \ > e

ταχέως αὐτὸς ἀπέδειξε μαντείαν ἀληθινὴν ἐν ἡλι-
’ὔ a / / > > > /

Kia τοῦ μανθάνειν γενόμενος, δι εὐφυΐαν ἐκλάμ-

- \ ” \ >? a
was καὶ λαβὼν ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν ἐν τοῖς παισίν,
ὥστε τοὺς πατέρας αὐτῶν ἐπιφοιτᾶν τοῖς διδα-
/ ” / ? -“ ἈΝ /
σκαλείοις ὄψει τε βουλομένους ἰδεῖν τὸν Κικέρωνα
a /

καὶ τὴν ὑμνουμένην αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰς μαθήσεις

ὀξύτητα καὶ σύνεσιν ἱστορῆσαι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀγροικο-

a / n a

τέρους ὀργίζεσθαι τοῖς υἱέσιν ὁρῶντας ἐν ταῖς

ε al \ / f ea > nr /

ὁδοῖς τὸν Κικέρωνα μέσον αὑτῶν ἐπὶ τιμῇ λαμβά-

vovtas. γενόμενος δ᾽, ὥσπερ ὁ Πλάτων ἀξιοῖ

τὴν φιλομαθῆ καὶ φιλόσοφον φύσιν, οἷος ἀσπάξε-
a /

σθαι πᾶν μάθημα Kal μηδὲν λόγου μηδὲ παιδείας

ἀτιμάζειν εἶδος, éppvn mas προθυμότερον ἐπὶ

ποιητικήν. καί τι καὶ ποιημάτιον ἔτι παιδὸς

αὐτοῦ διασώξεται, Πόντιος Ἰ'λαῦκος, ἐν τετρα-

1 January 3, 106 B.c. Plutarch follows the Greek method
of reckoning from a fixed point in the month. Cicero says
(ante diem) 111. Nonas Januarias (ad Att. xiii. 42, 2), the

84

CICERO, 1. 4-1. 3

Marcus and the Tullius, but instead of the third,
by way of jest, he ordered the artificer to engrave
a chick-pea in due sequence. This, then, is what
is told about his name.

11. It is said that Cicero was born, without travail
or pain on the part of his mother, on the third
day of the new Calends,} the day on which at
the present time the magistrates offer sacrifices
and prayers for the health of the emperor. It
would seem also that a phantom appeared to his
nurse and foretold that her charge would be a
great blessing to all the Romans. And although
these presages were thought to be mere dreams
and idle fancies, he soon showed them to be true
prophecy ; for when he was of an age for taking
lessons, his natural talent shone out clear and he
won name and fame among the boys, so that their
fathers used to visit the schools in order to see
Cicero with their own eyes and observe the quick-
ness and intelligence in his studies for which. he
was extolled, though the ruder ones among them
were angry at their sons when they saw them
walking with Cicero placed in their midst as a
mark of honour. And although he showed himself,
as Plato? thought a nature should do which was
fond of learning and fond of wisdom, capable of
welcoming all knowledge and incapable of slight-
ing any kind of literature or training, he lent
himself with somewhat greater ardour to the art
of poetry. And a little poem which he wrote
when a boy is still extant, called Pontius Glaucus,
Nones being the fifth of January. Strictly speaking, only
the first day of the month was called the Calends, but

Plutarch seems to call the opening days of the new official
year ‘‘ the new Calends.” 2 Republic, p. 475 Ὁ.
85

VOL, VII D

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μέτρῳ πεποιημένον. προϊὼν δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ καὶ
ποικιλώτερον ἁπτόμενος τῆς περὶ ταῦτα μούσης,
ἔδοξεν οὐ μόνον ῥήτωρ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ποιητὴς ἄριστος
εἶναι Ῥωμαίων. ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τῇ ῥητορικῇ δόξα
μέ χρι νῦν διαμένει, καίπερ οὐ μικρᾶς γεγενη-
μένης περὶ τοὺς λόγους καινοτομίας, τὴν δὲ
ποιητικὴν αὐτοῦ, πολλῶν εὐφυῶν ἐπιγενομένων,
παντάπασιν ἀκλεῆ καὶ ἄτιμον ἔρρειν συμβέβηκεν.

III. ᾿Απαλλαγεὶς δὲ τῶν ἐν παισὶ διατριβῶν

Φίλωνος ἤκουσε τοῦ ἐξ ᾿Ακαδημείας, ὃν μάλιστα.
€ a a / / \ \ \
Ῥωμαῖοι τῶν Κλειτομάχου συνήθων καὶ διὰ τὸν.

, > 4 \ \ \ , > / >
λόγον ἐθαύμασαν καὶ διὰ τὸν τρόπον ἠγάπησαν.
ἅμα δὲ τοῖς περὶ Μούκιον ἀνδράσι συνὼν πολιτι-
κοῖς καὶ πρωτεύουσι τῆς βουλῆς εἰς ἐμπειρίαν

-“" na , , ᾿
τῶν νόμων ὠφελεῖτο" καί τινα χρόνον καὶ στρα-

, / ¢ \ 4 \ \ \
τείας μετέσχεν ὑπὸ Σύλλᾳ περὶ τὸν Μαρσικὸν

> e fal “
πόλεμον. εἶθ᾽ ὁρῶν εἰς στάσιν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς στά-
σεως εἰς ἄκρατον ἐμπίπτοντα τὰ πράγματα

μοναρχίαν, ἐπὶ τὸν σχολαστὴν καὶ θεωρητικὸν

ἐλθὼν βίον “Ἑλλησι συνῆν φιλολόγοις καὶ προσ-
a n , bd φ A 9 ,
εἶχε τοῖς μαθήμασιν, ἄχρι οὗ Σύλλας ἐκράτησε
Ν / / / » © » af
καὶ κατάστασίν τινα λαμβάνειν ἔδοξεν ἡ πόλις.
Ἔν δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ Χρυσόγονος ἀπελεύ-
,ὔ , εἰ / Ν > / ᾿ ig >
θερος Σύλλα προσαγγείλας τινὸς οὐσίαν ὡς ἐκ
προγραφῆς ἀναιρεθέντος αὐτὸς ἐωνήσατο δισχι-
/ “ ? \ τς ἊΝ ς eX \
3 λίων δραχμῶν. ἐπεὶ δὲ “ῬΡώσκιος ὁ vids καὶ
κληρονόμος τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἠγανάκτει καὶ τὴν

1 90-88 B.c. It was under Pompey, however, that Cicero

served (Phil. xii. 11, 27). 2 In 82 B.o.
86

862

CICERO, wu. 3-111. 3

- and composed in tetrameter verse. Moreover, as
he grew older and applied himself with greater
versatility to such accomplishments, he got the
name of being not only the best orator, but also
the best poet among the Romans. His fame for
oratory abides to this day, although there have
been great innovations in style; but his poetry,
since many gifted poets have followed him, has
altogether fallen into neglect and disrepute.

III. After he had finished the studies of boyhood,
he attended the lectures of Philon the Academic,
whom, above all the other disciples of Cleitomachus,
the Romans admired for his eloquence and loved
for his character, At the same time he consorted
with Mucius Scaevola, a statesman and leader of
the senate, and was helped by him to an acquaint-
ance with the law; and for a little while he also
did military service under Sulla in the war against
the Marsians.! Then, seeing that the common-
wealth was hurrying into factions, and from factions
into unlimited monarchy, he betook himself to a
retired and contemplative life, associated with
Greek scholars, and pursued his studies, until Sulla
got the mastery and the state appeared to be some-
what settled.”

About this time Chrysogonus, a freedman of
Sulla’s, put up at public auction the estate of a
man who, as it was said, had been put to death
under proscription, and bought it in himself for
two thousand drachmas.? Then Roscius, the son
and heir of the deceased, was indignant and set

3 In translating Cicero’s ‘‘duobus millibus nummum,”
Plutarch erroneously reckons in denarii (which were equiva-

lent to drachmas, or francs) instead of in sestertii (worth
only one-quarter as much),
87

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

οὐσίαν ἀπεδείκνυε πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων
ταλάντων οὗσαν ἀξίαν, ὅ τε Σύλλας ἐλεγχόμενος
ἐχαλέπαινε καὶ δίκην πατροκτονίας ἐπῆγε τῷ
“Ῥωσκίῳ, τοῦ Χρυσογόνου κατασκευάσαντος, ἐβο-
ἤθει δ᾽ οὐδείς, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπετρέποντο τοῦ Σύλλα τὴν
χαλεπότητα δεδοικότες, οὕτω δὴ δι’ ἐρημίαν. τοῦ
μειρακίου τῷ Κικέρωνι προσφυγόντος οἱ φίλοι
συμπαρώρμων, ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτῷ λαμπροτέραν

3 > \ \ ; ee »ῸΝ ͵
αὖθις ἀρχὴν πρὸς δόξαν ἑτέραν οὐδὲ καλλίω
γενησομένην. ἀναδεξάμενος οὖν τὴν συνηγορίαν
καὶ κατορθώσας ἐθαυμάσθη: δεδιὼς δὲ τὸν Σύλ-
λαν ἀπεδήμησεν εἰς τὴν ᾿Βλλάδα, διασπείρας
λόγον ὡς τοῦ σώματος αὐτῷ θεραπείας δεομένου.
καὶ γὰρ ἣν ὄντως ἰσχνὸς καὶ ἄσαρκος, ἀρρωστίᾳ
στομάχου μικρὰ καὶ γλίσχρα μόγις ὀψὲ τῆς
“ ς Ν \ \ \ \
ὥρας προσφερόμενος" ἡ δὲ φωνὴ πολλὴ μὲν καὶ
> / \ \ » ς \ \ lal
ἀγαθή, σκληρὰ δὲ καὶ ἄπλαστος, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ
λόγου σφοδρότητα καὶ πάθος ἔχοντος ἀεὶ διὰ τῶν
ἄνω τόνων ἐ) αυνομένη φόβον παρεῖχεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ
σώματος.

IV. ᾿Αφικομενος δ᾽ εἰς ᾿Αθήνας ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ
᾿Ασκαλωνίτου διήκουσε, τῇ μὲν εὐροίᾳ τῶν λόγων
αὐτοῦ καὶ χάριτι κηλούμενος, ἃ δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς δόγμα-
σιν ἐνεωτέριζεν οὐκ ἐπαινῶν. ἤδη γὰρ ἐξίστατο
τῆς νέας λεγομένης ᾿Ακαδημείας ὁ ᾿Αντίοχος καὶ
τὴν Καρνεάδου στάσιν ἐγκατέλειπεν, εἴτε καμ-
πτόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς ἐναργείας καὶ τῶν αἰσθήσεων,
εἴτε, ὥς φασιν ἔνιοι, φιλοτιμίᾳ τινὶ καὶ διαφορᾷ

- Ῥ fg P¢

88

CICERO, m1. 3-1v. 1

forth clearly that the estate was worth two hundred
and fifty talents, whereupon Sulla, enraged to have
his actions called in question, indicted Roscius for
the murder of his father, Chrysogonus having
trumped up the evidence. No advocate would help
Roscius, but all avoided him through their fear
of Sulla’s cruelty, and so at last, in his destitution,
the young man had recourse to Cicero. Cicero’s
friends encouraged him to undertake the case,
arguing that he would never again have a more
brilliant or a more honourable opportunity to win
fame. Accordingly, he undertook the defence of
Roscius,! won his cause, and men admired him
for it; but fearing Sulla, he made a journey to
Greece, after spreading a report that his health
needed attention. For in fact he was spare and
lean, and owing to a weakness of the. stomach
could only with difficulty take a little light food
late in the day; his voice, however, was full and
strong, but harsh and unmodulated, and since,
owing to the vehemence and passion of his oratory,
it was always forced into the higher tones, it made
men apprehensive for his health.

JV. On coming to Athens he attended the lec-
tures of Antiochus of Ascalon, and was charmed
by his fluency and grace of diction, although he
disapproved of his innovations in doctrine. For
Antiochus had already fallen away from what was
called the New Academy and abandoned the sect
of Carneades, either moved thereto by the clear
evidence of the sense-perceptions,? or, as some
say, led by a feeling of ambitious opposition to

1 See the oration pro Roscio Amerino.
2 This the New Academy refused to admit.

89

καὶ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρὸς τοὺς Κλειτομάχου καὶ Φίλωνος συνήθεις
τὸν Στωϊκὸν ἐκ μεταβολῆς θεραπεύων λόγον ἐν
τοῖς πλείστοις. ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ἐκεῖνα ἠγάπα
κἀκείνοις προσεῖχε μᾶλλον, διανοούμενος, εἰ
παντάπασιν ἐκπέσοι τοῦ τὰ κοινὰ “πράσσειν,
δεῦρο μετενεγκάμενος τὸν βίον ἐ ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καὶ
τῆς πολιτείας ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ μετὰ φιλοσοφίας
καταζῆν.

᾿Επεὶ δ᾽ αὐτῷ Σύλλας τε προσηγγέλθη τεθνη-
κώς, καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῖς γυμνασίοις ἀναρρωννύ-
μενον εἰς ἕξιν ἐβάδιζε νεανικήν, ἥ τε φωνὴ λαμβά-
νουσα πλάσιν ἡδεῖα μὲν πρὸς ἀκοὴν ἐτέθραπτο,
μετρίως δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἕξιν ἥ ἥρμοστο τοῦ σώματος,
πολλὰ μὲν τῶν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης φίλων γραφόντων
καὶ δεομένων, πολλὰ δ᾽ ᾿Αντιόχου παρακελευο-
μένου τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐπιβαλεῖν πράγμασιν, αὖθις
ὥσπερ ὄργανον ἐξηρτύετο" τὸν ῥητορικὸν λόγον
καὶ ἀνεκίνει τὴν πολιτικὴν δύναμιν, αὑτόν τε
ταῖς μελέταις διαπονῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐπαινουμένους
μετιὼν ῥήτορας. ὅθεν εἰς ᾿Ασίαν καὶ Ῥόδον
ἔπλευσε, καὶ τῶν μὲν ᾿Ασιανῶν p ῥητόρων Ξενοκλεῖ
τῷ ᾿Αδραμυττηνῷ καὶ Διονυσίῳ τῷ Μάγνητι καὶ
Μενίππῳ τῷ Καρὶ συνεσχόλασεν, ἐν δὲ “Ῥόδῳ
ῥήτορι μὲν ᾿Απολλωνίῳ τῷ Μόλωνος, φιλοσόφῳ
δὲ Ποσειδωνίῳ. λέγεται δὲ τὸν ᾿Απολλώνιον οὐ
συνιέντα τὴν “Ῥωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον δεηθῆναι τοῦ
Κικέρωνος ᾿Ελληνιστὶ μελετῆσαι" τὸν δ᾽ ὑπακοῦ-
σαι προθύμως, οἰόμενον οὕτως ἔσεσθαι βελτίονα

1 ἐτέθραπτο the words καὶ πολλή (and full) which follow
this verb in the MSS. are deleted by Gudeman as contra-
dictory to iii. 5 and due to the double band below.

2 ἐξηρτύετο Graux, after Madvig: ἐξήρτυε.

go

CICERO, rv. 1-4

the disciples of Cleitomachus and Philon to change
his views and cultivate in most cases the doctrine
of the Stoics. But Cicero loved the systems which
Antiochus discarded and devoted himself the rather
to them, purposing, in case he was altogether driven
out of a public career, to change his home to Athens,
away from the forum and the business of the state,
and spend his life in the quiet pursuit of philosophy.

But word was now brought to him that Sulla was
dead, and since his body, strengthened by exer-
cise, was taking on a vigorous habit, while his voice,
acquiring modulation, had grown pleasant to the
ear, and had been moderated into keeping with the
habit of his body; and since, moreover, his friends
at Rome earnestly besought him by letter and
Antiochus strongly urged him to apply himself to
public affairs, he once more sought to prepare. for
service therein his instrument, as it were, to wit his
rhetorical style, and to rouse to action his political
powers, diligently cultivating himself in declamation
and taking lessons of the popular rhetoricians. With
this end in view he made a voyage to Asia and
Rhodes. In Asia, he studied oratory with Xenocles
of Adramyttium, Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menip-
pus the Carian; in Rhodes, oratory with Apollonius
the son of Molon, and philosophy with Poseidonius.?
Apollonius, we are told, not understanding the
Roman language, requested Cicero to declaim in
Greek, with which request Cicero readily com-
plied, thinking that in this way his faults could

1 In 78 Β.0. 2 Cf. Cicero’s Brutus, 91.
ΟΙ

5

το

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ > , ᾽ \ > > / \
τὴν ἐπανόρθωσιν" ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐμελέτησε, τοὺς μὲν
ἄλλους ἐκπεπλῆχθαι καὶ διαμιλλᾶσθαι πρὸς
ἀλλήλους τοῖς ἐπαίνοις, τὸν δ᾽ ᾿Απολλώνιον οὔτ᾽
ἀκροώμενον αὐτοῦ διαχυθῆναι καὶ παυσαμένου

/ / \ , 3 / : \
σύννουν καθέζεσθαι πολὺν χρόνον, ἀχθομένου δὲ

τοῦ Κικέρωνος εἰπεῖν: “Σὲ μέν, ὦ Κικέρων,

ἐπαινῶ καὶ θαυμάζω, τῆς δὲ λλάδος οἰκτείρω
τὴν τύχην, ὁρῶν, ἃ μόνα τῶν καλῶν ἡμῖν ὑπελεί-
πετο, καὶ ταῦτα Ῥωμαίοις διὰ σοῦ προσγενόμενα,
παιδείαν καὶ λόγον."

V. Ὁ γοῦν Κικέρων ἐλπίδων μεστὸς ἐπὶ τὴν

πολιτείαν φερόμενος ὑπὸ χρησμοῦ τινος ἀπημ-
βλύνθη τὴν ὁρμήν. ἐρομένῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸν ἐν

Δελφοῖς θεὸν ὅπως ἂν ἐνδοξότατος γένοιτο, προσ-

érakev ἡ Πυθία τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ τὴν
n a , ς 4 fal n ,
τῶν πολλῶν δόξαν, ἡγεμόνα ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ βίου.
καὶ τόν "ΔῈ πρῶτον. ἐν Ῥώμῃ χρόνον εὐλαβῶς
διῆγε καὶ ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ὀκνηρῶς προσῇει καὶ παρὴ-
μελεῖτο, ταῦτα δὴ τὰ Ῥωμαίων τοῖς βαναυσοτά-
τοις πρόχειρα καὶ συνήθη ῥήματα, Τραικὸς καὶ
\ ᾽ , ΑΣΩΡ \ ΄ ,
σχολαστικὸς ἀκούων. ἐπεὶ δὲ φύσει φιλότιμος
ὧν καὶ παροξυνόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τῶν
φίλων ἐπέδωκεν εἰς τὸ συνηγορεῖν ἑαυτόν, οὐκ
te ὦ n / a >? > > \ Xg-/
ἠρέμα τῷ πρωτείῳ προσῆγεν, GAN εὐθὺς ἐξέ-
λαμψε τῇ δόξῃ καὶ διέφερε πολὺ τῶν ἀγωνιζο-
μένων ἐπ᾽ ἀγορᾶς.
/ \ Ν aN QO v e / a
Λέγεται δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς οὐδὲν ἧττον νοσήσας τοῦ
Δημοσθένους πρὸς τὴν ὑπόκρισιν, τοῦτο μὲν

902

863

CICERO, iv. ¥.3

better be corrected. After he had declaimed, his
other hearers were astounded and vied with one
another in their praises, but: Apollonius was not
greatly moved while listening to him, and when
he had ceased sat for a long time lost in thought;
then, since Cicero was distressed at this, he said:
“Thee, indeed, O Cicero, I admire and commend;
but Greece I pity for her sad fortune, since I see ἡ
that even the only glories which were left to us,
culture and eloquence, are through thee to belong
also to the Romans.”

V. However, though Cicero, full of hope, was
being borne on towards a political career, a certain
oracle took the edge from his eager desire. When
he inquired, namely, of the god at Delphi how
he could become most illustrious, the Pythian
priestess enjoined upon him to make his own
nature, and not the opinion of the multitude, his
guide in life. And so during the first part of
his time at Rome! he: conducted himself with
caution, was reluctant to sue for office, and was
therefore neglected, being called “Greek” and
“Scholar,” those names which the low and ignorant
classes at Rome were wont to give so readily. But
he was naturally ambitious and was urged on by
his father and his friends, and so when he gave
himself in earnest to the work of an advocate, he
did not advance slowly to the primacy, but his
fame shone forth at once, and he far surpassed those
who strove with him for distinction in the forum.

But it is said that he too, no less than Demos-
thenes, was weak in his delivery, and therefore

1 Cicero returned to Rome in 77 B.c., being in his thirtieth
year.

93

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Ῥωσκίῳ τῷ κωμῳδῷ, τοῦτο δ᾽ Αἰσώπῳ τῷ τρα-
γῳδῷ προσέχειν ἐπιμελῶς. τὸν δ᾽ Αἴσωπον
τοῦτον ἱστοροῦσιν ὑποκρινόμενον ἐν θεώτρῳ τὸν
περὶ τῆς τιμωρίας τοῦ Θυέστου βουλευόμενον
᾿Ατρέα, τῶν ὑπηρετῶν τινος ἄφνω παραδρα-
μόντος, ἔξω τῶν ἑαυτοῦ λογισμῶν διὰ τὸ πάθος
ὄντα τῷ σκήπτρῳ πατάξαι καὶ ἀνελεῖν. οὐ
μικρὰ δὲ πρὸς τὸ πείθειν ὑ ὑπῆρχεν ἐκ τοῦ ὑποκρί-
νεσθαι ῥοπὴ τῷ Κικέρωνι, καὶ τούς ye τῷ βοᾶν
μεγάλα χρωμένους * ῥήτορας ἐπισκώπτων ἔλεγε
δι᾽ ἀσθένειαν ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν κραυγὴν ὥσπερ χωλοὺς͵ ἐφ᾽
ἵππον πηδᾶν. ἡ δὲ περὶ τὰ σκώμματα καὶ τὴν
παιδιὰν ταύτην εὐτραπελία δικανικὸν μὲν ἐδόκει
καὶ γλαφυρόν, χρώμενος δ᾽ αὐτῇ κατακόρως πολ-᾿
λοὺς ἐλύπει καὶ κακοηθείας ἐλάμβανε δόξαν.

VI. ᾿Αποδειχθεὶς δὲ ταμίας ἐν σιτοδείᾳ καὶ
λαχὼν Σικελίαν ἠνώχλησε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐν
ἀρχῇ σῖτον εἰς “Ῥώμην ἀποστέλλειν “ἀναγκαξο-
μένοις. ὕστερον δὲ τῆς ἐπιμελείας καὶ δικαιοσύ-
νῆς καὶ πρᾳότητος αὐτοῦ πεῖραν λαμβάνοντες ὡς
οὐδένα τῶν πώποθ᾽ ἡγεμόνων ἐτίμησαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ
πολλοὶ τῶν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης νέων ἔνδοξοι καὶ γεγονό-
τες καλῶς, αἰτίαν ἔχοντες ἀταξίας καὶ μαλακίας
περὶ τὸν πόλεμον, ἀνεπέμφθησαν ἐπὶ τὸν στρα-
τηγὸν τῆς Σικελίας, συνεῖπεν αὐτοῖς ὃ. ͵, Κικέρων
ἐπιφανῶς καὶ περιεποίησεν. ἐπὶ τούτοις οὖν
μέγα φρονῶν εἰς Ῥώμην βαδίζων γελοῖόν τι
παθεῖν φησι. συντυχὼν γὰρ ἀνδρὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν

1 μεγάλα χρωμένους MSS., Sintenis!, and Bekker ; Sintenis?
adopts Cobet’ 5 uated cuca reais (boasting loudly of ); μεγάλα
βοᾶν χρωμένους Graux with Ma,

94

CICERO, ν. 3-vi. 3

sought with care to imitate now Roscius the
comedian, and. now Aesop the tragedian. This
Aesop, they tell us, was once acting in a theatre
the part of Atreus planning to take vengeance on
Thyestes, when one of the assistants suddenly ran
across the scene, and the actor, losing control of
himself in the intensity of his passion, smote him
with his sceptre and laid him dead. Now, Cicero's
delivery contributed not a little to his persuasive
power. Moreover, of those orators who were given
to loud shouting he used to say jestingly that
they were led by their weakness to resort to
clamour as cripples were to mount upon ἃ horse.
And his readiness to indulge in such jests and
pleasantry was thought indeed to be ἃ pleasant
characteristic of a pleader; but he carried it to
excess and so annoyed many and got the reputation
of being malicious.

VI. He was appointed quaestor! at a time when
grain was scarce, and had the province of Sicily
allotted to him, where he annoyed people at first by
compelling them to send grain to Rome. . But after-
wards they found him careful, just, and mild, and
honoured him beyond any governor they had ever
had. Moreover, when large numbers of young men
from Rome, of illustrious and noble families, were
accused of lack of discipline and courage in the war
and sent up for trial to the praetor of Sicily, Cicero
pleaded their cause brilliantly and won the day.
While he was journeying to Rome, then, highly
elated over these successes, he had a laughable
experience, as he tells us.2_ In Campania, namely, he

1 In 75 8.6.

5. Or. pro Plancio, 26. This was in the succeeding year
(74 B.c.),
95

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φίλῳ δοκοῦντι περὶ Καμπανίαν, ἐρέσθαι τίνα δὴ
τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγον ἔχουσι Ῥω-
μαῖοι καὶ τί φρονοῦσιν, ὡς ὀνόματος καὶ δόξης
τῶν πεπραγμένων αὑτῷ τὴν πόλιν ἅπασαν ἐμπε-
΄ Χ 3. =e a ‘ n \ φ χὰ ,
πληκώς" τὸν δ᾽ εἰπεῖν" “Ποῦ γὰρ ἧς, ὦ Κικέρων,
τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον; τότε μὲν οὖν ἐξαθυμῆσαι
παντάπασιν, εἰ καθάπερ εἰς πέλαγος ἀχανὲς τὴν
πόλιν ἐμπεσὼν ὁ περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγος οὐδὲν εἰς
δόξαν ἐπίδηλον πεποίηκεν: ὕστερον δὲ λογισμὸν
ἑαυτῷ διδοὺς πολὺ τῆς φιλοτιμίας ὑφεῖχεν, ὡς
πρὸς ἀόριστον πρᾶγμα τὴν δόξαν ἁμιλλώμενος
καὶ πέρας οὐκ ἐφικτὸν ἔχουσαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
τό γε χαίρειν ἐπαινούμενον διαφερόντως καὶ πρὸς
δόξαν ἐμπαθέστερον ἔχειν ἄχρι παντὸς αὐτῷ
παρέμεινε καὶ πολλοὺς πολλάκις τῶν ὀρθῶν
ἐπετάραξε λογισμῶν.

VII. ‘Amropevos δὲ τῆς πολιτείας προθυμό-
τερον, αἰσχρὸν ἡγεῖτο τοὺς μὲν βαναύσους ὀργά-
νοις χρωμένους καὶ σκεύεσιν ἀψύχοις μηδενὸς
ἀγνοεῖν ὄνομα μηδὲ χώραν ἢ δύναμιν αὐτῶν, τὸν
δὲ πολιτικόν, ᾧ δι’ ἀνθρώπων αἱ κοιναὶ πράξεις
περαίνονται, ῥᾳθύμως καὶ ἀμελῶς ἔχειν περὶ τὴν
τῶν πολιτῶν γνῶσιν. ὅθεν οὐ μόνον τῶν ὀνομά-
των εἴθιζε μνημονεύειν αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τόπον ἐν
ᾧ τῶν γνωρίμων ἕκαστος οἰκεῖ, καὶ χωρίον οὗ
κέκτηται, καὶ φίλους οἷς τισι χρῆται, καὶ γείτονας
ἐγίνωσκε' καὶ πᾶσαν ὁδὸν ᾿Ιταλίας διαπορευο-
μένῳ Κικέρωνι πρόχειρον ἣν εἰπεῖν καὶ ἐπιδεῖξαι
τοὺς τῶν φίλων ἀγροὺς καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις.

Οὐσίαν δὲ μικρὰν μέν, ἱκανὴν δὲ καὶ ταῖς
δαπάναις ἐπαρκῆ κεκτημένος ἐθαυμάζετο μήτε

96

864

CICERO, νι. ζ-ντι. 3

fell in with an eminent man whom he deemed his
friend, and asked him what the Romans were saying
and thinking about his achievements, supposing that
he had filled the whole city with the name and fame
of them; but his friend said: ‘‘ Where, pray, have
you been, Cicero, all this while?” At that time, ᾿
then, as he tells us, he was altogether disheartened,
seeing that the story of his doings had sunk into the
city as into a bottomless sea, without any visible
effect upon his reputation ; but afterwards he reasoned
with himself and abated much of his ambition, con-
vinced that the fame towards which he was emulously
struggling was a thing that knew no bounds and had
no tangible limit. However, his excessive delight in
the praise of others and his too passionate desire for
glory remained with him until the very end, and very -
often confounded his saner reasonings.

VII, And now that he was engaging in public life
with greater ardour, he considered it a shameful
thing that while craftsmen, using vessels and instru-
ments that are lifeless, know the name and place and
capacity of every one of them, the statesman, on the
contrary, whose instruments for carrying out public
measures are men, should be indifferent and careless
about knowing his fellow-citizens. Wherefore he not
only accustomed himself to remember their names,
but also learned to know the quarter of the city in
which every notable person dwelt, where he owned
a country-place, what friends he had, and what neigh-
bours ; so that whatever road in Italy Cicero travelled,
it was easy for him to name and point out the estates
and villas of his friends. .

His property, though sufficient to meet his ex-
penses, was nevertheless small, and therefore men

97

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μισθοὺς μήτε δῶρα προσιέμενος ἀπὸ τῆς συνη-
γορίας, μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅτε τὴν κατὰ Βέρρου δίκην
ἀνέλαβε. τοῦτον γὰρ στρατηγὸν γεγονότα τῆς
Σικελίας καὶ πολλὰ πεπονηρευμένον τῶν Σικε-
λιωτῶν διωκόντων εἷλεν, οὐκ εἰπών, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ
αὐτοῦ τρόπον τινὰ τοῦ μὴ εἰπεῖν. τῶν γὰρ στρα-
τηγῶν τῷ Βέρρῃ χαριζομένων καὶ τὴν δίκην
ὑπερθέσεσι καὶ διακρούσεσι πολλαῖς εἰς τὴν
ὑστάτην. ἐκβαλλόντων, WS ἣν πρόδηλον ὅτι τοῖς
λόγοις ὁ τῆς ἡμέρας οὐκ ἐξαρκέσει χρόνος οὐδὲ
λήψεται πέρας ἡ κρίσις, ἀναστὰς ὁ Κικέρων ἔφη
μὴ δεῖσθαι λόγων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαγαγὼν τοὺς μάρτυρας
καὶ ἐπικρίνας ἐκέλευσε φέρειν τὴν ψῆφον τοὺς
δικαστάς. ὅμως δὲ πολλὰ χαρίεντα διαμνημονεύ-
εται καὶ περὶ ἐκείνην αὐτοῦ τὴν δίκην. βέρρην
γὰρ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν ἐκτετμημένον χοῖρον καλοῦ-
σιν. ὡς οὖν ἀπελευθερικὸς ἄνθρωπος ἔνοχος τῷ
ἰουδαΐζειν, ὄνομα Κεκίλιος, ἐβούλετο παρωσάμε-
νος τοὺς Σικελιώτας κατηγορεῖν τοῦ Βέρρου “Τί
᾿Ιουδαίῳ πρὸς χοῖρον; ἔφη ὁ Κικέρων. ἣν δὲ
τῷ Βέρρῃ ἀντίπαις υἱός, οὐκ ἐλευθερίως δοκῶν
προΐστασθαι τῆς ὥρας. λοιδορηθεὶς οὖν ὁ Kuxé-
ρων εἰς μαλακίαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Βέρρου, “ Tots υἱοῖς,"
εἶπεν, “ἐντὸς θυρῶν δεῖ λοιδορεῖσθαι." τοῦ δὲ
ῥήτορος “Optnciov τὴν μὲν εὐθεῖαν τῷ ἘΒέρρῃ
συνειπεῖν μὴ τολμήσαντος, ἐν δὲ τῷ τιμήματι
πεισθέντος παραγενέσθαι καὶ λαβόντος ἐλεφαν-

1 That is, the last day on which the case could be tried
during that year. The city praetor already elected for the
coming year (69 Bc) favoured Verres, and Hortensius, the
advocate of Verres, was to be consul in that year. He

98

CICERO, νι. 3-6

wondered that he would accept neither fees nor gifts
for his services as advocate, and above all when
he undertook the prosecution of Verres. This
man, who had been praetor of Sicily, and whom
the Sicilians prosecuted for many villainous acts,
Cicero convicted, not by speaking, but, in a way, by
actually not speaking. For the praetors favoured
Verres, and by many obstacles and delays had put
off the case until the very last day,! since it was clear
that a day's time would not be enough for the
speeches of the advocates and so the trial would not
be finished. But Cicero rose and said there was no
need of speeches,’ and then brought up and ex-
amined his witnesses and bade the jurors cast their
votes. Nevertheless, many witty sayings of his in
connection with this trial are on record. For in-
stance, ‘‘verres”’ is the Roman word for a castrated
porker ; when, accordingly, a freedman named Caeci-
lius, who was suspected of Jewish practices, wanted
to thrust aside the Sicilian accusers and denounce
Verres himself, Cicero said: ‘‘ What has a Jew to
do with a Verres?”’ Moreover, Verres had a young
son, who had the name of lending himself to base
practices. Accordingly, when Cicero was reviled by
Verres for effeminacy, “You ought,’ said he, “to
revile your sons at home.” And again, the orator
Hortensius did not venture to plead the cause of
Verres directly, but was persuaded to appear for him
at the assessment of the fine, and received an ivory
therefore used every artifice to delay the case. See Cicero,
in Verrem, i. 10, 31 ff.

5 Of the seven orations against Verres (including the
Divinatio in Caecilium) only the first two were delivered ;

the others were compiled after the verdict had been pro-
nounced,

99

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τίνην Σφίγγα μισθόν, εἶπέ τι πλαγίως ὁ Κικέρων
πρὸς αὐτόν' τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος αἰνιγμάτων λύσεως
ἀπείρως ἔχειν, “ Καὶ μὴν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας," ἔφην
“τὴν Σφίγγα exes.”

VIII. Οὕτω δὲ τοῦ Βέρρου καταδικασθέντος,
ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε μυριάδων τιμησάμενος τὴν
δίκην ὁ ὁ Κικέρων διαβολὴν ἔσ εν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀργυρίῳ
τὸ τίμημα καθυφειμένος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ οἱ i Σικελιῶ-
ται χάριν εἰδότες ἀγορανομοῦντος αὐτοῦ πολλὰ
μὲν ἄγοντες ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου, πολλὰ δὲ φέροντες
ἧκον, ὧν οὐδὲν ἐποιήσατο κέρδος, arr ὅσον
ἐπευωνίσαι τὴν ἀγορὰν ἀπεχρήσατο τῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ
τῶν ἀνθρώπων.

᾿Βκέκτητο δὲ χωρίον καλὸν ἐν Λρποις, καὶ
περὶ Νέαν πόλιν ἣν ἀγρὸς καὶ περὶ Πομπηΐους
ἕτερος, οὐ μεγάλοι: φερνή τε Τερεντίας τῆς γυ-
ναικὸς προσεγένετο μυριάδων δέκα, καὶ κλήρονο-
μία τις εἰς ἐννέα δηναρίων συναχθεῖσα μυριάδας.
ἀπὸ τούτων ἐλευθερίως ἅ ἅμα καὶ σωφρόνως διῆγε
μετὰ τῶν συμβιούντων Ἑλλήνων καὶ “Ρωμαίων
φιλολόγων, σπάνιον, εἴ ποτε, πρὸ δυσμῶν ἡλίου
κατακλινόμενος, οὐχ οὕτω δι᾽ ἀσχολίαν, ὡς διὰ
τὸ σῶμα τῷ στομάχῳ μοχθηρῶς διακείμενον. ἣν
δὲ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην περὶ τὸ σῶμα θεραπείαν ἀκρι-
βὴς καὶ περιττός, ὥστε καὶ τρίψεσι καὶ ΄περυπά-
τοις ἀριθμῷ τεταγμένοις χρῆσθαι. ποῦτον τὸν
τρόπον διαπαιδαγωγῶν τὴν ἕξιν ἄνοσον καὶ
διαρκῆ πρὸς πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους ἀγῶνας καὶ
πόνους συνεῖχεν. οἰκίαν δὲ τὴν μὲν πατρῴαν τῷ
ἀδελφῷ παρεχώρησεν, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὠκει περὶ τὸ
Παλάτιον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ μακρὰν βαδίζοντας ἐνο-

1 οἰκίας, ἔφη, τὴν Graux with Μᾶ ; οἰκίας τήν...
100

CICERO, vit. 6--νπῖ. 3

sphinx as his reward; and when Cicero made some
oblique reference to him and Hortensius declared
that he had no skill in solving riddles, “ And yet,”
said Cicero, ‘‘thou hast the Sphinx at thy house.”

VIII. When Verres had thus been convicted,
Cicero assessed his fine at seven hundred and fifty
thousand denarii,! and was therefore accused of hav-
ing been bribed to make the fine a low one. The
Sicilians, however, were grateful to him, and when
he was aedile brought him from their island all sorts
of live stock and produce; from these he derived
no personal profit, but used the generosity of the
islanders only to lower the price of provisions.

He owned a pleasant country-seat at Arpinum,
and had a farm near Naples and another near Pom-
peii, both small. His wife Terentia brought him
besides a dowry of a hundred thousand denarii, and
he received a bequest which amounted to ninety
thousand. From these he lived, in a generous and at
the same time modest manner, with the Greek and
Roman men of letters who were his associates. He
rarely, if ever, came to table before sunset, not so
much on account of business, as because his stomach
kept him in poor health. In other ways, too, he was
exact and over-scrupulous in the care of his body, so
that he actually took a set number of rubbings and
walks. By carefully managing his health in this way
he kept it free from sickness and able to meet the
demands of many great struggles and toils. The
house which had been his father’s he made over to
his brother, and dwelt himself near the Palatine hill,?
in order that those who came to pay their court to

1 See the note on iii. 2.
2 In a house purchased after his consulship (ad fam. v. 6,2).

Io]

4

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

lal 4 / > , 3 / 5 εὖ
χλεῖσθαι τοὺς θεραπεύοντας αὐτόν. ἐθεράπευον
δὲ , € / 22 , - > ra
€ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ θύρας φοιτῶντες οὐκ ἐλάτ-
toves ἢ Κράσσον ἐπὶ πλούτῳ καὶ ἸΤομπήϊον διὰ
τὴν ἐν τοῖς στρατεύμασι δύναμιν, θαυμαζομένους
μάλιστα Ῥωμαίων καὶ μεγίστους ὄντας. Πομ-
lea / > / \ /
mnios δὲ καὶ Κικέρωνα ἐθεράπευε, καὶ μεγάλα
πρὸς δύναμιν αὐτῷ καὶ δόξαν ἡ Κικέρωνος συνέ-
πραξε πολιτεία.
/ \ , Ὁ Ἁ 3 a
IX. Στρατηγίαν δὲ μετιόντων ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ
Lal \ “
πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων πρῶτος ἁπάντων ἀνηγορεύ-
θη: καὶ τὰς κρίσεις ἔδοξε καθαρῶς καὶ καλῶς
βραβεῦσαι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Λικίννιος Μάκερ,
ἀνὴρ καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἰσχύων ἐν τῇ πόλει peya
καὶ Κράσσῳ χρώμενος βοηθῷ, κρινόμενος κλοπῆς
> a a \ a
ἐπ᾿ αὐτοῦ, τῇ δυνάμει καὶ σπουδῇ πεποιθώς,
” \ A al “ / ᾽
ἔτι τὴν ψῆφον τῶν κριτῶν διαφερόντων ἀπαλ-
\ ” / , \ \ \
Aayels οἴκαδε κείρασθαί Te THY κεφαλὴν κατὰ
΄ \ \ ε ΄ ς \ \
Taxos Kal καθαρὸν ἱμάτιον ws νενικηκὼς λαβὼν
αὖθις εἰς ἀγορὰν προϊέναι" τοῦ δὲ Κράσσου περὶ
τὴν αὔλειον ἀπαντήσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ φράσαντος
“ ΄ es o / > 7 \
ὅτι πάσαις ἑώλωκε ταῖς ψήφοις, ἀναστρέψας καὶ
κατακλινεὶς ἀποθανεῖν. τὸ δὲ πρᾶγμα τῷ Κικέ-
/ 5 «ς > “ / \
pov δόξαν ἤνεγκεν ὡς ἐπιμελῶς βραβεύσαντι τὸ
δικαστήριον. ἐπεὶ δὲ Οὐατίνιος, ἀνὴρ ἔχων τι
τραχὺ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας ὀλίγωρον ἐν ταῖς
συνηγορίαις, χοιράδων δὲ τὸν τράχηλον περί-

ον \ \ “ /
TAEWS, NTELTO TL καταστὰς Tapa τοῦ Κικέρωνος,

1 ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ Cobet’s correction of the MS. ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, adopted
by Sintenis?. So Graux with Ma,

102

865

CICERO, vim. 3-1x. 3

him might not have the trouble of a long walk.!. And
men came to his house every day to pay him court,
no fewer than came to Crassus for his wealth or to
Pompey because of his influence with the soldiery,
and these were the two greatest men among the
Romans and the most admired. Nay, Pompey actually
paid court to Cicero, and Cicero's political efforts
contributed much towards Pompey’s power and fame.

IX. Although many men of importance stood for
the praetorship along with Cicero, he was appointed
first of them all;? and men thought that he managed
the cases which came before him with integrity and
fairness. It is said, too, that Licinius Macer, a man
who had great power in the city on his own account
and also enjoyed the help of Crassus, was tried before
Cicero for fraud, and that, relying upon his influence
and the efforts made in his behalf, he went off home
while the jurors were still voting, hastily trimmed
his hair and put on a white toga in the belief that
he had been acquitted, and was going forth again to
the forum ; but Crassus met him at the house-door
and told him that he had been convicted unanimously,
whereupon he turned back, lay down upon his bed,
and died. And the case brought Cicero the reputa-
tion of having been a scrupulous presiding officer.
Again, there was Vatinius, a man who had a harsh
manner and one which showed contempt for the
magistrates before whom he pleaded ; his neck also
was covered with swellings. As this man once stood
at Cicero’s tribunal and made some request of him,

1 Cf. the Marius, xxxii. 1.

2 In 66 8.c. Eight praetors were appointed, and the one
who received most votes was made city praetor, or chief
magistrate.

103

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ μὴ διδόντος, ἀλλὰ βουλευομένου πολὺν χρό-
νον, εἶπεν ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτὸς διστάσειε περὶ τούτου
στρατηγῶν, ἐπιστραφεὶξ ὁ Κικέρων, “᾿Αλλ᾽
᾿ , 9 3 ce > 4 na / »>
eyo, el7rev, “οὐκ ἔχω τηλικοῦτον τράχηλον.
“Ere δ᾽ ἡμέρας δύο ἢ τρεῖς ἔχοντι τῆς ἀρχῆς
αὐτῷ προσήγαγέ τις Μανίλιον εὐθύνων κλοπῆς.
e \ / Φ ” 3 \
ὁ δὲ Μανίλιος οὗτος εὔνοιαν εἶχε καὶ σπουδὴν
ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, δοκῶν ἐλαύνεσθαι διὰ ἸΤομπήϊον'
> 2 \ 9 " ᾽ , > er
ἐκείνου yap ἣν φίλος. αἰτουμένου δ᾽ ἡμέρας
αὐτοῦ μίαν ὁ Κικέρων μόνην τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἔδωκε"
καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἠγανάκτησεν εἰθισμένων τῶν στρατη-
γῶν δέκα τοὐλάχιστον ἡμέρας διδόναι τοῖς κιν-
δυνεύουσι. τῶν δὲ δημάρχων αὐτὸν διωγαγόντων
ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ κατηγορούντων, ἀκουσθῆναι
δεηθεὶς εἶπεν ὅτι τοῖς κινδυνεύουσιν ἀεί, καθ᾽
ὅσον οἱ νόμοι παρείκουσι, κεχρημένος ἐπιεικῶς
͵ \ ς Lal A 4
φιλανθρώπως δεινὸν ἡγεῖτο τῷ Μανιλίῳ
ταῦτα μὴ παρασχεῖν: ἧς οὖν ἔτι μόνης κύριος ἣν
ἡμέρας στρατηγῶν, ταύτην ἐπίτηδες ὁρίσαι" τὸ
\ > ΕΝ ” \ / > a >
yap εἰς ἄλλον ἄρχοντα τὴν κρίσιν ἐκβαλεῖν οὐκ
εἶναι βουλομένου βοηθεῖν. ταῦτα λεχθέντα
θαυμαστὴν ἐποίησε τοῦ δήμου μεταβολήν: καὶ
πολλὰ. κατευφημοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐδέοντο τὴν ὑπὲρ
a / / > ne ς ᾿ Ὁ 7
τοῦ Μανιλίου συνηγορίαν ἀναλαβεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ ὑπέ-
στη προθύμως, οὐχ ἥκιστα διὰ Πομπήϊον ἀπόντα"
καὶ καταστὰς πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἐδημηγόρησε,
νεανικῶς τῶν ὀλιγαρχικῶν καὶ τῷ Homente
φθονούντων καθαπτόμενος.
Χ. πὶ δὲ τὴν ὑπατείαν οὐχ ἧττον ὑπὸ τῶν

104

CICERO, ix. 3-x. 1

Cicero did not grant it at once, but took a long time
for deliberation, whereupon Vatinius said that he
himself would not have stuck at the matter had he
been praetor. At this Cicero turned upon him and
said: ‘‘ But I have not the neck that you have.”

Two or three days before his term of office expired,
Manilius was brought before him on a charge of
fraudulent accounting. This Manilius had the good
will and eager support of the people, since it was
thought that he was prosecuted on Pompey’s account,
being a friend of his. On his demanding several
days in which to make his defence, Cicero granted
him only one, and that the next; and the people
were indignant because it was customary for the
praetor to grant ten days at least to the accused.
And when the tribunes brought Cicero to the rostra
and denounced him, he begged for a hearing, and
then said that he had always treated defendants, so
far as the laws allowed, with clemency and kindness,
and thought it an unfortunate thing that Manilius
should not have this advantage; wherefore, since
only one day was left to his disposal as praetor, he
had purposely set this day for the trial, and surely it
was not the part of one who wished to help Manilius
to defer it to another praetor’s term. These words
produced a wonderful change in the feelings of the
people, and with many expressions of approval they
begged Cicero to assume the defence of Manilius.
This he willingly consented to do, chiefly for the
sake of Pompey, who was absent, and once more
mounting the rostra harangued the people anew,
vigorously attacking the oligarchical party and those
who were jealous of Pompey.

X. Yet he was advanced to the consulship no less

105

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀριστοκρατικῶν ἢ τῶν πολλῶν προήχθη διὰ τὴν

πόλιν ἐξ αἰτίας αὐτῷ τοιαύτης συναγωνισαμένων.
a ς Ν ΄ , a \ \
τῆς ὑπὸ Σύλλα γενομένης μεταβολῆς περὶ τὴν
πολιτείαν ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν ἀτόπου φανείσης, τότε δὲ
τοῖς πολλοῖς ὑπὸ χρόνου καὶ συνηθείας ἤδη τινὰ

7 » > ΄ , es ¢
κατάστασιν ἔχειν ov φαύλην δοκούσης ἦσαν ot

τὰ παρόντα διασεῖσαι καὶ μεταθεῖναι ξητοῦντες
2707 “ ca] > Ν Ν /

ἰδίων ἕνεκα πλεονεξιῶν, οὐ πρὸς TO βέλτιστον,

Α Ὁ -“ ,
Πομπηΐου μὲν ἔτι τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἐν ἸΤόντῳ καὶ
> / al > \ A, Κὶ , Ὁ
Αρμενίᾳ πολεμοῦντος, ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ μηδεμιᾶς
΄ \
ὑφεστώσης πρὸς τοὺς νεωτερίζοντας ἀξιομάχου
δυνάμεως. οὗτοι κορυφαῖον εἶχον ἄνδρα τολμη-
τὴν καὶ μεγαλοπράγμονα καὶ ποικίλον τὸ ἦθος,
/
Λεύκιον Κατιλίναν, ὃς αἰτίαν ποτὲ πρὸς ἄλλοις
ἀδικήμασι μεγάλοις ἔλαβε παρθένῳ συγγεγονέναι
θυγατρί, κτεῖναι δ᾽ ἠδελῥῥι, αὑτοῦ: καὶ δίκην ἐπὶ
τούτῳ φοβούμενος ἔπεισε Σύλλαν ὡς ἔτι ζῶντα
τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐν τοῖς ἀποθανουμένοις προγράψαι.
τοῦτον οὖν προστάτην οἱ πονηροὶ λαβόντες ἄλλας
ὔ > / * 7
τε πίστεις ἀλλήλοις ἔδοσαν Kal καταθύσαντες
” > 4 a) “ 2
ἄνθρωπον ἐγεύσαντο τῶν σαρκῶν. διέφθαρτο ὃ
n , [οὶ A

ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολὺ μέρος τῆς ἐν TH πόλει νεότητος,
ἡδονὰς καὶ πότους καὶ γυναικῶν ἔρωτας ἀεὶ προ-
ξενοῦντος ἑκάστῳ καὶ τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην

ἀφειδῶς παρασκευάξοντος. ἐπῆρτο δ᾽ ἥ τε Tup-

, \ > , cA \ \ \ an
pnvia πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ὅλη Kal τὰ πολλὰ τῆς

évtos ᾿Αλπεων Γαλατίας. ἐπισφαλέστατα δ᾽

ἡ Ῥώμη πρὸς μεταβολὴν εἶχε διὰ τὴν ἐν ταῖς

106

866

CICERO, x. 1-4

by the aristocrats than by the common people, and
in the interests of the city, both parties. seconding
his efforts for the following reasons. The change
which Sulla had made in the constitution at first ap-
peared absurd, but now it seemed to the majority,
owing to lapse of time and their familiarity with it,
to afford at last a kind of settlement which was not to
be despised. There were those, however, who sought
to agitate and change the existing status for the sake
of their own gain, and not for the best interests of the
state, while Pompey was still carrying on war with
the kings in Pontus and Armenia, and there was no
power in Rome which was able to cope with the
revolutionaries. These had for their chief a man
of bold, enterprising, and versatile character, Lucius
Satire. who, in addition to other great crimes,
had once been accused of deflowering his own ~
daughter and of killing his own brother; and fear-
ing prosecution for this murder, he persuaded Sulla
to put his brother’s name,.as though he were still
alive, in the list of those who were to be put to
death under proscription! Taking this man, then,
as their leader, the miscreants gave various pledges
to. one another, one of which was the sacrifice
of a man and the tasting of his flesh.2 Moreover,
Catiline had corrupted a large part of the young men
in the city, supplying each of them continually with
amusements, banquets, and amours, and furnishing
without stint the money to spend on these things.
Besides, all Etruria was roused to revolt, as well as
most of Cisalpine Gaul. And Rome was most danger-
ously disposed towards change on account of the

1 Cf. the Sulla, xxxii. 2.
2 Cf. Dion Cassius, Hist. Rom. xxxvii. 30, 3.

107

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

οὐσίαις ἀνωμαλίαν, τῶν μὲν ἐν δόξη μάλιστα Kar
φρονήματι κατεπτωχευμένων εἰς θέατρα καὶ δεῖ-
πνα καὶ φιλαρχίας καὶ οἰκοδομίας, τῶν δὲ πλού-
τῶν εἰς ἀγεννεῖς καὶ ταπεινοὺς συνερρυηκότων
ἀνθρώπους, ὥστε μικρᾶς ῥοπῆς δεῖσθαι τὰ πρά-
γματα καὶ παντὸς εἶναι τοῦ τολμήσαντος ἐκστῆ-
σαι τὴν πολιτείαν αὐτὴν ὑφ᾽ αὑτῆς νοσοῦσαν.

ΧΙ. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ βουλόμενος ὁ Κατιλίνας
ἰσχυρόν TL προκαταλαβεῖν ὁρμητήριον ὑπατείαν
μετήει' καὶ λαμπρὸς ἣν ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ὡς Γαΐῳ
᾿Αντωνίῳ συνυπατεύσων, ἀνδρὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν μὲν
οὔτε πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον οὔτε πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον ἡγε-
μονικῷ, προσθήκῃ δ᾽ ἄγοντος ἑτέρου δυνάμεως
ἐσομένῳ. ταῦτα δὴ τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν οἱ
πλεῖστοι προαισθόμενοι τὸν Κικέρωνα προῆγον
ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν" καὶ τοῦ δήμου δεξαμένου προ-
θύμως ὁ μὲν Κατιλίνας ἐξέπεσε, Κικέρων δὲ καὶ
Γάϊος ᾿Αντώνιος ἡρέθησαν. καίτοι τῶν μετιόν-
των 0 Κικέρων μόνος ἣν ἐξ ἱππικοῦ πατρός, ov
βουλευτοῦ, γεγονώς.

XII. Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Κατιλίναν ἔμελλεν ἔτι
τοὺς πολλοὺς λανθάνοντα, προάγωνες δὲ μεγάλοι
τὴν Κικέρωνος ὑπατείαν ἐξεδέξαντο. τοῦτο μὲν
γὰρ οἱ κεκωλυμένοι κατὰ τοὺς Σύλλα νόμους
ἄρχειν, οὔτ᾽ ἀσθενεῖς ὄντες οὔτ᾽ ὀλίγοι, μετιόντες
ἀρχὰς ἐδημαγώγουν, πολλὰ τῆς Σύλλα τυραν-
νίδος ἀληθῆ μὲν καὶ δίκαια κατηγοροῦντες, οὐ
μὴν ἐν δέοντι τὴν πολιτείαν οὐδὲ σὺν καιρῷ
κινοῦντες" τοῦτο δὲ νόμους εἰσῆγον οἱ δήμαρχοι

τοῦ

CICERO, x. 4-χιι. 2

irregularity in the distribution of property, since men
of the highest reputation and spirit had beggared
themselves on shows, feasts, pursuit of office, and
buildings, and riches had streamed into the coffers of
low-born and mean men, so that matters needed only
a slight impulse to disturb them, and it was in the
power of any bold man to overthrow the common-
wealth, which of itself was in a diseased condition. |

XI. However, Catiline wished to obtain first a
strong base of operations, and therefore sued for
the consulship; and he had bright hopes that he
would share the consulship with Caius Antonius,
a man who, of himself, would probably not take
the lead either for good or for bad, but would add
strength to another who took the lead. Most of
the better class of citizens were aware. of this,
and therefore put forward Cicero for the consul-
ship, and as the people readily accepted him,
Catiline was defeated, and Cicero and Caius Anto-
nius were elected.!. And yet Cicero was the only
one of the candidates who was the son, not of a
senator, but of a knight. 7

XII. The schemes of Catiline were still to remain
concealed from the multitude, but great preliminary
struggies awaited the consulship of Cicero. For,
in the first place, those who were prevented from
holding office by the laws of Sulla, and they were
neither few nor weak, sued for offices and_ tried
to win the favour of the people, making many
charges against the tyranny of Sulla which were
just and true, indeed, but disturbing the govern-
ment at an improper and unseasonable time; and,
in the second place, the tribunes were introducing

1 For the year 63 Β.6,
109

en

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ \ ἂν. Δ e / 7 ,
πρὸς τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν, δεκαδαρχίαν καθιστάν-
τες αὐτοκρατόρων ἀνδρῶν, οἷς ἐφεῖτο πάσης μὲν

/ ss
Ἰταλίας, πάσης δὲ Συρίας, καὶ ὅσα διὰ Τομπηΐου
/ a

νεωστὶ προσώριστο κυρίους ὄντας πωλεῖν τὰ
δημόσια, κρίνειν ods δοκοίη, φυγάδας ἐκβάλλειν,

U la)
συνοικίζειν πόλεις, χρήματα λαμβάνειν ἐκ τοῦ
ταμιείου, στρατιώτας τρέφειν καὶ καταλέγειν

\ an a
ὁπόσων δέοιντο. διὸ Kal τῷ νόμῳ προσεῖχον
” ral > a “Ὁ ᾽ / 4
ἄλλοι τε τῶν ἐπιφανῶν καὶ πρῶτος ᾿Αντώνιος ὁ
τοῦ Κικέρωνος συνάρχων ὡς τῶν δέκα γενησό-
Ν \ /
μενος. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τὸν Κατιλίνα νεωτερισμὸν
20 \ > 4 ς Ν / /
εἰδὼς ov δυσχεραίνειν ὑπὸ πλήθους δανείων: ὃ
ad / al
μάλιστα τοῖς ἀρίστοις φόβον παρεῖχε.
an a ς

Καὶ τοῦτον πρῶτον θεραπεύων ὁ Kixepov
ΕῚ , \ ᾿] / n > an ,ὔ
ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἐψηφίσατο τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν Μακεδονίαν,

a / /
αὑτῷ δὲ τὴν Γαλατίαν διδομένην παρῃτήσατο,
lal 4 \
Kal κατειργάσατο TH χάριτι ταύτῃ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον
\ a
ὥσπερ ὑποκριτὴν ἔμμισθον αὐτῷ τὰ δεύτερα
- n / >
λέγειν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος. ὡς δ᾽ οὗτος ἑαλώκει

Ν / > / - » a ς

καὶ χειροήθης ἐγεγόνει, μᾶλλον ἤδη θαρρῶν ὁ
\ a

Κικέρων ἐνίστατο πρὸς τοὺς καινοτομοῦντας. ἐν
a n ’ \ ῦ

μὲν οὖν τῇ βουλῇ κατηγορίαν τινὰ τοῦ νόμου

διατιθέμενος οὕτως ἐξέπληξεν αὐτοὺς τοὺς εἰσφέ-

/
ροντας ὥστε μηδὲν ἀντιλέγειν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αὖθις
/ a
ἐπεχείρουν Kal παρεσκευασμένοι προεκαλοῦντο
τοὺς ὑπάτους ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον, οὐδὲν ὑποδείσας ὁ

\ Σ
Κικέρων, ἀλλὰ τὴν βουλὴν ἕπεσθαι κελεύσας καὶ

προελθών, οὐ μόνον ἐξέβαλε τὸν νόμον, ἀλλὰ
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπογνῶναι τοὺς δημάρχους

Ifo

ae oe te ee

CICERO, xi. 2-5

laws to the same purpose, appointing a commission
of ten men with unlimited powers, to whom was
committed, as supreme masters of all Italy, of all
Syria, and of all the territories which Pompey had
lately added to the empire, the right to sell the
public lands, to try whom they pleased, to send
into exile, to settle cities, to take moneys from
the public treasury, and to levy and maintain as
many soldiers as they wanted. Therefore many
of the prominent men also were in favour of the
law, and foremost among them Antonius the col-
league of Cicero, who expected to be one of the
ten. It was thought also that he knew about
the conspiracy of Catiline and was not averse to
it, owing to the magnitude of his debts; and this
was what gave most alarm to the nobles. .

This alarm Cicero first sought to allay by getting
the province of Macedonia voted to his colleague,
while he himself declined the proffered province
of Gaul; and by this favour he induced Antonius,
like a hired actor, to play the second réle to him
in defence of their country. Then, as soon as
Antonius had been caught and was tractable, Cicero
opposed himself with more courage to the inno-
vators. Accordingly, he denounced the proposed
law in the senate at great length, and so terrified
the very promoters of it that they had no reply
to make to him. And when they made a second
attempt and after full preparation summoned the
consuls to appear before the people, Cicero had
not the slightest fear, but bidding the senate follow
him and leading the way, he not only got the
law rejected, but also induced the tribunes to desist

111

iS)

aS

PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐποίησε, παρὰ τοσοῦτον τῷ λόγῳ κρατηθέντας
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ.
XIII. Μάλιστα γὰρ οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐπέδειξε

€ / Ὁ ς a , n n ἣν»
Ῥωμαίοις ὅσον ἡδονῆς λόγος τῷ καλῷ προστί-

θησι, καὶ ὅτι τὸ δίκαιον ἀήττητόν ἐστιν ἂν ὀρθῶς
, \ a \ > la) , >

λέγηται, καὶ δεῖ τὸν ἐμμελῶς πολιτευόμενον ἀεὶ

τῷ μὲν ἔργῳ τὸ καλὸν ἀντὶ τοῦ κολακεύοντος

αἱρεῖσθαι, τῷ δὲ λόγῳ τὸ λυποῦν ἀφαιρεῖν TOD.
συμφέροντος. δεῖγμα δὲ αὐτοῦ τῆς περὶ τὸν λό-

γον χάριτος καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς θέας ἐν τῇ ὑπατείᾳ

n « n , : > ὦ
γενόμενον. τῶν γὰρ ἱππικῶν πρότερον ἐν τοῖς
θεάτροις ἀναμεμιγμένων τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ μετὰ

a ’ / ς ” a /
τοῦ δήμου θεωμένων ws ἔτυχε, πρῶτος διέκρινεν

Bia FY a \ e , > Ν lal ” val
ἐπὶ τιμῇ TOUS ἱππέας ATO τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν

Μάρκος Ὄθων στρατηγῶν, καὶ διένειμεν ἰδίαν

2 , / ἃ ἐς \ a 2 , ΝΜ
ἐκείνοις θέαν, ἣν ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐξαίρετον ἔχουσι.
nr \ > / ς n /
τοῦτο πρὸς ἀτιμίας ὁ δῆμος ἔλαβε, καὶ φανέντος
> / aw > / 3 4 «
ἐν θεάτρῳ τοῦ ᾿Ὄθωνος ἐφυβρίζων ἐσύριττεν, οἱ
4΄ 28 -" ς 7, , Ν » nO

δ᾽ ἱππεῖς ὑπέλαβον κρότῳ τὸν ἄνδρα λαμπρῶς.

Wal δὲ ς δῆ 3 , Ν / »
αὖθις O€ ὁ OnmosS ἐπέτεινε TOV συρίγμον, εἶτα.

ἐκεῖνον τὸν κρότον. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τραπόμενοι
/ “

πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐχρῶντο λοιδορίαις, καὶ τὸ θέ-

3 n ᾽

ατρον ἀκοσμία κατεῖχεν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὁ Κικέρων ἧκε

, “Ὁ nf

πυθόμενος καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐκκαλέσας πρὸς τὸ τῆς
᾽ “ « \ 3 , / >

Ενυοῦς ἱερὸν ἐπετίμησε καὶ παρήνεσεν, ἀπελ-

1 See the three orations de Lege Agraria, which have come
down to us almost intact.

112

867

μον 5 amen ni gt ly RED Sides FE bn

CICERO, x1. 5—xul. 4

from the rest of their measures, so overpowered
were they by his eloquence.!

XIII. For this man beyond all others showed
the Romans how great a charm eloquence adds to
the right, and that justice is invincible if it is
correctly put in words, and that it behooves the
careful statesman always in his acts to choose the
right instead of the agreeable, and in his words
to take away all vexatious features from what is
advantageous. A proof of the charm of his dis-
course may be found in an incident of his con-
sulship connected with the public spectacles. In
earlier times, it seems, the men of the equestrian
order were mingled with the multitudes in the
theatres and saw the spectacles along with the
people, seated as chance would have it ; Marcus Otho
was the first to separate in point of honour the
knights from the rest of the citizens, which he
did when he was praetor,? and gave them ἃ par-
ticular place of their own at the spectacles, which
they still retain. The people took this as a mark
of dishonour to themselves, and when Otho ap-
peared in the theatre they hissed him insultingly,
while the knights received him with loud applause.
The people renewed and increased their hisses,
and then the knights their applause. After this
they turned upon one another with reviling
words, and disorder reigned in the theatre. When
Cicero heard of this he came and summoned the
people to the temple of Bellona, where he rebuked

2 It was in 67 B.c., four years before Cicero’s consulship,
that Lucius Roscius Otho, as tribune of the people, introduced
his law giving the equites a special place at the spectacles,

namely, the fourteen rows of seats next those of the senators.
The law, however, had only recently been enacted.

113

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θόντες αὖθις εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐκρότουν τὸν "OOwva
λαμπρῶς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἱππέας ἅμιλλαν ἐποι-
ovvTo περὶ τιμῶν καὶ δόξης τοῦ ἀνδρός. me
XIV. Ἢ δὲ περὶ τὸν Κατιλίναν συνωμοσία

, \
πτήξασα καὶ καταδείσασα τὴν ἀρχὴν αὖθις ave-

n /

θάρρει, καὶ συνῆγον ἀλλήλους Kal παρεκάλουν
εὐτολμότερον ἅπτεσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων πρὶν

, -“ 7. ” , “7 &
ἐπανελθεῖν Πομπήϊον ἤδη λεγόμενον ὑποστρέφειν
μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. μάλιστα δὲ τὸν Κατιλίναν
ἐξηρέθιζον οἱ Σύλλα πάλαι στρατιῶται, διαπε-
\ ee fal ? / a \ \
φυκότες μὲν ὅλης τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας, πλεῖστοι δὲ Kal
μαχιμώτατοι ταῖς Τυρρηνικαῖς ἐγκατεσπαρμένοι
, e \ A / 7
πόλεσιν, ἁρπαγὰς πάλιν καὶ διαφορήσεις πλού-
των ἑτοίμων ὀνειροπολοῦντες. οὗτοι γὰρ ἡγεμόνα
Μάλλιον ἔχοντες, ἄνδρα τῶν ἐπιφανῶς ὑπὸ Σύλ-
λᾳ στρατευσαμένων, συνίσταντο τῷ Κατιλίνᾳ
καὶ παρῆσαν εἰς Ῥώμην συναρχαιρεσιάσοντες.
ὑπατείαν γὰρ αὖθις μετήει, βεβουλευμένος ἀνε-
λεῖν τὸν Κικέρωνα περὶ αὐτὸν τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν

Ν U 20. ἢ \ \ \ ,
tov θόρυβον. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον προση-
μαίνειν τὰ πρασσόμενα σεισμοῖς καὶ κεραυνοῖς
καὶ φάσμασιν. αἱ δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων μηνύσεις
᾽ a \ 9 " ’ ᾽ »" >? a
ἀληθεῖς μὲν ἦσαν, οὔπω δ᾽ εἰς ἔλεγχον ἀποχρῶ-
σαι κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου καὶ δυναμένου μέγα τοῦ
Κατιλίνα. διὸ τὴν ἡμέραν τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν
ε ς , eB \ . / »
ὑπερθέμενος ὁ Κικέρων ἐκάλει τὸν Κατιλίναν εἰς
τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ περὶ τῶν λεγομένων ἀνέκρινεν.
ὁ δὲ πολλοὺς οἰόμενος εἶναι τοὺς πραγμάτων
καινῶν ἐφιεμένους ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, καὶ ἅμα τοῖς

114

CICERO, χπι. 4—x1v. 4

and exhorted them, whereupon they went back
again to the theatre and applauded Otho loudly,
and vied with the knights in showing him honour
and esteem.

XIV. But Catiline and his fellow-conspirators, who
at first were cowed and terrified, began once more
to take courage, and assembling themselves together
exhorted one another to take matters in hand more
boldly before Pompey came back, and he was said
to be now returning with his army. It was the
old soldiers of Sulla, however, who were most of
all urging Catiline on to action. These were to
be found in all parts of Italy, but the greatest
numbers and the most warlike of them had been
scattered among the cities of Etruria, and were
again dreaming of robbing and plundering the
wealth that lay ready to hand. These men, I
say, with Manlius for a leader, one of the mer
who had served with distinction under Sulla, asso-
ciated themselves with Catiline and came to Rome
to take part in the consular elections. For Catiline
was again a candidate for the consulship, and had
determined to kill Cicero in the very tumult of
the elections. Moreover, even the heavenly. powers
seemed, by earthquakes and thunderbolts and ap-
paritions, to foreshow what was coming to pass. And
there were also human testimonies which were true,
indeed, but not sufficient for the conviction of a
man of reputation and great power like Catiline.
For this reason Cicero postponed the day of the
elections, and summoning Catiline to the senate,
examined him concerning what was reported, But
Catiline, thinking that there were many in the
senate who were desirous of a revolution, and at

115

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

συνωμόταις ἐνδεικνύμενος, ἀπεκρίνατο τῷ Κικέ-

pave μανικὴν ἀπόκρισιν' “Τί γάρ, ᾿ ἔφη, “πράττω

δεινόν, εἰ, δνεῖν σωμάτων ὄντων, τοῦ μὲν ἰἐσχνοῦ
/

Kal κατεφθινηκότος, ἔχοντος δὲ κεφαλήν, τοῦ δ᾽

> / ΄ 2 a \ , ,

ἀκεφάλου μέν, ἰσχυροῦ δὲ καὶ μεγάλου, τούτῳ

κεφαλὴν αὐτὸς ἐπιτίθημι;"" τούτων εἴς τε τὴν

βουλὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἠνιγμένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, μᾶλ-
λον ὁ Κικέρων ἔδεισε, καὶ τεθωρακισμένον αὐτὸν
οἵ τε δυνατοὶ πάντες ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας καὶ τῶν νέων
πολλοὶ κατήγαγον εἰς τὸ πεδίον. τοῦ δὲ θώρακος
ἐπίτηδες ὑπέφαινέ τι παραλύσας ἐκ τῶν ὦμων
τοῦ χιτῶνος, ἐνδεικνύμενος τοῖς ὁρῶσι τὸν κίνδυ-
νον. οἱ δ᾽ ἠγανάκτουν καὶ συνεστρέφοντο περὴ
αὐτόν" καὶ τέλος ἐν ταῖς ψήφοις τὸν μὲν Κατιλί-

ναν αὖθις ἐξέβαλον, εἵλοντο δὲ Σιλανὸν ὕπατον.

καὶ Μουρήναν.
XV. Οὐ πολλῷ δ᾽ ὕστερον τούτων ἤδη τῷ

Κατιλίνᾳ τῶν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ συνερχομένων καὶ

καταλοχιζομένων, καὶ τῆς ὡρισμένης πρὸς τὴν
ἐπίθεσιν ἡμέρας ἐγγὺς οὔσης, ἧκον ἐπὶ τὴν Κικέ-
ρωνος οἰκίαν περὶ μέσας νύκτας ἄνδρες οἱ πρῶτοι
καὶ δυνατώτατοι Ῥωμαίων, Μάρκος τε Κράσσος
καὶ Μάρκος Μ άρκελλος καὶ Σκηπίων Μέτελλος"
κόψαντες δὲ τὰς θύρας καὶ καλέσαντες τὸν θυ-
ρωρὸν ἐκέλευον ἐπεγεῖραι καὶ φράσαι Κικέρωνι
τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτῶν. ἣν δὲ τοιόνδε" τῷ Κράσ-
σῳ μετὰ δεῖπνον ἐπιστολὰς ἀποδίδωσιν ὁ θυ-
ρωρός, ὑπὸ δή τινος ἀνθρώπου κομισθείσας ἀ ἀγνώ-
στου, ἄλλας ἄλλοις ἐπιγεγραμμένας, αὐτῷ δὲ
Κράσσῳ μίαν ἀδέσποτον. ἣν μόνην ἀναγνοὺς
ὁ Κράσσος, ὡς ἔφραξε τὰ γράμματα φόνον γενη-

116

CICERO, xiv. 4--χν. 2

the same time making a display of himself to
the conspirators, gave Cicero the answer of a
madman: “What dreadful thing, pray,” said he,
“am I doing, if, when there are two bodies, one
lean and wasted, but with a head,! and the other
headless, but strong and large, I myself become
a head for this?”’. Since this riddle of Catiline’s
referred to the senate and the people, Cicero was
all the more alarmed, and he wore ἃ breastplate
when all the nobles and many of the young men
escorted him from his house to the Campus Martius.
Moreover, he purposely allowed the spectators to
get a glimpse of his breastplate by loosing his tunic
from his shoulders, thus showing them his_ peril.
The people were incensed and rallied about him;
and finally, when they voted, they rejected Catiline
once more, and elected Silanus and Murena consuls.

XV. Not long after this, when Catiline’s soldiers
in Etruria were already assembling and forming into
companies, and when the day set for their attack
was near, there came to the house of Cicero at mid-
night men who were the leading and most powerful
Romans, Marcus Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, and
Scipio Metellus ; and knocking at the door and sum-
moning the doorkeeper, they bade him wake Cicero
and tell him they were there. Their business was
what I shall now relate. After Crassus had dined,
his doorkeeper handed him some letters which an
unknown man had brought; they were addressed
to different persons, and one, which had no sig-
nature, was for Crassus himself. Crassus read this
letter only, and since its contents told him that

1 Unum debile, infirmo capite (Cicero, pro Murena, 25, 51).
2 For the year 62 B.o.

VOL. VII. E 117

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σόμενον πολὺν διὰ Κατιλίνα, καὶ mapnver τῆς
πόλεως ὑπεξελθεῖν, τὰς ἄλλας οὐκ ἔλυσεν, ἀλλ᾽
ἧκεν εὐθὺς πρὸς τὸν Κικέρωνα, πληγεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ
δεινοῦ, καί τι τῆς αἰτίας ἀπολυόμενος ἣν ἔσχε
διὰ φιλίαν τοῦ Κατιλίνα.

Βουλευσάμενος οὖν ὁ Κικέρων ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ βου-
λὴν συνήγαγε, καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς κομίσας ἀπέ-
δωκεν οἷς ἦσαν ἐπεσταλμέναι, κελεύσας φανερῶς
ἀναγνῶναι. πᾶσαι δ᾽ ἦσαν ὁμοίως ἐπιβουλὴν
φράζουσαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Koivtos ἔΑρριος, ἀνὴρ
στρατηγικός, ἀπήγγελλε τοὺς ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ κατα-
λοχισμούς, καὶ Μάλλιος ἀπηγγέλλετο σὺν χειρὶ
μεγάλῃ περὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐκείνας αἰωρούμενος ἀεί
TL προσδοκᾶν καινὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Ρώμης, γίνεται
δόγμα τῆς βουλῆς παρακατατίθεσθαι τοῖς ὑπά-
τοῖς τὰ πράγματα, δεξαμένους δ᾽ ἐκείνους ὡς
ἐπίστανται διοικεῖν καὶ σώζειν τὴν πόλιν. τοῦτο
δ᾽ οὐ πολλάκις, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν τι μέγα δείσῃ, ποιεῖν
εἴωθεν ἡ σύγκλητος.

XVI. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ταύτην λαβὼν τὴν ἐξουσίαν ὁ
Κικέρων τὰ μὲν ἔξω πράγματα ἹΚοΐντῳ Μετέλλῳ
διεπίστευσε, τὴν δὲ πόλιν εἶχε διὰ χειρὸς καὶ
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν προΐει δορυφορούμενος ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρῶν
τοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος ὥστε τῆς ἀγορᾶς πολὺ
μέρος κατέχειν ἐμβάλλοντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς παραπέμ-
TOVTAS, οὐκέτι καρτερῶν τὴν μέλλησιν ὁ Κατι-
λίνας αὐτὸς μὲν ἐκπηδᾶν ἔγνω πρὸς τὸν Μάλλιον

1 See the Crassus, xiii 3. Cicero’s treatise on his consulship,
there referred to, was written in Greek, and is not extant.

118

CICERO, xv. 2-xvi, tf

there was to be much bloodshed caused by Catiline,
and advised him to escape secretly from the city,
he did not open. the rest, but came at once to
Cicero, terrified by the danger, and seeking to free
himself somewhat from charges that had _ been
made against him on account of his friendship for
Catiline.}

Cicero, accordingly, after deliberation, convened
the senate at break of day, and carrying the letters
thither gave them to the persons to whom they had
been sent, with orders to read them aloud. All the
letters alike were found to tell of a plot. And when
also Quintus Arrius, a man of praetorian dignity,
brought word of the soldiers who were being mus-
tered into companies in Etruria, and Manlius was
reported to be hovering about the cities there with
a large force, in constant expectation of some news
from Rome, the senate passed a decree that matters
should be put in the hands of the consuls, who were
to accept the charge and manage as best they knew
how for the preservation of the city.2_ Now, the
senate is not wont to do this often, but only when
it fears some great danger.

XVI. On receiving this power Cicero entrusted
matters outside to Quintus Metellus, while he him-
self kept the city in hand and daily went forth
attended by so large a bodyguard that a great
part of the forum was occupied when he entered
it with his escort. Thereupon Catiline, no longer
able to endure the delay, resolved to hasten forth

2 Dent operam consules ne quid respublica detrimenti
eapiat (Sallust, Catiline, 29); decrevit quondam senatus ut
L. Opimius consul videret ne quid res publica detrimenti
caperet (Cicero, in Catil. i. 2, 4).

119

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 ἐπὶ τὸ στράτευμα, Μάρκιον δὲ καὶ KéOnyov éxé-
λευσε ξίφη λαβόντας ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας ἕωθεν
ὡς ἀσπασομένους τὸν Κικέρωνα καὶ διαχρήσα-
σθαι προσπεσόντας. τοῦτο Φουλῥβία, γυνὴ τῶν
ἐπιφανῶν, ἐξαγγέλλει τῷ Κικέρωνι, νυκτὸς ἐλ-
θοῦσα καὶ highs ἡ φυλάττεσθαι τοὺς
περὶ τὸν Κέθηγον. οἱ δ᾽ ἧκον ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ
κωλυθέντες εἰσελθεῖν 1 ΑΝ καὶ κατεβόων

8 ἐπὶ θύραις, ὥστε ὑποπτότεροι γενέσθαι. προεὰ-
θὼν δ᾽ ὁ Κικέρων ἐκάλει τὴν σύγκλητον εἰς τὸ
τοῦ Στησίου Διὸς ἱερόν, ὃν Στάτορα “Ῥωμαῖοι
καλοῦσιν, ἱδρυμένον ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ἱερᾶς ὁδοῦ, πρὸς
τὸ Παλάτιον ἀνιόντων. ἐνταῦθα καὶ τοῦ ΙΚατι-
λίνα μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐλθόντος ὡς ἀπολογησο-
μένου, συγκαθίσαι μὲν οὐδεὶς ὑπέμεινε τῶν συγ-
κλητικῶν, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἀπὸ τοῦ βάθρου μετῆλ-
θον. ἀρξάμενος δὲ λέγειν ἐθορυβεῖτο, καὶ τέλος
ἀναστὰς ὁ Κικέρων προσέταξεν. αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως
ἀπαλλάττεσθαι: δεῖν γὰρ αὐτοῦ μὲν λόγοις, ἐκεί-
νου δ᾽ ὅπλοις πολιτευομένου μέσον εἶναι τὸ

4 τεῖχος. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κατιλίνας εὐθὺς ἐξελθὼν
μετὰ τριακοσίων ὁπλοφόρων καὶ περιστησάμενος
αὑτῷ ῥαβδουχίας ὡς ἄρχοντι καὶ πελέκεις, καὶ
σημαίας ἐπαράμενος, πρὸς τὸν Μάλλιον ἐχώρει"
καὶ δισμυρίων ὁ ὁμοῦ τι συνηθροισμένων ἐπήει τὰς
πόλεις ἀναπείθων καὶ ἀφιστάς, ὥστε τοῦ πολέ-
μου φανεροῦ γεγονότος τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἀποσταλῆς-
ναι διαμαχούμενον.

1 From Cicero’s oration pro Sulla (6, 18) and Sallust’s
Catiline (28) it appears that the names of these would-be
murderers were Caius Cornelius and Lucius Vargunteius.

120

CICERO, xvi 1-4

to Manlius and his army, and ordered Marcius
and Cethegus! to take their swords and go early
in the morning to the house of Cicero on pretence
of paying him their respects, and there to fall upon
him and dispatch him. This scheme Fulvia, a woman
of high rank, made known to Cicero, coming to him
by night and urging him to be on his guard against
Cethegus and his companion. The men came. at
break of day, and when they were prevented from
entering, they were incensed and made δὴ outcry
at the door, which made them the more sus-
pected. Then Cicero went forth and summoned
the senate to the temple of Jupiter Stesius (or
Stator, as the Romans say), which was situated
at the beginning of the Via Sacra, as you go up
to the Palatine hill: Thither Catiline also came
with the rest in order to make his defence; no
senator, however, would sit with him, but all
moved away from the bench where he was. And
when he began to speak he was interrupted by
outcries, and at last Cicero rose and ordered him
to depart from the city, saying that, since one
of them did his work with words and the other
with arms, the city-wall must needs lie between
them.? Catiline, accordingly, left the city at once
with three hundred armed followers, assumed the
fasces and axes as though he were a magistrate,
raised standards, and marched to join Manlius;
and since about twenty thousand men altogether
had been collected, he marched round to the various
cities endeavouring to persuade them to revolt,
so that there was now open war, and Antonius
was sent off to fight it out.

2 Cf. Cicero, in Catil. i. 5, 10.
121

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XVII. Τοὺς δ᾽ ὑπολειφθέντας ἐν τῇ πόλει TOV
διεφθαρμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ Κατιλίνα συνῆγε καὶ
παρεθάρρυνε Κορνήλιος Λέντλος Σούρας ἐπίκλη-
σιν, ἀνὴρ γένους μὲν ἐνδόξου, βεβιωκὼς δὲ φαύ-
λως καὶ δι’ ἀσέλγειαν ἐξεληλαμένος τῆς βουλῆς.
πρότερον, τότε δὲ στρατηγῶν τὸ δεύτερον, ὡς
ἔθος ἐστὶ τοῖς ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἀνακτωμένοις τὸ βου-
λευτικὸν ἀξίωμα. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν
αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὸν Σούραν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης.
ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Σύλλαν χρόνοις ταμιεύων συχνὰ
τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων ἀπώλεσε καὶ διέφθειρεν.
ἀγανακτοῦντος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα καὶ λόγον ἀπαι-
τοῦντος ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ, προελθὼν ὀλιγώρως
πάνυ καὶ καταφρονητικῶς λόγον μὲν οὐκ ἔφη.
διδόναι, παρέχειν δὲ τὴν κνήμην, ὥσπερ εἰώθεισαν
οἱ παῖδες ὅταν ἐν τῷ σφαιρίζειν ἁμάρτωσιν. ἐκ.
τούτου Σούρας παρωνομάσθη: σούραν γὰρ οἱ
Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν κνήμην λέγουσι. πάλιν δὲ δίκην
ἔχων καὶ διαφθείρας ἐνίους τῶν δικαστῶν, ἐπεὶ
δυσὶ μόναις ἀπέφυγε ψήφοις, ἔφη παρανάλωμα
γεγονέναι τὸ θατέρῳ κριτῇ δοθέν: ἀρκεῖν γὰρ εἰ
καὶ μιᾷ ψήφῳ μόνον ἀπελύθη.

Τοῦτον ὄντα τῇ φύσει τοιοῦτον κεκινημένον
ὑπὸ τοῦ Κατιλίνα προσδιέφθειραν ἐλπίσι κεναῖς
ψευδομάντεις καὶ γόητες ἔπη πεπλασμένα καὶ
χρησμοὺς ἄδοντες, ὡς ἐκ τῶν Σιβυλλείων, προ-
δηλοῦντας εἱμαρμένους εἶναι τῇ Ρώμῃ Κορνηλί-
ους τρεῖς μονάρχους, ὧν δύο μὲν ἤδη πεπληρω-
κέναι τὸ χρεών, Κίνναν τε καὶ Σύλλαν, τρίτῳ δὲ

122

809.

CICERO, xvu. 1-4

XVII. The creatures of Catiline who had been left
behind in the city were brought together and en-
couraged by Cornelius Lentulus, surnamed Sura, a
man of illustrious birth, but one who had led a low
life and for his licentiousness had formerly been ex-
pelled from the senate, though now he was serving
as praetor for the second time, as is the custom with.
those who have recovered their senatorial dignity.
It is said too that he got his surname of Sura for the
following reason. In Sulla’s time he was quaestor
and lost and wasted large amounts of the public
moneys. Sulla was angry at this and demanded an ac-
counting from him in the senate, whereupon Lentulus
came forward with a very careless and contemptuous
air and said that he would not give an account, but
would offer his leg, as boys were accustomed to do
when they were playing ball and made a miss. On
this account he was surnamed Sura, for “sura”’ is
the Roman word for leg. At another time, too, he
was under prosecution and had bribed some of the
jurors, and when he was acquitted by only two votes,
he said that what he had given to the second juror
was wasted money, since it would have sufficed if he
had been acquitted by one vote only.

Such was the nature of this man who had been
stirred up by Catiline, and he was further corrupted
by vain hopes held out to him by false prophets and
jugglers. These recited forged oracles in verse pur-
porting to come from the Sibylline books,! which set
forth that three Cornelii were fated to be monarchs
in Rome, two of whom had already fulfilled their
destiny, namely, Cinna and Sulla, and that now to

1 Cf. Cicero, in Catil. iii. 4, 9.

123

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λοιπῷ Κορνηλίῳ ἐκείνῳ φέροντα τὴν μοναρχίαν
of A / a 4
ἥκειν τὸν δαίμονα, καὶ δεῖν πάντως δέχεσθαι καὶ

\ ld \ , “
μὴ διαφθείρειν μέλλοντα τοὺς καιρούς, ὥσπερ
Κατιλίνας.

XVIII. Οὐδὲν ρὖν ἐπενόει μικρὸν ὁ Λέντλος ἢ
ἄσημον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐδέδοκτο τὴν βουλὴν ἅπασαν ἀναι-
ρεῖν τῶν T ἄλλων πολιτῶν ὅσους δύναιτο, τὴν

, > > \ tA ; . ,
πόλιν δ᾽ αὐτὴν καταπιμπράναι, φείδεσθαί τε
μηδενὸς ἢ τῶν Πομπηΐου τέκνων" ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐξαρ-
πασαμένους ἔχειν Up αὑτοῖς καὶ φυλάττειν ὅμηρα

nr \ 7.- 4 » P| ’ὔ
τῶν πρὸς Πομπήϊον διαλύσεων" ἤδη γὰρ ἐφοίτα

\ , 7 « A > n ’
πολὺς λόγος καὶ βέβαιος ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κατιόντος
ἀπὸ τῆς μεγάλης στρατείας. καὶ νὺξ μὲν ὥριστο
πρὸς τὴν ἐπίθεσιν μία τῶν ἹΚρονιάδων, ξίφη δὲ
καὶ στυππεῖα καὶ θεῖον εἰς τὴν Κεθήγου φέροντες

9 » , ΝΥ \ / « Ν
οἰκίαν ἀπέκρυψαν. ἄνδρας δὲ τάξαντες ἑκατὸν
καὶ μέρη τοσαῦτα τῆς Ῥώμης ἕκαστον ἐφ᾽ ἑκά.-
στῳ διεκλήρωσαν, ὡς δι’ ὀλίγου πολλῶν ἁψάν-
των φλέγοιτο πανταχόθεν ἡ πόλις. ἄλλοι δὲ

\ > \ » 3 4 » 4
τοὺς ὀχετοὺς ἔμελλον ἐμφράξαντες ἀποσφάττειν
τοὺς ὑδρευομένους.

Πραττομένων δὲ τούτων ἔτυχον ἐπιδημοῦντες
9 , 4 ’ » / \
Αλλοβρίγων δύο πρέσβεις, ἔθνους μάλιστα δὴ
τότε πονηρὰ πράττοντος καὶ βαρυνομένου τὴν
€ / / Φ ψ > ,
ἡγεμονίαν. τούτους οἱ περὶ Λέντλον ὠφελίμους
ἡγούμενοι πρὸς τὸ κινῆσαι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν τὴν
Γαλατίαν ἐποιήσαντο συνωμότας. καὶ γράμματα
μὲν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν ἐκεῖ βουλήν, γράμματα δὲ
πρὸς Κατιλίναν ἔδοσαν, τῇ μὲν ὑπισχνούμενοι

124

CICERO, χνπ. 4--χνπι. 3

him, the third and remaining Cornelius, the heavenly
powers were come with a proffer of the monarchy,
which he must by all means accept, and not ruin his
opportunities by delay, like Catiline.

XVIII. Accordingly, it was no trifling or insignifi-
cant plan which Lentulus was cherishing, nay, it was
decided to kill all the senators and as many of the
other citizens as they could, to burn down the city
itself, and to spare no one except the children of
Pompey; these they were to seize and hold in their
own custody and keep as hostages for their recon-
ciliation with Pompey; for already there was current
a wide-spread and sure report of his coming back
from his great expedition. A night had also been
fixed for the attempt, a night of the Saturnalia,! and
swords, tow, and brimstone had been carried to the
house of Cethegus and hidden there. Moreover, they
had appointed a hundred men and assigned by lot as
many quarters of Rome to each one severally, in
order that within a short time many might play the
incendiary and the city be everywhere in a blaze.
Others, too, were to stop up the aqueducts and kill
those who tried to bring water.

But while this was going on, there chanced to be
staying at Rome two ambassadors of the Allobroges,
a nation which at that time was in a particularly evil
plight and felt oppressed by the Roman sway. These
men Lentulus and his partisans thought would be
useful in stirring up Gaul to revolt, and therefore
took them into the conspiracy. They also gave them
letters to their senate, and letters to Catiline, making

1 At the time of the conspiracy of Catiline the Saturnalia
lasted only one day, December 19; in the time of Augustus
three days were devoted to them (December 17-19). See the
note on Sulla, xviii. 5.

125

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, Tov δὲ Κατιλίναν παρακαλοῦντες

ἐλευθερώσαντα τοὺς δούλους ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην.

ἐλαύνειν. συναπέστελλον δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν πρὸς
τὸν Κατιλίναν Τίτον τινὰ Κροτωνιάτην, κομί-
ζοντα τὰς ἐπιστολάς. οἷα δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἀσταθ-
μήτων καὶ μετ᾽ οἴνου τὰ πολλὰ καὶ γυναικῶν
ἀλλήλοις ἐντυγχανόντων βουλεύματα πόνῳ καὶ
λογισμῷ νήφοντι καὶ συνέσει περιττῇ διώκων ὁ ὁ
Κικέρων, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἔχων ἔξωθεν ἐπισκο-
ποῦντας τὰ πραττόμενα καὶ συνεξιχνεύοντας
αὐτῷ, πολλοῖς δὲ τῶν μετέχειν δοκούντων τῆς
συνωμοσίας διαλεγόμενος κρύφα καὶ πιστεύων,
ἔγνω τὴν πρὸς τοὺς ξένους κοινολογίαν: καὶ

νυκτὸς ἐνεδρεύσας ἔλαβε τὸν Κροτωνιάτην καὶ τὰ.

γράμματα, συνεργούντων ἀδήλως τῶν ᾿Αλλο-
βρίγων.

XIX. * ‘Apa δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ βουλὴν ἀθροίσας εἰς τὸ.

τῆς Ὁμονοίας ἱερὸν ἐξανέγνω τὰ γράμματα καὶ
τῶν μηνυτῶν διήκουσεν. ἔφη δὲ καὶ Σιλανὸς
Ἰούνιος ἀκηκοέναι. τινὰς Κεθήγου λέγοντος ὡς
ὕπατοί τε τρεῖς καὶ στρατηγοὶ τέτταρες ἀναιρεῖ-

σθαι μέλλουσι. τοιαῦτα δ᾽ ἕτερα καὶ Πείσων,

ἀνὴρ ὑπατικός, εἰσήγγειλε. Ῥάϊος δὲ Σουλπίκιος,
εἷς τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν πεμφθεὶς τοῦ
Κεθήγου πολλὰ μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ βέλη καὶ ὅπλα,

πλεῖστα δὲ ξίφη καὶ μαχαίρας εὗρε νεοθήκτους.
ἁπάσας. τέλος δὲ τῷ Κροτωνιάτῃ ψηφισαμένης.

ἄδειαν ἐπὶ μηνύσει τῆς βουλῆς ἐξελεγχθεὶς ὁ

Λέντλος ἀπωμόσατο τὴν ἀρχήν (στρατηγῶν γὰρ.

ἐτύγχανε), καὶ τὴν περιπόρφυρον ἐν τῇ βουλῇ

καταθέμενος διήλλαξεν ἐσθῆτα τῇ. satin m pe

126

870.

CICERO, xvii. 3—x1x. 2

the senate promises of freedom and urging Catiline to
set the slaves free and march upon Rome. They
also sent with them to Catiline a certain Titus of
Croton, who was to carry the letters. But the
conspirators were unbalanced men who seldom met
together without wine and women, while Cicero was
following their schemes industriously, with sober
judgement and surpassing sagacity; he also had
many men outside of their conspiracy who kept
watch upon their doings and helped him track
them down, and he conferred secretly and confi-
dentially with many who were supposed to belong
to the conspiracy; he therefore came to know of
their conference with the strangers, and, laying
an ambush by night, he seized the man of Croton
and his letters with the secret co-operation of the
Allobroges.}

XIX. At break of day, then, he assembled the
senate in the temple of Concord, read the letters
aloud, and examined the informers. Silanus Junius
also said that certain ones had heard Cethegus de-
clare that three consuls and four praetors were going
to be taken off. Piso, too, a man of consular dignity,
brought in other reports of a like nature. Moreover,
Caius Sulpicius, one of the praetors, on being sent
to the house of Cethegus, found in it many missiles
and weapons, and a huge quantity of swords and
knives, all newly sharpened. And finally, after the
senate had voted immunity to the man of Croton on
condition that he gave information, Lentulus was
convicted, resigned his office (he was then praetor),
and laying aside his purple-bordered toga in the
senate, assumed in its place a garment suitable to his

1 Cf. Cicero, im Catzl. iii, 2, 4-6.
127

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πουσαν. οὗτος μὲν οὖν Kal οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ παρεδό-:
θησαν εἰς ἄδεσμον φυλακὴν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς.
νΝ > ¢€ / ΕΣ \ “ ὃ / ᾿
Ηδη δ᾽ ἑσπέρας οὔσης καὶ τοῦ δήμου περιμέ-
> , A € 7 ,ὔὕ
νοντος ἀθρόου, προελθὼν ὁ Κικέρων, καὶ φράσας
τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῖς πολίταις καὶ προπεμφθείς, παρ-
a > eo, / a > \ \ b] ,
ῆλθεν εἰς οἰκίαν φίλου γειτνιῶντος, ἐπεὶ τὴν ἐκεί-
νου γυναῖκες κατεῖχον, ἱεροῖς ἀπορρήτοις ὀργιά-
fovoat θεὸν ἣν Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ᾿Αγαθήν,“Ελληνες δὲ
Γυναικείαν ὀνομάζουσι. θύεται δ᾽ αὐτῇ κατ᾽
ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ τοῦ ὑπάτου διὰ γυναικὸς ἢ
nr “Ὁ /
μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, τῶν ᾿Εστιάδων παρθένων παρου-
ΝΞ 5 \ > ς ,ὕ > ee.
σῶν. εἰσελθὼν οὖν ὁ Κικέρων, καθ᾽ autor,
a Ul /
ὀλίγων παντάπασιν αὐτῷ παρόντων, ἐφρόντιζεν
ὅπως χρήσαιτο τοῖς ἀνδράσι. τήν τε γὰρ ἄκραν
καὶ προσήκουσαν ἀδικήμασι τηλικούτοις τιμω-
n >
ρίαν ἐξευλαβεῖτο καὶ κατώκνει δι ἐπιείκειαν
ἤθους ἅμα καὶ ὡς μὴ δοκοίη τῆς ἐξουσίας ἄγαν
ἐμφορεῖσθαι καὶ πικρῶς ἐπεμβαίνειν ἀνδράσι γέ-
/ a
νει τε πρώτοις Kal φίλους δυνατοὺς ἐν TH πόλει
κεκτημένοις" μαλακώτερόν τε χρησάμενος ὠρρώ-
δει τὸν am’ αὐτῶν κίνδυνον. οὐ γὰρ ἀγαπήσειν
4 , ’ , > > ? ed
μετριώτερόν Te θανάτου παθόντας, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἅπαν
ἀναρραγήσεσθαι τόλμης, τῇ παλαιᾷ κακίᾳ νέαν
5 Ν f > / δό v
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\ : f ΣΟΥ ψ' an > t
καὶ μαλακός, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως δοκῶν εὐτολμότατος
εἶναι τοῖς πολλοῖς.
ΧΧ. Ταῦτα τοῦ Κικέρωνος διαποροῦντος γί-

14.e. for confinement under guard in their own houses
(libera custodia).

128

CICERO, χιχ. 2-xx. Σ

predicament. He and his associates, therefore, were
handed over to the praetors for custody without
fetters.!

It was now evening, and the people were waiting
about the temple in throngs, when Cicero come forth
and told his fellow-citizens what had been done.?
They then escorted him to the house of a friend and
neighbour, since his own was occupied by the women,
who were celebrating mysterious rites to a goddess
whom the Romans call Bona Dea, and the Greeks,
Gynaeceia. Sacrifice is offered to her annually in the
house of the consul by his wife or his mother, in the
presence of the Vestal Virgins. Cicero, then, having
gone into his friend’s house, began to deliberate
with himself—and he had only very few companions
—what he should do with the men.?_ For he shrank
from inflicting the extreme penalty, and the one
befitting such great crimes, and he hesitated to do it
because of the kindliness of his nature, and at the
same time that he might not appear to make an
excessive use of his power and to trample ruthlessly
upon men who were of the highest birth and had
powerful friends in the city; and if he treated them
with less severity, he was afraid of the peril into
which they would bring the state. For if they suffered
any milder penalty than death, he was sure they
would not be satisfied, but would break out into every
extreme of boldness, having added fresh rage to
their old villainy: and he himself would be thought
unmanly and weak, especially as the multitude
already thought him very far from courageous.

XX. While Cicero was in this perplexity, a sign

2 The third oration in Catilinam,.
3 Cf. Sallust’s Catiline, 46.

129

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

vetat τι ταῖς γυναιξὶ σημεῖον θυούσαις. ὁ yap
βωμός, ἤδη τοῦ πυρὸς κατακεκοιμῆσθαι δοκοῦν-
τος, ἐκ τῆς τέφρας καὶ τῶν κεκαυμένων φλοιῶν
φλόγα πολλὴν ἀνῆκε καὶ λαμπράν. ὑφ᾽ ἧς αἱ
μὲν ἄλλαι διεπτοήθησαν, αἱ δ᾽ ἱεραὶ παρθένοι τὴν
τοῦ Κικέρωνος γυναῖκα Τερεντίαν ἐκέλευσαν ἡ
τάχος χωρεῖν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κελεύειν οἷς
ἔγνωκεν ἐγχειρεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, ὡς μέγα
πρός τε σωτηρίαν καὶ δόξαν αὐτῷ τῆς θεοῦ φῶς
διδούσης. ἡ δὲ Τερεντία (καὶ γὰρ οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως ἣν
πρᾳεῖά τις οὐδ᾽ ἄτολμος τὴν φύσιν, ἀλλὰ φιλό-
τίμος γυνὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, ὡς αὐτός φησιν ὁ Κικέ-
ρων, τῶν πολιτικῶν μεταλαμβάνουσα παρ᾽ ἐκεί-
νου φροντίδων ἢ μεταδιδοῦσα τῶν οἰκιακῶν
ἐκείνῳ) ταῦτά τε πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔφρασε καὶ παρώ-
ἕυνεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Κόϊντος ὁ
ἀδελφὸς καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ φιλοσοφίας ἑταίρων Ilo-
πλιος Νιγίδιος, ὦ τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ μέγιστα παρὰ
τὰς πολιτικὰς ἐχρῆτο πράξεις.

Τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ γενομένων ἐν συγκλήτῳ λόγων
περὶ τιμωρίας τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὁ πρῶτος ἐρωτηθεὶς
γνώμην Σιλανὸς εἶπε τὴν ἐσχάτην δίκην δοῦναι
προσήκειν ἀχθέντας εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον. καὶ
προσετίθεντο τούτῳ πάντες ἐφεξῆς μέχρι Γαΐου
Καίσαρος τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα δικτάτορος γενομένου.
τότε δὲ νέος ὧν ἔτι καὶ τὰς πρώτας ἔχων τῆς
αὐξήσεως ἀρχάς, ἤδη δὲ τῇ πολιτείᾳ καὶ ταῖς
ἐλπίσιν εἰς ἐκείνην τὴν ὁδὸν ἐμβεβηκὼς ἡἧ τὰ
“Ῥωμαίων εἰς μοναρχίαν μετέστησε πράγματα,

130

CICERO, xx. 1-3

was given to the women who were sacrificing. The
altar, it seems, although the fire was already thought
to have gone out, sent forth from the ashes and
burnt bark upon it a great bright blaze. The rest
of the women were terrified at this, but the sacred
virgins bade Terentia the wife of Cicero go with
all speed to her husband and tell him to carry
out his resolutions in behalf of the country, since
the goddess was giving him a great light on this
path to safety and glory. So Terentia, who was
generally of no mild spirit nor without natural
courage, but an ambitious woman, and, as Cicero
himself tells us,! more inclined to make herself a
partner in his political perplexities than to share
with him her domestic concerns, gave him this
message and incited him against the conspirators ;
so likewise did Quintus, his brother, and Publius
Nigidius, one of his philosophical companions, ot
whom he made the most and greatest use in his
political undertakings.

On the following day the senate discussed the
punishment of the conspirators, and Silanus, who
was the first to be asked to give his opinion, said
that they ought to be taken to prison and there
suffer extremest punishment. All the senators
acceded to his opinion one after the other, until
it came to Caius Caesar,? who afterwards became
dictator. At this time, however, he was a young
man still and at the very beginning of his rise to
power, but in his public policy and his hopes he
had already entered upon that road by which he
changed the Roman state into a monarchy. — His

1 In some passage no longer extant.
2 Cf. Cicero, in Catil. iv. 4, 7,

131

4

tw

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐλάνθανε, τῷ δὲ Κικέρωνι πολ-
Aas μὲν ὑποψίας, λαβὴν δ᾽ οὐδεμίαν εἰς ἔλεγχον

s ? \ \ Ud i > ἢ > uA
παρέδωκεν, ἀλλὰ Kal λεγόντων ἣν ἐνίων ἀκούειν
© > Ἀ \ ΄ a ΄ Ν ΝΜ
ὡς ἐγγὺς ἐλθὼν ἁλῶναι διεκφύγοι τὸν ἄνδρα.
τινὲς δέ φασι παριδεῖν ἑκόντα καὶ παραλιπεῖν τὴν

9 ‘355% ; , a , > κα \
κατ᾽ ἐκείνου μήνυσιν φόβῳ τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ Kal
τῆς δυνάμεως: παντὶ γὰρ εἶναι πρόδηλον ὅτι

» > n / / /

μᾶλλον av ἐκεῖνοι γένοιντο προσθήκη Καίσαρι
σωτηρίας ἢ Καῖσαρ ἐκείνοις κολάσεως. Ὁ

ΧΧΙ. Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὖν ἡ γνώμη περιῆλθεν εἰς
αὐτόν, ἀναστὰς ἀπεφήνατο μὴ θανατοῦν τοὺς
» > \ \ > / 3 , > \
ἄνδρας, ἀλλὰ τὰς οὐσίας εἶναι δημοσίας, αὐτοὺς
δ᾽ ἀπαχθέντας εἰς πόλεις τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας ἃς ἂν δοκῇ
Κικέρωνι, τηρεῖσθαι δεδεμένους ἄχρι ἂν οὗ κατα-

n / » \ an , > 3

πολεμηθῇ Katirivas. οὔσης δὲ τῆς γνώμης ἐπι-
εἰκοῦς καὶ τοῦ λέγοντος εἰπεῖν δυνατωτάτου,
ῥοπὴν ὁ Κικέρων προσέθηκεν οὐ μικράν. αὐτός
τε γὰρ ἀναστὰς ἐνεχείρησεν εἰς ἑκάτερον, τὰ μὲν
τῇ προτέρᾳ, τὰ δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ Καίσαρος συνειπών,
o , , 7 an 7 /
οἵ Te φίλοι πάντες οἰόμενοι τῷ Κικέρωνι συμφέ-
ρειν τὴν Καίσαρος γνώμην (ἧττον γὰρ ἐν αἰτίαις
ἔσεσθαι μὴ θανατώσαντα τοὺς ἄνδρας) ἡροῦντο
τὴν δευτέραν μᾶλλον γνώμην, ὥστε καὶ τὸν
Σιλανὸν αὖθις μεταβαλλόμενον παραιτεῖσθαι καὶ
λέγειν ὡς οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς εἴποι θανατικὴν γνώμην"
> 4 \ » n ¢ , 2
ἐσχάτην yap ἀνδρὶ βουλευτῇ Ῥωμαίων εἶναι
δίκην τὸ δεσμωτήριον. εἰρημένης δὲ τῆς γνώμης
πρῶτος ἀντέκρουσεν αὐτῇ Κάτλος Λουτάτιος"
εἶτα δεξώμενος Κάτων, καὶ τῷ λόγῳ σφοδρῶς

132

8

i

1

CICERO, xx. 4-χχι. 3

designs were still unnoticed by the rest, but to
Cicero he had given many grounds for suspicion,
and yet no hold which could lead to his convic-
tion, although many were heard to say that he had
come near being caught by Cicero, but had eluded
him. Some, however, say that Cicero purposely over-
looked and neglected the information against him
through fear of his friends and his power, since it
was clear to every one that the other conspirators
would be included in Caesar’s acquittal, rather than
Caesar in their punishment.

XXI. When, then, it was Caesar’s turn to give his
opinion, he rose and declared it to be against putting
the conspirators to death, but in favour of confiscating
their property and removing them to whatever cities
of Italy Cicero might deem best, there to be put in
fetters and closely guarded until Catiline should be
defeated. The proposal of Caesar was merciful and
its author a very able speaker, and Cicero added
no little weight to it. For when he rose to speak
himself,! he handled the subject in both ways, now
favouring the first proposal and now that of Caesar.
All his friends, too, thinking that Caesar’s proposal
was an advantageous one for Cicero, who would be
less subject to censure if he did not put the conspira-
tors to death, chose the second proposal rather, so
that Silanus also changed his position and excused
himself by saying that even his proposal had not
meant death: for “extremest punishment,’ in the
case of a Roman senator, meant the prison. Lutatius
Catulus was the first to oppose the opinion which
Caesar had given; then Cato followed him, helping

1 The fourth oration in Catilinam.

133

---

τῷ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

συνεπερείσας ἐπὶ τὸν Καίσαρα τὴν ὑπόνοιαν,
ἐνέπλησε θυμοῦ καὶ φρονήματος τὴν σύγκλητον,
ὥστε θάνατον καταψηφίσασθαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν.
περὶ δὲ δημεύσεως χρημάτων ἐνίστατο Καῖσαρ,
οὐκ ἀξιῶν τὰ φιλάνθρωπα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γνώμης
ἐκβαλόντας ἑνὶ χρήσασθαι τῷ σκυθρωποτάτῳ.
βιαζομένων δὲ πολλῶν ἐπεκαλεῖτο τοὺς δημάρ-
χους. οἱ δ᾽ οὐχ ὑπήκουον, ἀλλὰ Κικέρων αὐτὸς
ἐνδοὺς ἀνῆκε τὴν περὶ δημεύσεως γνώμην.

XXII. ᾿Εχώρει δὲ μετὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς
ἄνδρας. οὐκ ἐν ταὐτῷ δὲ πάντες ἦσαν, ἄλλος δ᾽
ἄλλον ἐφύλαττε τῶν στρατηγῶν. καὶ πρῶτον
ἐκ Παλατίου παραλαβὼν τὸν Λέντλον ἦγε διὰ
τῆς ἱερᾶς ὁδοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς μέσης, τῶν μὲν
ἡγεμονικωτάτων ἀνδρῶν κύκλῳ περιεσπειραμένων
καὶ δορυφορούντων, τοῦ δὲ δήμου φρίττοντος τὰ
δρώμενα καὶ παριόντος σιωπῇ, μάλιστα δὲ τῶν
νέων, ὥσπερ ἱεροῖς τισι πατρίοις ἀριστοκρατικῆς
τινος ἐξουσίας τελεῖσθαι μετὰ φόβου καὶ θάμβους
δοκούντων. διελθὼν δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ γενόμενος
πρὸς τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ παρέδωκε τὸν Λέντλον τῷ
δημίῳ καὶ προσέταξεν ἀνελεῖν: εἶθ᾽ ἑξῆς τὸν
Κέθηγον, καὶ οὕτω τῶν ἄλλων ἕκαστον κατα-
γαγὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. ὁρῶν δὲ πολλοὺς ETL τῶν
ἀπὸ τῆς" συνωμοσίας ἐν ἀγορᾷ συνεστῶτας
ἀθρόους καὶ τὴν μὲν πρᾶξιν ἀγνοοῦντας, τὴν δὲ
νύκτα προσμένοντας, ὡς ἔτι ζώντων τῶν ἀνδρῶν
καὶ δυναμένων ἐξαρπασθῆναι, φθεγξάμενος μέγα
πρὸς αὐτούς, ““Εζησαν," εἶπεν. οὕτω δὲ Ῥω-

1 παριόντος Bekker and Graux adopt the παριέντος (acqui-
escing) of Coraés.
2 τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Graux with M®: τῆς.

134

eae Deane

pee eee

CICERO, χχι. 5- χα. 2

by the vehemence of his speech to fix suspicion upon
Caesar, and filled the senate with angry resolution,
so that a decree of death was passed upon the con-
spirators. As regarded the confiscation of their pro-
perty, however, Caesar made opposition, deeming it
wrong that the merciful part of his own proposal
should be rejected and the one part that was most
severe adopted. And when many of the senators
insisted upon it, he invoked the aid of the tribunes, .
but they would not listen to his appeal; Cicero him-
self, however, yielded the point, and remitted that
part of the vote which called for confiscation.

XXII. Then he went with the senate to fetch the
conspirators. ‘These-were not all in the same place,
but different praetors had different ones under guard.
And first he took Lentulus from the Palatine hill
and led him along the Via Sacra and through the
middle of the forum, the men of highest authority
surrounding him as a body-guard, and the people
shuddering at what was being done and passing
along in silence, and especially the young ien, as
though they thought they were being initiated with
fear and trembling into some ancient mysteries of an
aristocratic regime. When Cicero had passed through
the forum and reached the prison, he delivered Len-
tulus to the public executioner with the order to put
him to death. Then Cethegus in his turn, and so
each one of the others, he brought down to the
prison and had him executed. And seeing that
many members of the conspiracy were still assembled
in the forum in ignorance of what had been done
and waiting for night to come, with the idea that the
men were still living and might be rescued, he cried
out to them with a loud voice and said: “They have

135

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μαίων οἱ δυσφημεῖν μὴ βουλόμενοι τὸ τεθνάναι
σημαίνουσιν.

Ἤδη δ᾽ ἣν ἑσπέρα, καὶ δι ἀγορᾶς ἀνέβαινεν

εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, οὐκέτι σιωπῇ τῶν πολιτῶν οὐδὲ
τάξει προπεμπόντων αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ φωναῖς καὶ
κρότοις δεχομένων καθ᾽ ods γένοιτο, σωτῆρα. καὶ
κτίστην ἀνακαλούντων τῆς πατρίδος. τὰ δὲ
φῶτα πολλὰ κατέλαμπε τοὺς στενωπούς, Χαμπά-
δια καὶ δᾷδας ἱστώντων ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις. αἱ δὲ
γυναῖκες ἐκ τῶν τεγῶν προὔφαινον. ἐπὶ τιμῇ καὶ
θέᾳ τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὑ ὑπὸ πομπῇ τῶν ἀρίστων μάλα
σεμνῶς ἀνιόντος" ὧν οἱ πλεῖστοι πολέμους τε
κατειργασ μένοι μεγάλους καὶ διὰ θριάμβων εἰσ-
ἐληλακότες καὶ προσκεκτημένοι γῆν καὶ θάλατ-
ταν οὐκ ὀλίγην ἐβάδιζον ἀνομολογούμενοι πρὸς
ἀχλήλους πολλοῖς μὲν τῶν τότε ἡγεμόνων καὶ
στρατηγῶν πλούτου καὶ λαφύρων καὶ δυνάμεως
χάριν ὀφείλειν τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον, ἀσφαλείας
δὲ καὶ σωτηρίας ἑνὶ μόνῳ Κικέρωνι, τηλικοῦτον
ἀφελόντι καὶ τοσοῦτον αὐτοῦ κίνδυνον. οὐ γὰρ
τὸ κωλῦσαι τὰ πραττόμενα καὶ κολάσαι τοὺς
πράττοντας ἐδόκει θαυμαστόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μέγιστον
τῶν πώποτε νεωτερισμῶν οὗτος ἐλαχίστοις κακοῖς
ἄνευ στάσεως καὶ ταραχῆς κατέσβεσε. καὶ γὰρ
τὸν Κατιλίναν οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν ᾿συνερρυηκότων
πρὸς αὐτὸν ἅμα τῷ πυθέσθαι τὰ περὶ Λέντλον
καὶ Κέθηγον ἐγκαταλιπόντες ὥχοντο" καὶ μετὰ
τῶν συμμεμενηκότων αὐτῷ διαγωνισάμενος πρὸς
᾿Αντώνιον αὐτός τε διεφθάρη καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον.

XXIII. Ov μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἦσαν οἱ τὸν Κικέρωνα
παρεσκευασμένοι καὶ λέγειν ἐπὶ τούτοις καὶ

136

872

CICERO, xx. 2—xxi. 1

lived.” For thus the Romans who wish to avoid
words of ill omen indicate death.

It was now evening, and Cicero went up through
the forum to his house, the citizens no longer escort-
ing him on his way with silent decorum, but receiving
him with cries and clapping of hands as he passed
along, calling him the saviour and founder of his
country. And many lights illuminated the streets,
since people placed lamps and torches at their doors.
The women, too, displayed lights upon the house-
tops in honour of the man, and that they might see
him going up to his home in great state under escort
of the noblest citizens. Most of these had brought
to an end great wars and entered the city in triumph,
and had added to the Roman dominion no small
extent of land and sea; but they now walked along
confessing to one another that to many of the com-
manders and generals of the time the Roman people
were indebted for wealth and spoils and power, but
for preservation and safety to Cicero alone, who had
freed them from so peculiar and so great a peril. For
it was not his preventing their schemes and punishing
the schemers which seemed so wonderful, but his
quenching the greatest of all revolutions with the
fewest possible evils, without sedition and commotion.
For most of those who had flocked to the standard
of Catiline, as soon as they learned the fate of Len-
tulus and Cethegus, deserted him and went away ;
and Catiline, after a conflict with his remaining forces
against Antonius, perished himself and his army with
him.!

XXIII. However, there were those who were
ready to abuse Cicero for what he had done, and to

1 Near the beginning of 62 Β.6.
137

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a a ” . 4 lal >’ \ f
ποιεῖν κακῶς, ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνας τῶν εἰς TO μέλλον
> / / \ n /
ἀρχόντων Καίσαρα μὲν στρατηγοῦντα, Μέτελλον
δὲ καὶ Βηστίαν δημαρχοῦντας. οἱ τὴν ἀρχὴν

‘ Μ ἴω 7 ς / ’ /
παραλαβόντες, ETL τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἡμέρας ὀλίγας
ἄρχοντος, οὐκ εἴων δημηγορεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ

κ >
τῶν ἐμβόλων βάθρα θέντες οὐ παρίεσαν οὐδ᾽
ἐπέτρεπον λέγειν, GAN ἐκέλευον, εἰ βούλοιτο,

a a la ’
μόνον περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπομόσαντα καταβαίνειν.
κἀκεῖνος ἐπὶ τούτοις ὡς ὀμόσων προῆλθε" καὶ
γενομένης αὐτῷ σιωπῆς ὦμνυεν, οὐ τὸν πάτριον,
? 7 νὼ ἢ Ν \ Φ = \ ae
ἀλλ᾽ ἴδιόν τινα Kal καινὸν ὅρκον, ἣ μὴν σεσωκέναι
\ Ἄ.
τὴν πατρίδα καὶ διατετηρηκέναι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν.
a ς a

ἐπώμνυε δὲ TOV ὅρκον αὐτῷ σύμπας ὁ δῆμος. ἐφ᾽

” a y "“ ΠῚ ivf /
ols ἔτι μᾶλλον 6 τε Καῖσαρ ot te δήμαρχοι
χαλεπαίνοντες ἄλλας τε τῷ Κικέρωνι ταραχὰς
ἐμηχανῶντο, καὶ νόμος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν εἰσήγετο καλεῖν
Πομπήϊον μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς, ὡς δὴ καταλύ-

᾿ t ,ὔ ᾽ > &
covta τὴν Κικέρωνος δυναστείαν. ἀλλ᾽ ἦν
” “4 a / \ A a ,
ὄφελος μέγα TO Κικέρωνι καὶ πάσῃ τῇ πόλει
δημαρχῶν τότε Κάτων καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνων πολι-

΄ > > » \ 3 , Lore
τεύμασιν ἀπ᾽ ἴσης μὲν ἐξουσίας, μείζονος δὲ δόξης
᾽ , , \ » ς 7 xy.
ἀντιτασσόμενος. τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα ῥᾳδίως ἔλυσε,

\ cal

καὶ τὴν Κικέρωνος ὑπατείαν οὕτως ἦρε TO λόγῳ
μεγάλην δημηγορήσας ὥστε τιμὰς αὐτῷ τῶν TH-
ποτε μεγίστας ψηφίσασθαι καὶ προσαγορεῦσαι
πατέρα πατρίδος. πρώτῳ. γὰρ ἐκείνῳ δοκεῖ

1 ἐκείνων Coraés, Bekker, and Graux, after Χυ δηᾶοῦ τ:
ἐκείνου (referring to Caesar),

138

CICERO, xxul. 1-3

work him harm, and they had as leaders, among
the magistrates-elect, Caesar as praetor, and Metellus
and Bestia! as tribunes. When these assumed
office, Cicero having still a few days of consular
authority,” they would not permit him to harangue
the people, but placing their benches so as to com-
mand the rostra, would not suffer or allow him
to speak; instead, they ordered him, if he wished,
merely to pronounce the oath usual on giving
up office, and then come down. Cicero accepted
these terms and came forward to pronounce his oath ;
and when he had obtained silence, he pronounced,
not the usual oath, but one of his own and a new
one, swearing that in very truth he had saved his
country and maintained her supremacy. And all the
people confirmed his oath for him. At this Caesar
and the tribunes were still more vexed and contrived
fresh troubles for Cicero. Among other things, a law
was introduced by them for calling Pompey home
with his army, in order, forsooth, that he might put
down the arbitrary power of Cicero. But Cato, who
was tribune at this time, was a great help to Cicero
and to the whole state, and opposed the measures of
the other tribunes with an authority equal to theirs
and a greater good repute. For he easily put ἃ stop
to their other projects, and so highly extolled the
“arbitrary power” of Cicero in a speech to the
people, that they voted him the greatest honours
ever conferred and called him the father of his coun-
try. For he was the first, as it seems, to receive this

1 Bestia was tribune in 63 B.c., and could not have had
any part in dictating the procedure of Cicero.

* Caesar, as praetor, assumed office January 1, 62 B.c., the

day after Cicero laid down the consulship; but the new
tribunes for the year 62 assumed office early in December of 63. .

139

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τοῦτο καθυπάρξαι, Kdtwvos αὐτὸν οὕτως ἐν τῷ
δήμῳ προσαγορεύσαντος.

ΧΧΤΥ. Καὶ μέγιστον μὲν ἴσχυσεν ἐν τῇ πόλει
τότε, πολλοῖς δ᾽ ἐπίφθονον ἑαυτὸν ἐποίησεν ἀπ᾽
οὐδενὸς ἔργου πονηροῦ, τῷ δ᾽ ἐπαινεῖν ἀεὶ καὶ
μεγαλύνειν αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ πολλῶν δυσχεραι-
νόμενος. οὔτε γὰρ βουλὴν οὔτε δῆμον οὔτε
δικαστήριον ἦν συνελθεῖν ἐν ᾧ μὴ Κατιλίναν ἔδει
θρυλούμενον ἀκοῦσαι καὶ Λέντλον. ἀλλὰ καὶ
τὰ βιβλία τελευτῶν κατέπλησε καὶ τὰ συγγράμ-
ματα τῶν ἐγκωμίων: καὶ τὸν λόγον ἥδιστον ὄντα
καὶ χάριν ἔχοντα πλείστην ἐπαχθῆ καὶ φορτικὸν
ἐποίησε τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις, ὥσπερ τινὸς ἀεὶ κηρὸς
αὐτῷ τῆς ἀηδίας ταύτης προσούσης. ὅμως δέ,
καίπερ οὕτως ἀκράτῳ φιλοτιμίᾳ συνών, ἀπήλ-
λακτὸ τοῦ φθονεῖν ἑτέροις, ἀφθονώτατος ὧν ἐν
τῷ τοὺς πρὸ αὑτοῦ καὶ τοὺς καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἄνδρας
ἐγκωμιάζειν, ὡς ἐκ τῶν συγγραμμάτων λαβεῖν
ἔστι. πολλὰ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀπομνημονεύουσιν'
οἷον περὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλους, ὅτε χρυσίου ποταμὸς
εἴη ῥέοντος, καὶ περὶ τῶν Πλάτωνος διαλόγων,
ὡς τοῦ Διός, εἰ λόγῳ χρῆσθαι πέφυκεν, οὕτω
διαλεγομένου. τὸν δὲ Θεόφραστον εἰώθει τρυφὴν
ἰδίαν ἀποκαλεῖν. περὶ δὲ τῶν Δημοσθένους
λόγων ἐρωτηθεὶς τίνα δοκοίη κάλλιστον εἶναι,
τὸν μέγιστον εἶπε. καίτοι τινὲς τῶν προσποιου-
μένων δημοσθενίζειν ἐπιφύονται φωνῇ τοῦ Κικέ-
ρωνος, ἣν πρός τινα τῶν ἑταίρων ἔθηκεν ἐν ἐπι-
στολῇ γράψας, ἐνιαχοῦ τῶν λόγων ἀπονυστάζειν

1 Cicero himself nowhere says this, nor does he mention
Cato in connection with the title. In his oration in Pisonem,

140

CICERO, xxi. 2-χχιν. 4

title,! after Cato had given it to him before the
people.

XXIV. So at this time Cicero had the greatest
power in the state, but he made himself generally
odious, not by any base action, but by continually
praising and magnifying himself, which made him
hateful to many. For there could be no session
either of senate or assembly or court of justice in
which one was not obliged to hear Catiline and Len-
tulus endlessly talked about. Nay, he even went so
far as to fill his books and writings with these praises
of himself; and he made his oratory, which was
naturally very pleasant and had the greatest charm,
irksome and tedious to his hearers, since this un-
pleasant practice clung to him like a fatality. But
nevertheless, although he cherished so strong an am-
bition, he was free from envying others, since he was
most ungrudging in his encomiums upon his pre-
decessors and contemporaries, as may be gathered
from his writings. There are also many sayings of
his on record which prove this; for instance, he said
of Aristotle that he was a river of liquid gold,? and
of the dialogues of Plato that Jupiter, were it his
nature to use human speech, would thus discourse.®
Theophrastus, too, he used to call his own special
delight. And when he was asked which of the
speeches of Demosthenes he thought the best, he
replied, “the longest.” And yet some of those who
pretend to be imitators of Demosthenes dwell much
upon an expression which Cicero used in a letter to
one of his friends, to the effect that in some parts of

3, 6, he says that Quintus Catulus gave him the title in the
Senate. 2 Acad. Prior. ii. 38, 119.
3 Brutus, 31, 121 (si Graece loquatur).

141

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τὸν Δημοσθένη" τῶν δὲ μεγάλων καὶ θαυμαστῶν

> 7 A [οὶ \ SS /
ἐπαίνων οἷς πολλαχοῦ χρῆται περὶ τοῦ ἀνδρός,
καὶ ὅτι περὶ ods μάλιστα τῶν ἰδίων ἐσπούδασε
λόγων, τοὺς κατ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου, Φιλιππικοὺς ἐπέ-
γραψεν, ἀμνημονοῦσι.

Τῶν δὲ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐνδόξων ἀπὸ λόγου καὶ

> Μ > \ ἃ > > / b] /
σοφίας οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδεὶς ὃν οὐκ ἐποίησεν ἐνδοξό-
τερον ἢ λέγων ἢ γράφων εὐμενῶς περὶ ἑκάστου.
Κρατίππῳ δὲ τῷ Περιπατητικῷ διεπράξατο μὲν
« ’ / » δ
Ῥωμαίῳ γενέσθαι παρὰ Καίσαρος ἄρχοντος ἤδη,
διεπράξατο δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴν
/ ol / + as | > >? /

ψηφίσασθαι δεηθῆναι μένειν αὐτὸν ἐν ᾿Αθήναις
καὶ διαλέγεσθαι τοῖς νέοις ὡς κοσμοῦντα τὴν
πόλιν. ἐπιστολαὶ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Κικέρωνος εἰσὶ

Ἁ «ς 4 [4 \ \ \ es > 3
πρὸς Ἡρώδην, ἕτεραι δὲ πρὸς τὸν υἱόν, ἐγκελεύυο-

/ - / ,
μένου συμφιλοσοφεῖν Κρατίππῳ. Topyiav δὲ
τὸν ῥήτορα αἰτιώμενος εἰς ἡδονὰς καὶ πότους
προάγειν τὸ μειράκιον ἀπελαύνει τῆς συνουσίας

a \ a c a
αὐτοῦ. Kal σχεδὸν αὕτη τε τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν “μία.

καὶ δευτέρα πρὸς Πέλοπα τὸν Βυξάντιον ἐν ὀργῇ
τινι γέγραπται, τὸν μὲν Γοργίαν αὐτοῦ προση-
κόντως ἐπικόπτοντος, εἴπερ ἣν φαῦλος καὶ ἀκό-
λαστος, ἧπερ ἐδόκει, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Πέλοπα μικρο-
λογουμένου καὶ μεμψιμοιροῦντος ὥσπερ ἀμελή-
σαντα τιμάς τινας αὐτῷ καὶ ψηφίσματα παρὰ
Βυζαντίων γενέσθαι.

XXV. Ταῦτά τε δὴ φιλότιμα, καὶ τὸ πολλάκις

1 καὶ supplied here by Reiske, and deleted before δεηθῆναι.

by Sintenis! (in crit. notes), Graux simply transposes.
142

873

CICERO, χχιν. 4—xxv. 1

his speeches Demosthenes nods; but of the great
and admirable praises which he often bestows upon
him, and of the fact that those speeches of his
own to which he devoted most labour, namely, the
speeches against Antony, were entitled by him
Philippics, they say nothing.

Moreover, of the men of his own time who were
famous for eloquence or learning, there is not one
whom he did not make more famous by what he said or
wrote in favourofhim. For Cratippus the Peripatetic
he obtained the Roman citizenship from Caesar, now in
power, and he also induced the council of the Areio-
pagus to pass a decree requesting him to remain at
Athens and discourse with the young men, and thus
be an ornament to the city. Furthermore, there are
letters from Cicero to Herodes, and others to his son,
in which he urges them to study philosophy with
Cratippus.4_ But Gorgias the rhetorician he censured
for leading the young man into pleasures and drink-
ing parties, and banished him from his son’s society.”
This is almost the only one of his Greek letters
(there is also a second, addressed to Pelops of By-
zantium) which was written in a spirit of anger; and
Gorgias he properly rebukes, if, as he was thought
to be, he was worthless and intemperate ; but towards
Pelops he shows a mean and querulous spirit for
having neglected to obtain for him certain honorary
decrees from the Byzantians.

XXV, These complaints were characteristic of

1 These letters are not extant.

23. The younger Cicero, in a letter to Tiro (ad fam. xvi.
21, 6), says that he had found Gorgias useful as a teacher of
declamation, but had dismissed him in obedience to’ his
father’s positive command.

143

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπαιρόμενον τοῦ λόγου TH δεινότητι TO πρέπον
προΐεσθαι. Μουνατίῳ μὲν γάρ ποτε συνηγορή-
σας, ὡς ἀποφυγὼν τὴν δίκην ἐκεῖνος ἐδίωκεν
ἑταῖρον αὐτοῦ Σαβῖνον, οὕτω λέγεται προπεσεῖν
᾿ Φ᾽.8 a e / σ΄ > 2 a ςς \ * /
ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ὁ Κικέρων ὥστ᾽ εἰπεῖν" “Σὺ yap ἐκεί-
νην, ὦ Μουνάτιε, τὴν δίκην ἀπέφυγες διὰ σαυτόν,
οὐκ ἐμοῦ πολὺ σκότος ἐν φωτὶ τῷ δικαστηρίῳ
περιχέαντος;" Μάρκον δὲ Κράσσον ἐγκωμιάξων
ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος εὐημέρησε, καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέρας
αὖθις ὀλίγας λοιδορῶν αὐτόν, ὡς ἐκεῖνος εἶπεν
“Οὐ γὰρ ἐνταῦθα πρώην αὐτὸς ἡμᾶς ἐπήνεις;"
“Ναί, φησι, “μελέτης ἕνεκεν γυμνάζων τὸν
΄ > 4 e f > > ’ /
λόγον εἰς φαύλην ὑπόθεσιν. εἰπόντος δέ ποτε
τοῦ Κράσσου μηδένα Κράσσον ἐν Ῥώμῃ βεβιω-
κέναι μακρότερον ἑξηκονταετίας, εἶθ᾽ ὕστερον
> / ὶ ’ “ce Ti δ᾽ a 3 \ θ Ν
ἀρνουμένου καὶ λέγοντος, “Τί δ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ παθὼν
nr ¢
τοῦτ᾽ εἶπον; ““Ἤιδεις,᾽ ἔφη, “Ῥωμαίους. ἡδέως
ἀκουσομένους καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐδημαγώγεις." ἀρέ-
σκεσθαι δὲ τοῦ Κράσσου τοῖς Στωϊκοῖς φήσαντος,
. 7 > \ > ., > ,
ὅτι πλούσιον εἶναι τὸν ἀγαθὸν ἀποφαίνουσιν,
“«““0ρα μὴ μᾶλλον," εἶπεν, “ὅτι πάντα τοῦ σοφοῦ
λέγουσιν εἶναι. διεβάλλετο δ᾽ εἰς φιλαργυρίαν
ς / > \ \ “ lA led / c
ὁ Κράσσος. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ Κράσσου τῶν παΐδων ὁ
“ "A / \ ὃ a Ὁ 3 \ ὃ λέ Ζι 3
ἕτερος ᾿Αξίῳ τινὶ δοκῶν ὅμοιος εἶναι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
τῇ μητρὶ προστριβόμενος αἰσχρὰν ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Αξίῳ
διαβολὴν εὐδοκίμησε λόγον ἐν βουλῇ διελθών,
ἐρωτηθεὶς ὁ ὁ Κικέρων τί φαίνεται αὐτῷ, oes |
εἶπε, “ Κράσσου."

144

CICERO, xxv. 1-4

ambition, as well as the fact that he was often led on
by the cleverness of his speech to disregard propriety.
For instance, he once served as advocate for Muna-
tius, who was no sooner acquitted than he prosecuted
a friend of Cicero’s, Sabinus, whereupon, it is said,
Cicero was so transported with anger as to say: * Was
it, pray, on your own merits, Munatius, that you were
acquitted, and not because I spread much darkness
about the court when before there was light?’’ And
again, he gained great applause by an encomium on
Marcus Crassus from the rostra, and then a few days
afterwards as publicly reviled him, whereupon Cras-
sus said: “ What, did you not stand there yourself a
day or two ago and praise me?” “ Yea,’ said Cicero,
“exercising my eloquence by way of practice on a
bad subject.” Again, Crassus once said that no Crassus
had lived in Rome to be older than sixty years, and
then tried to deny it, exclaiming, “What could have
led me to say this?” “You knew,” said Cicero,
“that the Romans would be delighted to hear it, and
by that means you tried to court their favour.” And
when Crassus expressed his satisfaction with the
Stoics because they represented the good man as
rich, “ Consider,’’ said Cicero, “whether your satis-
faction is not rather due to their declaration that all
things belong to the wise.” Now, Crassus was ac-
cused of covetousness. Again, one of the sons of
Crassus who was thought to resemble a certain Axius,
and on this account had brought his mother’s name
into scandalous connection with that of Axius, once
made a successful speech in the senate, and when
Cicero was asked what he thought of him, he
answered with the Greek words “‘ Axios Krassou.”’ ἢ

1 « Worthy of Crassus.”
- 145

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXVI. Μέλλων δὲ Κράσσος eis Συρίαν ἀπαί-
ρειν ἐβούλετο τὸν Κικέρωνα μᾶλλον αὐτῷ φίλον
ἢ ἐχθρὸν εἶναι: καὶ φιλοφρονούμενος ἔφη βού-
λεσθαι δειπνῆσαι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ" κἀκεῖνος ὑπεδέξατο
προθύμως. ὀλίγαις δ᾽ ὕστερον ἡμέραις περὶ
Βατινίου φίλων τινῶν ἐντυγχανόντων ὡς μνωμέ-

/ 1 U
νου διαλύσεις καὶ φιλίαν (ἣν yap ἐχθρός), “ Οὐ
a >
δήπου καὶ Bativios,” εἶπε, “ δειπνῆσαι παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ
βούλεται; πρὸς μὲν οὖν Κράσσον τοιοῦτος. av-
, a“
τὸν δὲ τὸν Βατίνιον ἔχοντα χοιράδας ἐν τῷ
, \ / OL 8 “ ef.
τραχήλῳ Kal λέγοντα δίκην οἰδοῦντα ῥήτορα
fal 7 ψ{Ψ
προσεῖπεν. ἀκούσας δ᾽ ὅτι τέθνηκεν, εἶτα μετὰ
Ν ’ “ σ A “ce \ ΨΖ
μικρὸν πυθόμενος σαφῶς ὅτι ζῇ, “Κακὸς τοίνυν
᾽ , “Ὁ ε / » 3 \ 7]
ἀπόλοιτο κακῶς ὁ ψευσάμενος." ἐπεὶ δὲ Καί-
φισαμένῳ τὴν ἐν Καμπανίᾳ yo
capt Ψηφισαμένῳ τὴ Kap Bi Xepap
κατανεμηθῆναι τοῖς στρατιώταις πολλοὶ μὲν
“ lal 4
ἐδυσχέραινον ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, Λεύκιος δὲ Γέλλιος
ὁμοῦ τι πρεσβύτατος ὧν εἶπεν ὡς οὐ γενήσεται

a a le) / »”
τοῦτο ζῶντος αὐτοῦ, “Περιμείνωμεν,᾽ εἶπεν ὁ

μὴ ἦν
Κικέρων, “μακρὰν γὰρ οὐκ αἰτεῖται Τέλλιεος
ς >> s / > lao 9, oF » .
ὑπέρθεσιν." Hv δέ τις ‘Oxtaovios αἰτίαν ἔχων
ἐκ Λιβύης γεγονέναι: πρὸς τοῦτον ἔν τινι δίκῃ

, a Ἵ re ΄ ες \ \
λέγοντα τοῦ Κικέρωνος μὴ ἐξακούειν, “ Kai μὴν

> ¥ »” “ “ce \ i > ,ὔ ” 7
οὐκ ἔχεις," εἶπε, “ τὸ οὖς ἀτρύπητον.᾽ Μετέλλου
/ a
δὲ Νέπωτος εἰπόντος ὅτι πλείονας καταμαρτυρῶν
> “ aA na ες ς A
ἀνήρηκεν ἢ συνηγορῶν σέσωκεν, ““Oporoya

, 9 9 ἐπι SPDs wey , a ,
yap, ἔφη, “πίστεως ἐν ἐμοὶ πλέον ἢ δεινότητος
εἶναι." νεανίσκου δέ τινος αἰτίαν ἔχοντος ἐν
πλακοῦντι φάρμακον τῷ πατρὶ δεδωκέναι Opa-

146

CICERO, xxvi. 1-5

XXVI. When Crassus was about to set out for
Syria, wishing that Cicero should be a friend rather
than an enemy, he said to him in a friendly manner
that he wished to dine with him; and Cicero readily
received him into his house. But a few days after-
wards, when some friends interceded with him for Va-
tinius, saying that the man sought reconciliation and
friendship (for he was an enemy), “It surely cannot
be,” said Cicero, “that Vatinius also wishes to dine
with me.” Such, then, was his treatment of Crassus.
Now, Vatinius himself had swellings on his neck, and
once when he was pleading a case Cicero called
him a tumid orator, Again, after hearing that Va-
tinius was dead, and then after a little learning for a
surety that he was alive, “ Wretchedly perish, then,”
said Cicero, “the wretch who lied!” And again,
Caesar once got a decree passed that the land in
Campania should be divided among his soldiers, and
many of the senators were dissatisfied, and Lucius
Gellius, who was about the oldest of them, declared
that it should never be done while he was alive;
whereupon Cicero said: “ Let us wait, since Gellius
does not ask for a long postponement.” There was
a certain Octavius, too, who was reputed to be of
African descent ; to this man, who said at a certain
trial that he could not hear Cicero, the orator replied :
“And yet your ear is not without a perforation.” !
And when Metellus Nepos declared that Cicero had
brought more men to death as a hostile witness than
he had saved from it as an advocate, “ Yes,” said
Cicero, “I admit that my credibility is greater than
my eloquence.” Again, when a certain young man
who was accused of having given his father poison in

1 Usually the mark of a slave.
147

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

συνομένου καὶ Aé€yovTos ὅτι λοιδορήσει τὸν 874
Κικέρωνα, “ Τοῦτο, ἔφη, “ παρὰ σοῦ βούλομαι
μᾶλλον ἢ πλακοῦντα." Ποπλίου δὲ Σηστίου
συνήγορον μὲν αὐτὸν ἔν τινι δίκῃ παραλαβόντος
μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων, αὐτοῦ δὲ πάντα βουλομένου λέγειν
καὶ μηδενὶ παριέντος εἰπεῖν, ὡς δῆλος ἦν ἀφιέ-
μενος ὑπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν ἤδη τῆς ψήφου φερομέ-
vs, “ X pa σήμερον,᾽" ἔφη, “ “τῷ καιρῷ, Σήστιε"
μέλλεις γὰρ αὔριον. ἰδιώτης εἶναι." Πόπλιον δὲ
Κώνσταν νομικὸν εἶναι βουλόμενον, ὄντα δ᾽ ἀμα-
On καὶ ἀφυῆ, πρός τινα δίκην ἐκάλεσε μάρτυρα"
τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν εἰδέναι φάσκοντος, ee Ἴσως," ἔφη,
“ δοκεῖς περὶ τῶν νομικῶν ἐρωτᾶσθαι." Μετέλ-
λου δὲ Νέπωτος ἐν διαφορᾷ τινι πολλάκις λέ-
γοντος “ “Τίς σοῦ πατήρ ἐστιν, ὁ Κικέρων “Σοὶ
ταύτην᾽ ᾿ ἔφη “τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἡ μήτηρ χαλεπω-
τέραν ἐποίησεν." ἐδόκει δ᾽ ἀκόλαστος ἡ μήτηρ
εἶναι τοῦ Νέπωτος, αὐτὸς δέ τις εὐμετάβολος.
καί ποτε τὴν δημαρχίαν ἀπολιπὼν ἄφνω πρὸς
Πομπήϊον ἐξέπλευσεν εἰς Συρίαν, εἶτ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν
ἐπανῆλθεν ἀλογώτερον. θάψας δὲ Φίλαγρον
τὸν καθηγητὴν ἐπιμελέστερον ἐπέστησεν αὐτοῦ
τῷ τάφῳ κόρακα λίθινον" καὶ ὁ Κικέρων “Τοῦτ i
ἔφη εὐ σοφώτερον ἐποίησας" πέτεσθαι γώρ σε
μᾶλλον ἢ λέγειν ἐδίδαξεν." ἐπεὶ δὲ Μάρκος
Λππιος ἔ ἔν τινι δίκῃ προοιμιαξόμενος εἶπε φίλον
αὐτοῦ δεδεῆσθαι παρασχεῖν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ λο-
γιότητα καὶ πίστιν, “ εἰ θ᾽ οὕτως, ἔφη, “" “σιδη-
ροῦς γέγονας ἄνθρωπος ὥστε μηδὲν ἐκ τοσούτων
ὧν ἡτήσαθ᾽ ὁ φίλος παρασχεῖν;

148

CICERO, χχνι. 5-8

a cake put on bold airs and threatened to cover Cicero
with abuse, “That,” said Cicero, “I would rather
have from you than a cake.” There was Publius
Sextius, too, who retained Cicero as an advocate in
a case, along with others, and then wanted to do all
the speaking himself, and would allow no one else a
word ; when it was clear that he was going to be ac-
quitted by the jurors and the vote was already being
given, “ Use your opportunity to-day, Sextius,” said
C:cero, “ for to-morrow you are going to be a nobody.”
Publius Consta, too, who wanted to be a lawyer, but
was ignorant and stupid, was once summoned by
Cicero as witness in a case; and when he kept say-
ing that he knew nothing, “ Perhaps,” said Cicero,
“you think you are being questioned on points of
law.” Again, in a dispute with Cicero, Metellus
Nepos asked repeatedly “ Who is your father?”’ “In
your case,” said Cicero, ‘‘ your mother has made the
answer to this question rather difficult.” Now, the
mother of Nepos was thought to be unchaste, and he
himself a fickle sort of man. He once suddenly de-
serted his office of tribune and sailed off to join
Pompey in Syria, and then came back from there
with even less reason. Moreover, after burying his
teacher Philagrus with more than usual ceremony,
he set upon his tomb a raven in stone; whereupon
Cicero remarked: “In this you have acted more
wisely than is your wont, for he taught you to fly
rather than to speak.” And again, when Marcus
Appius prefaced his speech in a case by saying that
his friend had begged him to exhibit diligence,
eloquence, and fidelity, “And then,” said Cicero,
“are you so hard-hearted as to exhibit none of those
great qualities which your friend demanded ?”

VOL. VII. F 149

oo

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXVII. Τὸ μὲν οὖν πρὸς ἐχθροὺς ἢ ἀντιδίκους
σκώμμασι χρῆσθαι πικροτέροις δοκεῖ ῥητορικὸν
εἶναι" τὸ δ᾽ οἷς ἔτυχε προσκρούειν ἕνεκα τοῦ
γελοίου πολὺ συνῆγε μῖσος αὐτῷ. πηράψω δὲ
καὶ τούτων ὀλίγα. Μάρκον ᾿Ακυΐνιον ἔχοντα δύο
γαμβροὺς φυγάδας "Αδραστον ἐκάλει. Λευκίου
δὲ Κόττα τιμητικὴν ἔχοντος ἀρχήν, φιλοινοτάτου
δ᾽ ὄντος, ὑπατείαν μετιὼν ὁ Κικέρων ἐδίψησε,
καὶ τῶν φίλων κύκλῳ περιστάντων ws ἔπινεν,
“᾿Ορθῶς φοβεῖσθε," εἶπε, “ μή μοι γένουτο χαλ-
επὸς ὁ τιμητὴς ὅτι ὕδωρ Tivo.’ Βωκωνίῳ δ᾽
ἀπαντήσας ἄγοντι μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τρεῖς ἀμορφοτάτας
θυγατέρας ἀνεφθέγξατο"'

a ὦ ”
“Φοίβου ποτ᾽ οὐκ ἐῶντος ἔσπειρεν τέκνα.

Μάρκου δὲ Τελλίου δοκοῦντος οὐκ ἐξ ἐλευθέρων
γεγονέναι, λαμπρᾷ δὲ τῇ φωνῇ καὶ μεγάλῃ γράμ-
ματα πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἐξαναγνόντος, “Μὴ
θαυμάζετε," εἶπε, “καὶ αὐτὸς εἷς ἐστι τῶν ἀνα-
πεφωνηκότων." ἐπεὶ δὲ Φαῦστος ὁ Σύλλα TOD
μοναρχήσαντος ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ πολλοὺς ἐπὶ θανά-
τῳ προγράψαντος ἐν δανείοις γενόμενος καὶ πολ-
λὰ τῆς οὐσίας διασπαθήσας ἀπάρτιον προέγραψε,
ταύτην ἔφη μᾶλλον αὐτῷ τὴν προγραφὴν ἀρέ-
σκειν ἢ τὴν πατρῴαν.

XXVIII. ’Ex τούτων ἐγίνετο πολλοῖς ἐπα-
χθής" καὶ οἱ μετὰ Κλωδίου συνέστησαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν
ἀρχὴν τοιαύτην λαβόντες. Hv Κλώδιος ἀνὴρ
εὐγενής, τῇ μὲν ἡλικίᾳ νέος, τῷ δὲ φρονήματι

1 Adrastus, mythical king of Argos, gave his two daughters
in marriage to Tydeus and Polyneices, both of whom were
fugitives from their native cities,

150

CICERO, xxvil. 1—xxvill. 1

XXVII. Now, this use of very biting jests against
enemies or legal opponents seems to be part of
the orator’s business; but his indiscriminate attacks
for the sake of raising a laugh made many people
hate Cicero. And I will give a few instances of
this also. Marcus Aquinius, who had two sons-in-
law in exile, he called Adrastus.' Again, Lucius
Cotta, who held the office of censor, was very fond of
wine, and Cicero, when canvassing for the consulship,
was a-thirst, and as his friends stood about him while
he drank, said: “ You have good reason to fear that
the censor will deal harshly with me—for drinking
water.” And when he met Voconius escorting three
very ugly daughters, he cried out :—

“It was against the will of Phoebus that he begat
children.” 2

Again, when Marcus Gellius, who was thought to
be of servile birth, had read letters to the senate
in a loud and clear voice, “Do not marvel,” said
Cicero, “he too is one of those who have cried
aloud for their freedom.” ? And when Faustus, the
son of the Sulla who was dictator at Rome and
placarded many people for death, got into debt,
squandered much of his substance, and placarded
his household goods for sale, Cicero said he liked
this placarding better than his father’s.

XXVIII. Asa consequence of this he became odious
to many; and besides, the partisans of Clodius com-
bined against him on the following ground. Clodius
was a man of noble birth, young in years, but bold

2 An iambic trimeter from some lost tragedy, perhaps the
Oedipus of Euripides (Nauck, TJ'’rag. Graec. Frag.?, p. 911).

% A play upon the phrase (used of a slave) ‘‘ in libertatem
reclamare.”

51

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θρασὺς καὶ αὐθάδης. οὗτος ἐρῶν Πομπηΐας τῆς
Καίσαρος γυναικὸς εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ ᾿παρεισ-
ἢῆλθε κρύφα, λαβὼν ἐσθῆτα καὶ σκευὴν ψαλ-
τρίας" ἔθυον γὰρ αἱ γυναῖκες τὴν ἀπόρρητον
ἐκείνην καὶ ἀθέατον ἀνδράσι θυσίαν ἐν τῇ τοῦ
Καίσαρος οἰκίᾳ, καὶ παρῆν ἀνὴρ᾽ οὐδείς" ἀλλὰ
μειράκιον ὧν ἔτι καὶ μήπω γενειῶν ὁ Κλώδιος
ἤλπιζε ᾿λήσεσθαι διαδὺς πρὸς τὴν Πομπηΐαν
μετὰ τῶν γυναικῶν. ὡς δ᾽ εἰσῆλθε νυκτὸς εἰς
οἰκίαν μεγάλην, ἠπορεῖτο τῶν διόδων: καὶ πλα-
νώμενον αὐτὸν ἰδοῦσα Αὐρηλίας θεραπαινὶς τῆς
Καίσαρος μητρός, ἤτησεν ὄνομα. φθέγξασθαι
δ᾽ ἀνωαγκασθέντος ἐκείνου καὶ φήσαντος ἀκόλου-
θον Πομπηΐας ζητεῖν “ABpav τοὔνομα, συνεῖσα
τὴν φωνὴν οὐ γυναικείαν οὖσαν ἀνέκραγε καὶ
συνεκάλει τὰς γυναῖκας. αἱ δ᾽ ἀποκλείσασαϊι
τὰς θύρας καὶ πάντα διερευνώμεναι, λαμβάνουσι
τὸν Κλώδιον εἰς οἴκημα παιδίσκης, ἧ ἣ συνεισῆλθε,
καταπεφευγότα. τοῦ δὲ πράγματος περιβοήτου
γενομένου Καῖσάρ τε τὴν Πομπηΐαν ἀφῆκε καὶ
δίκην 1 ἀσεβείας ἀπεγράψατο τῷ Κλωδίῳ.
ΧΧΙΣ. Κικέρων δ᾽ ἣν μὲν αὐτοῦ φίλος καὶ
τῶν περὶ Κατιλίναν πραττομένων ἐχρῆτο προ-
θυμοτάτῳ συνεργῷ καὶ φύλακι τοῦ σώματος,
ἰσχυριξομένου δὲ πρὸς τὸ ἔγκλημα τῷ μηδὲ
γεγονέναι κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐν “Ῥώμῃ τὸν χρόνον, ἀλλ᾽
ἐν τοῖς πορρωτάτω χωρίοις διατρίβειν, κατεμαρ-
τύρησεν ὡς ἀφιγμένου πρὸς αὐτὸν οἴκαδε καὶ

1 δέκην before this word Sintenis and Bekker assume a
lacuna in the text, where once stood some such phrase as
εἷς τῶν δημάρχων (Plutarch, Caesar, x. 5). So (substantially)
Graux,

152

875.

CICERO, xxvii. 1--ΧΧΙΧΟΙ

and presumptuous in spirit. This man, being in love
with Pompeia, Caesar's wife, got into his house
secretly, by assuming the dress and guise of a lute-
player; for the women of Rome were celebrating in
Caesar's house that mysterious rite which men were
not allowed to witness,! and no man was there; but
being still a beardless youth Clodius hoped without
being noticed to slip through to Pompeia along with
the women. But since he got in at night and the
house was large, he lost his way in the passages ; and
as he was wandering about, a maid of Aurelia, Caesar's
mother, caught sight of him and asked him his name.
Being thus compelled to speak, he said that he was
looking for an attendant of Pompeia named Abra,
whereupon the maid, perceiving that his voice was
not that of a woman, raised a cry and called the
women together. These shut the doors, searched
carefully all about, and found Clodius, who had taken
refuge in the chamber of the girl with whom he
came into the house. The affair having become
noised abroad, Caesar divorced Pompeia and had an
action for sacrilege brought against Clodius.

XXIX. Now, Cicero was a friend of Clodius, and
in the affair of Catiline had found him a most eager
co-worker and guardian of his person; but when
Clodius replied to the charge against him by insist-
ing that he had not even been in Rome at the time,
but had been staying in places at the farthest
remove from there, Cicero testified against him,
declaring that Clodius had come to his house and

1 Cf. chapter xix. 3.

153

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 διειλεγμένου περί τινων" ὅπερ ἢν ἀληθές. οὐ μὴν
ἐδόκει μαρτυρεῖν ὁ Κικέρων διὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν,
ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὴν αὑτοῦ γυναῖκα Tepevriav ἀπολο-
γούμενος. ἣν γὰρ αὐτῇ πρὸς τὸν Κλώδιον ἀπέ-
χθεια διὰ τὴν ἀδελφὴν τὴν ἐκείνου Κλωδίαν, ἁ ὡς
τῷ Κικέρωνι βουλομένην γαμηθῆναι καὶ τοῦτο
διὰ Τύλλου τινὸς πράττουσαν, ὃ ὃς ἑταῖρος μὲν ἦν
καὶ συνήθης ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Κικέρωνος, ἀεὶ δὲ
πρὸς τὴν Κλωδίαν φοιτῶν καὶ θεραπεύων ἐγγὺς

8 οἰκοῦσαν ὑποψίαν τῇ Τερεντίᾳ παρέσχε. χα-
λεπὴ δὲ τὸν τρόπον οὖσα καὶ τοῦ Κικέρωνος
ἄρχουσα παρώξυνε τῷ Κλωδίῳ συνεπιθέσθαι καὶ
καταμαρτυρῆσαι. κατεμαρτύρουν δὲ τοῦ Κλω-
δίου πολλοὶ τῶν καλῶν κἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐπιορ-
κίας, ῥᾳδιουργίας, ὄχλων δεκασμούς, φθορὰς
γυναικῶν. Λεύκουλλος δὲ καὶ θεραπαινίδας
παρεῖχεν ὡς συγγένοιτο τῇ νεωτάτῃ τῶν ἀδελφῶν

4 ὁ Κλώδιος, ὅτε Λευκούλλῳ συνῴκει. πολλὴ δ᾽

ἦν δόξα καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις δυσὶν ἀδελφαῖς πλη-
δίδει: τὸν Κλώδιον, ὧν Τερτίαν μὲν Μάρκιος ὁ
Ῥήξ, Κλωδίαν δὲ Μέτελλος ὁ Κέλερ εἶχεν, ἣν
Κουαδραντίαν ἢ ἐκάλουν, ὅτι τῶν ἐραστῶν τις
αὐτῇ χαλκοῦς ἐμβαλὼν εἰς βαλάντιον ὡς ἀργύ-
ριον εἰσέπεμψε: τὸ δὲ λεπτότατον τοῦ χαλκοῦ
νομίσματος κουαδράντην ἐκάλουν. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ
μάλιστα τῶν ἀδελφῶν κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὁ Κλώδιος.

ὅ οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε τοῦ δήμου πρὸς τοὺς καταμαρ-

τυροῦντας αὐτοῦ καὶ συνεστῶτας ἀντιταττομένου

1 Κουαδραντίαν Sintenis with the MSS.; Κουαδρανταρίαν Bek-
ker, after Xylander and Du Soul (cf. Cic. pro Cael. 26,
62, mulier quadrantaria).

154

CICERO, xxix. 1-5

consulted him on certain matters; which was true.
However, it was thought that Cicero did not give
his testimony for the truth’s sake, but by way of
defence against the charges of his own wife Terentia.
For there was enmity between her and Clodius on
account of his sister Clodia, whom Terentia thought
to be desirous of marrying Cicero and to be con-
triving this with the aid of a certain Tullus; now,
Tullus was a companion and an especial intimate of
Cicero, and his constant visits and attentions to
Clodia, who lived near by, made Terentia suspicious.
So, being a woman of harsh nature, and having sway
over Cicero, she incited him to join in the attack
upon Clodius and give testimony against him. More-
over, many men of the better class bore witness
against Clodius for perjury, recklessness, bribery of
the multitude, and debauching of women. And
Lucullus actually produced female slaves who tes-
tified that Clodius had commerce with his youngest
sister when she was living with Lucullus as his wife.
There was also a general belief that Clodius had
intercourse with his other two sisters, of whom
Tertia was the wife of Marcius Rex, and Clodia of
Metellus Celer; the latter was called Quadrantia,
because one of her lovers had put copper coins into
a purse and sent them to her for silver, and the
smallest copper coin was called “quadrans.” It was
with regard to this sister in particular that Clodius
was in evil repute. However, since the people at
this time set themselves against those who com-
bined and testified against him, the jurors were

155

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φοβηθέντες οἱ δικασταὶ φυλακὴν περιεστήσαντο,
καὶ τὰς δέλτους οἱ πλεῖστοι συγκεχυμένοις τοῖς
γράμμασιν ἤνεγκαν. ὅμως δὲ πλείονες ἔδοξαν οἱ
ἀπολύοντες γενέσθαι" καί τις ἐλέχθη καὶ δεκα-

6 σμὸς διελθεῖν. ὅθεν ὁ μὲν Κάτλος ἀπαντήσας τοῖς
κριταῖς, “ Ὑμεϊς,᾽ εἶπεν, “ ὡς ἀληθῶς ὑπὲρ ἀσφα-
λείας ἠτήσασθε τὴν φυλακήν, φοβούμενον μή
τις ὑμῶν ἀφέληται τὸ ἀργύριον." Κικέρων δὲ
τοῦ Κλωδίου πρὸς αὐτὸν λέγοντος ὅτε μαρτυρῶν
οὐκ ἔσχε πίστιν παρὰ τοῖς δικασταῖς, “᾿Αλλ᾽
ἐμοὶ μέν," εἶπεν, “ οἱ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι τῶν δικα-
στῶν ἐπίστευσαν: τοσοῦτοι γάρ σου κατεψηφί-
σαντο" σοὶ δὲ τριάκοντα οὐκ ἐπίστευσαν: οὐ
γὰρ πρότερον ἀπέλυσαν ἢ ἔλαβον τὸ ἀργύριον."

1 ὁ μέντοι Καῖσαρ οὐ κατεμαρτύρησε κληθεὶς ἐπὶ
τὸν Κλώδιον, οὐδ᾽ ἔφη μοιχείαν κατεγνωκέναι τῆς
γυναικός, ἀφεικέναι δ᾽ αὐτὴν ὅτι τὸν Καίσαρος
ἔδει γάμον οὐ πράξεως αἰσχρᾶς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ
φήμης καθαρὸν εἶναι.

XXX. Διαφυγὼν δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον ὁ Κλώδιος
καὶ δήμαρχος αἱρεθεὶς εὐθὺς εἴχετο τοῦ Κικέρω-
νος, πάνθ᾽ ὁμοῦ πράγματα καὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους
συνάγων καὶ ταράττων ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. τόν τε γὰρ
δῆμον ὠκειώσατο νόμοις φιλανθρώποις, καὶ τῶν
ὑπάτων ἑκατέρῳ μεγάλας ἐπαρχίας ἐψηφίσατο,
Πείσωνι μὲν Μακεδονίαν, Γαβινίῳ δὲ Συρίαν,
πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν ἀπόρων συνέτασσεν εἰς τὸ πολί-
τευμα, καὶ δούλους ὡπλισμένους περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχε.

2 τῶν δὲ πλεῖστον δυναμένων τότε τριῶν ἀνδρῶν,

1 Cf. also the Caesar, x. 7. Each juror was provided with
three tablets, on one of which was marked A (absolvo); ona
second C (condemno) ; and on a third N.L. (non liquet). The

156

CICERO, xxix. 5—xxx. 2

frightened and surrounded themselves with a guard,
and most of them cast their voting-tablets with the
writing on them confused.! But nevertheless those
who were for acquittal appeared to be in the
majority; and some bribery also was said to have
been used. This led Catulus to say, when he met
the jurors, “ It was indeed as a measure of safety
that you asked for your guard; you were afraid that
someone would take your money away from you.” ?
And Cicero, when Clodius told him that as a witness
he had found no credit with the jurors, said: “ Nay,
twenty-five of the jurors gave me credit, for so many
voted against you; and thirty of them gave you no
credit, for they did not vote to acquit you until they
had got your money.”’® Caesar, however, when sum-
moned as a witness, gave no testimony against
Clodius, and denied that he had condemned his wife
for adultery, but said that he had put her away
because Caesar's wife must be free not only from
shameful conduct, but even from shameful report.
XXX. But Clodius, having escaped his peril, and
having been chosen tribune,* at once began to
attack Cicero, arraying and stirring up against him
all things and all men alike. He won the favour
of the people by benevolent laws, got large pro-
vinces voted to each of the consuls (Macedonia to
Piso, and Syria to Gabinius), brought many of the
poorer class into organized political activity, and
kept armed slaves about his person. Now, of the
three men who at that time had most power,

jurors voted by placing one of these tablets in the urn,
Plutarch must have misunderstood his source.

2 Cf. Cicero, ad Ait. i. 16, 5.

3 Cf. Cicero, sbid. 16, 10. 4 For the year 58 B.c.

157

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Κράσσου μὲν ἄντικρυς Κικέρωνι πολεμοῦντος,
Πομπηΐου δὲ θρυπτομένου πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους,
Καίσαρος δὲ μέλλοντος εἰς Γαλατίαν ἐξιέναι μετὰ
στρατεύματος, ὑπὸ τοῦτον ὑποδὺς ὁ Κικέρων,
’ > 4 / ᾽ 53. ὦ 3 al
καΐπερ οὐκ ὄντα φίλον, ἀλλ᾽ ὕποπτον ἐκ τῶν περὶ
Κ λί +s : B \ > a
ατιλίναν, ἠξίωσε πρεσβευτὴς αὐτῷ συστρα-
τεύειν. δεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὁ Ἰζλώδιος
ὁρῶν ἐκφεύγοντα τὴν δημαρχίαν αὐτοῦ τὸν Κικέ-
ρωνα προσεποιεῖτο συμβατικῶς ἔχειν, καὶ τῇ
Τερεντίᾳ τὴν πλείστην ἀνατιθεὶς αἰτίαν, ἐκείνου
δὲ μεμνημένος ἐπιεικῶς ἀεὶ καὶ λόγους εὐγνώ-
> 5 ὃ 4 ¢ bd > n yOe
μονας ἐνδιδούς, ὡς ἄν τις οὐ μισῶν οὐδὲ χαλε-
παίνων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκαλῶν μέτρια καὶ φιλικά, παντά-
πᾶσιν αὐτοῦ τὸν φόβον ἀνῆκεν, ὥστ᾽ ἀπειπεῖν τῷ
Καίσαρι τὴν πρεσβείαν καὶ πάλιν ἔχεσθαι τῆς
/ > ᾽ φ \ ¢ an ,
πολιτείας. ἐφ ᾧ παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Καῖσαρ τόν τε
Κλώδιον ἐπέρρωσε καὶ ἸΠομπήϊον ἀπέστρεψε
κομιδῆ τοῦ Κικέρωνος, αὐτός τε κατεμαρτύρησεν
ἐν τῷ δήμῳ μὴ δοκεῖν αὐτῷ καλῶς μηδὲ νομίμως
» ᾿ , ’ fal \ \ /
ἄνδρας ἀκρίτους ἀνῃρῆσθαι τοὺς περὶ Λέντλον
\ / icf \ be 2 ε / ἌΣ \
καὶ Κέθηγον. αὕτη yap ἣν ἡ κατηγορία, καὶ ἐπὶ
a,;)? ς / > a 4 5
τοῦθ᾽ ὁ Κικέρων ἐκαλεῖτο. κινδυνεύων οὖν καὶ
διωκόμενος ἐσθῆτα μετήλλαξε καὶ κόμης ἀνά-
Tews περιϊὼν ἱκέτευε τὸν δῆμον. πανταχοῦ δ᾽ ὁ
Κλώδιος ἀπήντα κατὰ τοὺς στενωπούς, ἀνθρώ-
mous ἔχων ὑβριστὰς περὶ αὑτὸν καὶ θρασεῖς, οἱ
\ \ / > ’ὔ ’ \
πολλὰ μὲν χλευάζοντες ἀκολάστως εἰς THY μετα-
\ ἣν n a 7 Ὁ
βολὴν καὶ τὸ σχῆμα τοῦ Κικέρωνος, πολλαχοῦ
158

CICERO, xxx. 2-5

Crassus was an out-and-out foe of Cicero, Pompey
was dallying with both, and Caesar was about to
set out for Gaul with an army ; into Caesar’s favour,
therefore, Cicero insinuated himself (although Caesar
was not a friend, but an object of suspicion owing to
the affair of Catiline), and asked to accompany him
on his campaign as legate.1 But no sooner had
Caesar granted the request than Clodius, seeing
that Cicero was thus escaping his tribunicial
power, pretended to be desirous of a reconciliation,
and by laying the chief blame upon Terentia, and
always speaking of Cicero in friendly terms and
using kindly expressions about him, as one who
bore him no hatred or even ill-will, but had mode-
rate complaints to make of him in a friendly way,
he altogether took away his fear, so that he declined
the office of legate under Caesar and again applied
himself to public matters. But at this conduct
Caesar was exasperated, and encouraged Clodius
against Cicero, and completely alienated Pompey
from him, while he himself testified before the
people that he did not think it right or lawful
that men should be put to death without a trial,
as in the case of Lentulus, Cethegus, and their
accomplices. For this was the denunciation made
against Cicero, and to this he was summoned to
make answer. And so, being in peril of prosecution,
he changed his attire,? and with his hair untrimmed
went about supplicating the people. But Clodius
met him everywhere in the streets, with a band
of bold and insolent men about him, who made
many unbridled jests upon Cicero’s change of attire,

1 According to Cicero (ad Ait. ii. 18, 3), it was Caesar who
made the request. * To a garb of mourning.

159

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δὲ πηλῴ καὶ λίθοις βάλλοντες ἐνίσταντο ταῖς
ἱκεσίαις.
XXXI. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ Κικέρωνι πρῶτον μὲν
ὀλίγου δεῖν σύμπαν τὸ τῶν ἱππικῶν πλῆθος
συμμετέβαλε τὴν ἐσθῆτα, καὶ δισμυρίων οὐκ
ἐλάττους νέων παρηκολούθουν κομῶντες καὶ συνι-
κετεύοντες" ἔπειτα τῆς βουλῆς συνελθούσης ὅπως
ψηφίσαιτο τὸν δῆμον ὡς ἐπὶ πένθεσι μεταβαλεῖν
τὰ ἱμάτια, καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων ἐναντιωθέντων, Kro-
᾽ \ / \ \ ‘
Siov δὲ σιδηροφορουμένου περὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον,
ἐξέδραμον οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν βουλευτικῶν καταρ-
ρηγνύμενοι τοὺς χιτῶνας καὶ βοῶντες. ὡς δ᾽ ἣν
:
οὔτ᾽ οἶκτος οὔτε τις αἰδὼς πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν, ἀλλ᾽
ἔδει τὸν Κικέρωνα φεύγειν ἢ βίᾳ καὶ σιδήρῳ
a \ \ 7 3 -“
κριθῆναι πρὸς τὸν Κλώδιον, ἐδεῖτο Πομπηΐου
βοηθεῖν ἐπίτηδες ἐκποδὼν γεγονότος καὶ διατρί-
Bovtos ἐν ἀγροῖς περὶ τὸν ᾿Αλβανόν. καὶ πρῶτον
\ " , \ \ /
μὲν ἔπεμψε Πείσωνα τὸν γαμβρὸν δεησόμενον"
4 ‘ w: oN > ψΨ / > ς
ἔπειτα καὶ αὐτὸς ἀνέβη. πυθόμενος δ᾽ ὁ Πομ-
fu > e / > BA > an \
πήϊος οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν, δεινὴ yap
αὐτὸν αἰδὼς εἶχε πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα μεγάλους ἠγω-
νισμένον ἀγῶνας ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καὶ πολλὰ πρὸς
΄ ? , / > \ /
χάριν ἐκείνῳ πεπολιτευμένον, ἀλλὰ Καίσαρι
γαμβρὸς ὧν δεομένῳ προὔδωκε τὰς παλαιὰς
\ \ θύ » ς θὰ 3
χάριτας καὶ κατὰ θύρας ἄλλας ὑπεξελθὼν ἀπε-
δίδρασκε τὴν ἔντευξιν. οὕτω δὴ προδοθεὶς ὁ
Κικέρων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ γεγονὼς ἔρημος ἐπὶ τοὺς
ς 7 / \ , \ 9
ὑπάτους κατέφυγε. καὶ Γαβίνιος μὲν ἣν χαλε-
\ ΡΟΝ / / / A
mos ἀεί, Ἰ]είσων δὲ διελέχθη πρᾳότερον αὐτῷ,

160

CICERO, xxx. 5--ΧΧΧι. 4

and often pelted him with mud and stones, and so
interfered with his supplications to the people.
XXXI. However, in the first place, nearly the
whole body of knights changed their attire with
Cicero, and as many as twenty thousand young men
escorted him with their hair untrimmed and joined
in his suppliant entreaties to the people;+ and
besides, when the senate had met in order to pass
a vote that the people should change their dress
in token of public calamity, and the consuls had
opposed it, and Clodius was in arms about the
senate-house, not a few of the senators ran out,
rending their garments and crying aloud. But since
this sight awakened neither pity nor any mercy,
but Cicero was obliged either to go into exile or
to appeal to force and the sword against Clodius,
he begged for aid from Pompey, who had purposely
got out of the way and was staying at his country
seat in the Alban hills. First Cicero sent Piso,?
his son-in-law, to entreat for him; then he went
up thither himself also. Pompey, however, on
learning of his coming, could not endure to see
him, for he felt a strong sense of shame towards
the man who had made great struggles in his behalf .
and had often adopted a political course to please
him; but since he was Caesar’s son-in-law, at his
request he proved false to his old obligations,
clipped out by another door, and so ran away from
the interview. Thus betrayed by him and left
desolate, Cicero fled for refuge to the consuls.
Gabinius was always severe with h'm, but Piso dealt

1 Cf. Cicero’s oration post red. ad Quir. 3, 8.
2 Not the consul who is mentioned in xxx. 1 and below in
§ 4.

161

LS)

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A > n a n a na
παραινῶν ἐκστῆναι καὶ ὑποχωρῆσαι TH τοῦ Krw-
δίου ῥύμῃ καὶ τὴν μεταβολὴν τῶν καιρῶν ἐνεγκεῖν

“ na /
καὶ γενέσθαι πάλιν σωτῆρα τῆς πατρίδος ἐν
al > a ”
στάσεσι Kal κακοῖς bu ἐκεῖνον οὔσης.
Τοιαύτης τυχὼν ἀποκρίσεως ὁ Κικέρων ἐβου-
a /
λεύετο σὺν τοῖς φίλοις: Kai Λεύκουλλος μὲν ἐκέ-
Reve μένειν, ὡς περιεσόμενον, ἄλλοι δὲ φεύγειν,
“ /
ὡς ταχὺ τοῦ δήμου ποθήσοντος αὐτόν, ὅταν
> a a / / \ > 7
ἐμπλησθῇ τῆς Κλωδίου μανίας καὶ ἀπονοίας.
a? ” / \ ¥ BA lol
ταῦτ᾽ ἔδοξε Κικέρωνι: καὶ τὸ μὲν ἄγαλμα τῆς

᾽ n ἃ \ , ” a % a Su. 6
A@nvas, ὃ πολὺν χρόνον ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας

ἱδρυμένον ἐτίμα διαφερόντως, εἰς Καπιτώλιον
κομίσας ἀνέθηκεν ἐπιγράψας ““᾿Αθηνᾷ Ῥώμης
φύλακι," πομποὺς δὲ παρὰ τῶν φίλων λαβὼν

\ / 4 ς na n / \ lal
περὶ μέσας νύκτας ὑπεξῆλθε THs πόλεως Kal πεζῇ
διὰ Λευκανίας ἐπορεύετο, λαβέσθαι Σικελίας
βουλόμενος.

ΧΧΧΙΙ. Ὡς δ᾽ ἦν φανερὸς ἤδη πεφευγώς,
ἐπήγαγεν αὐτῷ φυγῆς ψῆφον ὁ Κλώδιος, καὶ διά-
γραμμα προὔθηκεν εἴργειν πυρὸς καὶ ὕδατος τὸν
ἄνδρα καὶ μὴ παρέχειν στέγην ἐντὸς μιλίων

7 > / al \ = 7
πεντακοσίων ᾿Ιταλίας. τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἄλλοις
ἐλάχιστος ἦν τοῦ διαγράμματος τούτου λόγος
αἰδουμένοις τὸν Κικέρωνα, καὶ πᾶσαν ἐνδεικνύ-
μενοι φιλοφροσύνην παρέπεμπον αὐτόν' ἐν δ᾽
ς / / “ / > n a
Ἱππωνίῳ, πόλει τῆς Λευκανίας, ἣν Οὐιβῶνα viv
καλοῦσιν, Οὐΐβιος, Σικελὸς ἀνήρ, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ

n ‘a ΄ 2 \ \ \
τῆς Κικέρωνος pidias ἀπολελαυκὼς Kal γεγονὼς

162

87]

ΡΥ ΨΥ

“ν᾽

CICERO, χχχι. 4—xxxul. 2

with him more gently, advising him to stand aside
and yield to the impetuous assaults of Clodius, to
submit to the change in the times, and to become
once more a saviour of his country when she was in-
volved in seditions and misfortunes through Clodius.

After getting such answer to his appeal, Cicero
took counsel with his friends: Lucullus urged him
to remain in the city, believing that he would
prevail; but others advised him to go into exile,
believing that the people would quickly long for
him when they were sated with the folly and
madness of Clodius. This Cicero decided to do;
so he took the statue of Minerva which had long
stood in his house, and which he honoured exceed-
ingly, carried it to the capitol,! and dedicated it
there with the inscription “To Minerva, Guardian
of Rome”; then, accepting an escort from his
friends, about midnight he slipped out of the city,
and set out on foot through Lucania, desiring to
reach Sicily.

XXXII. But as soon as it was known that he had
fled, Clodius caused a vote of banishment to be passed
upon him, and issued an edict that all men should
refuse him fire and water and that no man should
give him shelter within five hundred miles of Italy.
Now, most men paid not the slightest heed to
this edict out of respect for Cicero, and escorted
him on his way with every mark of kindness ;
but at Hipponium, a city of Lucania,? which is
now called Vibo, Vibius, a Sicilian, who had
profited much from Cicero’s friendship and_par-
ticularly by being made prefect of engineers during

1 Cf. Cicero, de leg. ii. 17, 42 ; ad fam. xii. 25, 1.
2 Rather Bruttium.

163

ΕΝ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὑπατεύοντος αὐτοῦ τεκτόνων ἔπαρχος, οἰκίᾳ μὲν
᾽ γὼ ἡ Ν , \ , > ft

οὐκ ἐδέξατο, TO χωρίον δὲ καταγράψειν ἐπηγγέλ-
λετο, καὶ Γάϊος Οὐεργίλιος, ὁ τῆς Σικελίας στρα-
τηγός, ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Κικέρωνι κεχρημένος,
» > / a ‘ » 42 ? /
ἔγραψεν ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς Σικελίας. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἀθυμή-
cas ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ Βρεντέσιον, κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Δυρρά-
χίον ἀνέμῳ φορῷ περαιούμενος, ἀντιπνεύσαντος

7 ». “ὁ 7 ᾽ 4 > > 5

πελαγίου μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπαλινδρόμησεν, εἶτ᾽ αὖθις
ἀνήχθη. λέγεται δὲ καὶ καταπλεύσαντος εἰς
Δυρράχιον αὐτοῦ καὶ μέλλοντος ἀποβαίνειν σει-
σμόν τε τῆς γῆς καὶ σπασμὸν ἅμα γενέσθαι τῆς
θαλάττης. ἀφ᾽ ὧν συνέβαλον οἱ μαντικοὶ μὴ
μόνιμον αὐτῷ τὴν φυγὴν ἔσεσθαι: μεταβολῆς γὰρ
εἶναι ταῦτα σημεῖα. πολλῶν δὲ φοιτώντων ἀν-
δρῶν ὑπ᾽ εὐνοίας καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων
διαμιλλωμένων πρὸς αὑτὰς ταῖς πρεσβείαις, ὅμως
> a \ , a \ ΄ Ν \

ἀθυμῶν καὶ περίλυπος διῆγε TA πολλά, πρὸς τὴν
Ἰταλίαν, ὥσπερ οἱ δυσέρωτες, ἀφορῶν, καὶ τῷ
φρονήματι μικρὸς ἄγαν καὶ ταπεινὸς ὑπὸ τῆς
συμφορᾶς γεγονὼς καὶ συνεσταλμένος, ὡς οὐκ ἄν
τις ἄνδρα παιδείᾳ συμβεβιωκότα τοσαύτῃ προσ-
εδόκησε. καίτοι πολλάκις αὐτὸς ἠξίου τοὺς
φίλους μὴ ῥήτορα καλεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ φιλόσοφον'
φιλοσοφίαν γὰρ ὡς ἔργον ἡρῆσθαι, ῥητορικῇ δ᾽
ὀργάνῳ χρῆσθαι πολιτευόμενος ἐπὶ τὰς χρείας.
ἀλλ᾽ ἡ δόξα δεινὴ τὸν λόγον, ὥσπερ βαφήν, ἀπο-
κλύσαι τῆς ψυχῆς, καὶ τὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐνομόρ-
ἕασθαι πάθη δι’ ὁμιλίαν καὶ συνήθειαν τοῖς

164

CICERO, xxxit. 2-5

his consulship, would not receive him in his house,
but sent him word that he would assign him his
country-place for residence; and Caius Vergilius,
the praetor of Sicily, who had been on most inti-
mate terms with Cicero, wrote him to keep away
from Sicily.1 Disheartened at this treatment, he
set out for Brundisium, and from there tried to
eross to Dyrrhachium with a fair breeze, but since
he met a counter-wind at sea he came back the
next day, and then set sail again. It is said, too,
that after he had put in at Dyrrhachium and was
about to land, there was an earthquake accompanied
by a violent convulsion of the sea. Wherefore the
soothsayers conjectured that his exile would not
be lasting, since these were signs of change. But
although many people visited him out of goodwill,
and the Greek cities vied with one another in
sending him deputations, still, he passed his time
for the most part in dejection and great grief,?
looking off towards Italy like a disconsolate lover,
while in his spirit he became very petty and mean
by reason of his misfortune, and was more humbled
than one would have expected in a man who had
enjoyed so lofty a discipline as his. And yet he
often asked his friends not to call him an orator,
but a philosopher, because he had chosen philosophy
as an occupation, but used oratory merely as an
instrument for attaining the needful ends of a
political career. But public opinion has great power
to wash away reason, like a dye, from the soul of
man, and by foree of familiar association to impress
the feelings of the vulgar on those who engage

1 Cf. Cicero, pro Plancio, 40, 95 ff.
2 As his letters to Atticus (iii. 8-21) show.

165

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πολιτευομένοις, ἄν μή τις εὖ μάλα φυλαττόμενος
οὕτω συμφέρηται τοῖς ἐκτὸς ὡς τῶν πραγμάτων
αὐτῶν, οὐ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασι παθῶν συμμε-
θέξων.

XXXIIT. ‘O δὲ Κλώδιος ἐξελάσας τὸν Κικέ-
ρωνα κατέπρησε μὲν αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπαύλεις, κατ-
érpnoe δὲ τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ τῷ τόπῳ ναὸν ᾿Ελευ-

΄
θερίας ἐπῳκοδόμησε' τὴν δ᾽ ἄλλην οὐσίαν ἐπώλει
᾽
καὶ διεκήρυττε καθ᾽ ἡμέραν, μηδὲν ὠνουμένου μη-
δενός. ἐκ δὲ τούτου φοβερὸς ὧν τοῖς ἀριστοκρα-
a \ \ a > , > Ψ \
τικοῖς, καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀνειμένον εἰς ὕβριν πολλὴν
καὶ θρασύτητα συνεφελκόμενος, ἐπεχείρει τῷ
Πομπηΐῳ, τῶν διῳκημένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν
> ς “
στρατείαν ἔνια σπαράττων. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ Πομπήϊος
> a > 4 > ἈΝ - \ , \ /
ἀδοξῶν ἐκάκιζεν αὐτὸς αὑτὸν προέμενος Tov Kexé-
ρωνα" καὶ πάλιν ἐκ μεταβολῆς παντοῖος ἐγίνετο
πράττων κάθοδον αὐτῷ μετὰ τῶν φίλων. ἐνιστα-
μένου δὲ τοῦ Κλωδίου συνέδοξε τῇ βουλῇ μηδὲν
διὰ μέσου πρᾶγμα κυροῦν μηδὲ πράττειν δημό-
σιον, εἰ μὴ Κικέρωνι κάθοδος γένοιτο. τῶν δὲ
περὶ Λέντλον ὑπατευόντων καὶ τῆς στάσεως

, 4 «“ a \ 5 > lal
πρόσω βαδιζούσης, ὥστε τρωθῆναι μὲν ἐν ἀγορᾷ

Ρ ΄ β ξ bs δ V ee Ρ ν μ > y pe
δημάρχους, Koivtoy δὲ τὸν Κικέρωνος ἀδελφὸν ἐν
τοῖς νεκροῖς ὡς τεθνηκότα κείμενον διαλαθεῖν, 6
τε δῆμος ἤρχετο τρέπεσθαι τῇ γνώμῃ, καὶ τῶν
δημάρχων ἴΑννιος Μίλων πρῶτος ἐτόλμησε τὸν
Κλώδιον εἰς δίκην ἀπάγειν βιαίων, καὶ Πομπηΐῳ

\ a 4 a / \ n /
πολλοὶ συνῆλθον ἔκ τε TOD δήμου Kal τῶν πέριξ
πόλεων. μεθ᾽ ὧν προελθὼν καὶ τὸν Κλώδιον

166

CICERO, xxx. 5 ΧΧΧΙΙ. 3

in political life, unless one is right well on his guard
when he engages himself in things external, and
is resolved to participate only in the things them-
selves, and not in the feelings attendant upon
them.

XXXIII. As for Clodius, after driving Cicero away
he burned down his villas, and burned down his
house, and erected on its site a temple to Liberty;
the rest of his property he offered for sale and had it
proclaimed daily, but nobody would buy anything.
Being therefore formidable to the patricians, and
dragging along with him the people, who indulged
in great boldness and effrontery, he assailed Pompey,
attacking fiercely some of the arrangements made by
him on his expedition. The disgrace which this
brought upon Pompey led him to reproach himself
for his abandonment of Cicero; and changing front
he used every effort to effect Cicero’s return, and so
did his friends. But since Clodius opposed himself
to this, the senate decided to ratify no measure that
came up in the mean time and to do no public busi-
ness, unless Cicero should be permitted to return.!
During the consulship of Lentulus,? however, when
the disorder went on increasing, so that tribunes
were wounded in the forum and Quintus the brother
of Cicero lay unnoticed for dead among the slain,
the people began to change their minds, and Annius
Milo, one of the tribunes, first ventured to prosecute
Clodius for violence, and many joined themselves to
Pompey both from the people and from the surround-
ing cities. With these Pompey came forth, drove

1 Cf. Cicero, pro Sest. 31, 67 f.; Plutarch, Pompey, xlix. 1-3,
2 57 B.O.
3 Cf. Cicero, pro Sest. 35, 75 £,

167

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀναστήσας ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐπὶ τὴν ψῆφον ἐκάλει

τοὺς πολίτας. καὶ λέγεται μηδέποτε μηδὲν ἐκ

τοσαύτης ὁμοφροσύνης ἐπιψηφίσασθαι τὸν δῆ-
μον. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἁμιλλωμένη πρὸς τὸν δῆμον
ἔγραψεν ἐπαινεθῆναι τὰς πόλεις ὅσαι τὸν Κικέ-
ρωνα παρὰ τὴν φυγὴν ἐθεράπευσαν, καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν
αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις, ἃς Κλώδιος διεφθάρκει,
τέλεσι δημοσίοις ἀνασταθῆναι.

Karnes δὲ Κικέρων ἑκκαιδεκάτῳ μηνὶ μετὰ τὴν
φυγήν" καὶ τοσαύτη τὰς πόλεις χαρὰ καὶ σπουδὴ
τοὺς ἀνθρώπους περὶ τὴν ἀπάντησιν εἶχεν ὥστε
τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπὸ Κικέρωνος ὕστερον ἐνδεέστερον εἶναι
τῆς ἀληθείας. ἔφη γὰρ αὑτὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὥμων τὴν
Ἰταλίαν φέρουσαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην εἰσενεγκεῖν.
ὅπου καὶ Κράσσος, ἐχθρὸς ὧν αὐτῷ πρὸ τῆς
φυγῆς, τότε προθύμως ἀπήντα καὶ διελύετο, τῷ
παιδὶ Ποπλίῳ χαριζόμενος, ὡς ἔλεγε, ζηλωτῇ τοῦ
Κικέρωνος ὄντι.

XXXIV. Χρόνον δ᾽ οὐ πολὺν διαλιπὼν καὶ
παραφυλάξας ἀποδημοῦντα τὸν Κλώδιον ἐπῆλθε
μετὰ πολλῶν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ τὰς δημαρχικὰς
δέλτους, ἐν αἷς ἀναγραφαὶ τῶν διῳκημένων ἦσαν,
ἀπέσπασς καὶ διέφθειρεν. ἐγκαλοῦντος δὲ περὶ
τούτου τοῦ Κλωδίου, τοῦ δὲ Κικέρωνος λέγοντος
ὡς παρανόμως ἐκ πατρικίων εἰς δημαρχίαν παρέλ-
θοι, καὶ κύριον οὐδὲν εἶναι τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ, Κάτων ἠγανάκτησε καὶ ἀντεῖπε, τὸν μὲν
Κλώδιον οὐκ ἐπαινῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δυσχεραίνων τοῖς
πεπολιτευμένοις, δεινὸν δὲ καὶ βίαιον ἀποφαίνων

1 On the question οὗ Cicero’s recall.
2 Cf. Cicero, in Pisonem, 22, 52.
3 Cf. Cicero, post red. in sen. 15, 39.

168

878

CICERO, χχχπι. 3—xxxiv. 2

Clodius from the forum, and summoned the citizens
to the vote.1. And it is said that the people never
passed any vote with such unanimity. The senate,
too, vying with the people, wrote letters of thanks to
all the cities which had ministered to Cicero during
his exile, and decreed that his house and his villas,
which Clodius had destroyed, should be restored at
the public cost.? |

Thus Cicero came home in the sixteenth month
after his exile ; and so great was the joy of the cities
and the eagerness of men to meet him that what
was said by Cicero afterwards fell short of the truth.
He said, namely, that Italy had taken him on her
shoulders and carried him into Rome.? And there
Crassus also, who was his enemy before his exile, now
readily met him and was reconciled with him, to
gratify his son Publius, as he said, who was an ardent
admirer of Cicero.

XXXIV. After allowing only a short time to pass
and watching for an opportunity when Clodius was
absent from the city, Cicero went up with a great
company to the capitol, and there tore away and
destroyed the tablets of the tribunes, in which were
the records of their administration. When Clodius
brought charges against him for this and Cicero
argued that it was illegal for Clodius to pass from the
ranks of the patricians into the tribunate,* and that
therefore none of his acts was valid, Cato was in-
dignant and spoke against Cicero; not that he
approved of Clodius, nay, he was actually displeased
at his political course, but he set forth that it was a

4 Clodius had secured an adoption into a plebeian family
in order to become a candidate for the tribuneship. Cf.
Cicero, pro domo sua, 29, 77.

169

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀναίρεσιν ψηφίσασθαι δογμάτων καὶ πράξεων
τοσούτων τὴν σύγκλητον, ἐν αἷς εἶναι καὶ τὴν
ἑαυτοῦ τῶν περὶ Κύπρον καὶ Βυζάντιον διοίκησιν.
ἐκ τούτου “προσέκρουσεν ὁ Κικέρων αὐτῷ πρόσ-
Kpovow εἰς οὐδὲν ἐμφανὲς προελθοῦσαν, ἀλλ᾽
ὥστε τῇ φιλοφροσύνῃ χρῆσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους
ἀμαυρότερον.

ΧΧΧΥ. Μετὰ ταῦτα Κλώδιον μὲν ἀποκτίννυσι
Μίλων' καὶ διωκόμενος φόνου Κικέρωνα παρε-
στήσατο συνήγορον. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ φοβηθεῖσα μὴ
κινδυνεύοντος ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου καὶ θυμοειδοῦς τοῦ
Μίλωνος ταραχὴ γένηται περὶ τὴν πόλιν, ἐπέ-
τρεψε Πομπηΐῳ ταύτην τε καὶ τὰς ἄλλας κρίσεις
βραβεῦσαι, παρέχοντα τῇ πόλει καὶ τοῖς δικα-
στηρίοις ἀσφάλειαν. ἐκείνου δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἔτι.
νυκτὸς ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων περιλαβόντος τοῖς στρατι-
ὦταις, ὁ Μίλων τὸν Κικέρωνα δείσας μὴ πρὸς
τὴν ὄψιν ἀηθείᾳ διαταραχθεὶς χεῖρον διαγωνί-
σηται, συνέπεισεν ἐν φορείῳ κομισθέντα πρὸς
τὴν ἀγορὰν ἡσυχάζειν, ἄχρι οὗ συνίασιν οἱ κριταὶ
καὶ “πληροῦται τὸ δικαστήριον. ὁ δ᾽ οὐ μόνον ἦν,
ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐν ὅπλοις ἀθαρσής, ἀλλὰ “καὶ τῷ λέγειν
μετὰ φόβου προσῇει, καὶ μόλις ἂν ἐπαύσατο
παλλόμενος καὶ τρέμων ἐπὶ πολλῶν ἀγώνων ἀκμὴν
τοῦ λόγου καὶ κατάστασιν λαβόντος. Λικιννίῳ
δὲ Μουρήνᾳ φεύγοντι δίκην ὑπὸ Κάτωνος Bon-
θῶν, καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος Ὁρτήσιον ὑπερβαλεῖν
εὐημερήσαντα, μέρος οὐδὲν ἀνεπαύσατο τῆς νυ-
KTOS, ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ σφόδρα φροντίσαι καὶ διαγρυ-
πνῆσαι κακωθεὶς ἐνδεέστερος αὑτοῦ φανῆναι.

1 ἂν ἐπαύσατο Graux with D (ἀνεπαύσατο M4): ἐπαύσατο.

170

CICERO, χχχιν. 2—xxxv. 3

strange and violent measure for the senate to vote -
the abrogation of so many acts and decrees, among
which were those for his own administration in Cyprus
and Byzantium. This led to an antagonism between
him and Cicero which came to no open manifestation,
but made their friendly treatment of one another
less marked.

XXXV. After this Clodius was killed by Milo;}
and Milo, being prosecuted for murder, engaged
Cicero as his advocate. But the senate was afraid
that at the trial of Milo, who was a man of repute
and high spirit, there might be a disturbance in the
city, and therefore intrusted the superintendence
of this and the other trials to Pompey, who was to
furnish security for the city and the courts of jus-
tice. So Pompey, while it was still night, posted his
soldiers on the heights so as to command the forum,
and Milo, fearing that Cicero might be disturbed at
the unusual sight and conduct his case less success-
fully, persuaded him to be brought in a litter to the
forum and to wait there quietly until the jurors
assembled and the court-room was filled. Now Cicero,
as it would seem, was not only without courage under
arms, but also felt fear when he began to speak, and
in many trials he hardly ceased quivering and trem-
bling after his eloquence had become high and sus-
tained. When he was to plead for Licinius Murena
in a case brought against him by Cato, and was
ambitious to surpass Hortensius, who had made a
successful plea, he took no rest at all during the
night before, so that his lack of sleep and his great
anxiety did him harm, and he was thought inferior

1 Early in 523B.c. For this year Pompey had been made
sole consul,

171

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 τότε δ᾽ οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Μίλωνος δίκην ἐκ τοῦ
φορείου προελθὼν καὶ θεασάμενος τὸν ἸΤομπήϊον
ἄνω καθεζόμενον ὥσπερ ἐν στρατοπέδῳ, καὶ κύκλῳ
τὰ ὅπλα περιλάμποντα τὴν ἀγοράν, συνεχύθη
καὶ μόλις ἐνήρξατο τοῦ λόγου, κραδαινόμενος τὸ
σῶμα καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ἐνισχόμενος, αὐτοῦ τοῦ
Μίλωνος εὐθαρσῶς καὶ ἀνδρείως παρισταμένου
τῷ ἀγῶνι καὶ κόμην θρέψαι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν
ἐσθῆτα φαιὰν ἀπαξιώσαντος: ὅπερ οὐχ ἥκιστα
δοκεῖ συναίτιον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τῆς καταδίκης.
ἀλλ᾽ ὅ γε Κικέρων διὰ ταῦτα φιλέταιρος μᾶλλον
ἢ δειλὸς ἔδοξεν εἶναι.

XXXVI. Τίνεται δὲ καὶ τῶν ἱερέων ods Αὔγου-
pas Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν, ἀντὶ Κράσσου τοῦ νέου
μετὰ τὴν ἐν Πάρθοις αὐτοῦ τελευτήν. εἶτα κλήρῳ
λαχὼν τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν Κιλικίαν καὶ στρατὸν ὅπλι-
τῶν μυρίων καὶ δισχιλίων, ἱππέων δὲ δισχιλίων
ἑξακοσίων, ἔπλευσε, προσταχθὲν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ
περὶ Καππαδοκίαν ᾿Λριοβαρζάνῃ τῷ βασιλεῖ

2 φίλα καὶ πειθήνια παρασχεῖν. ταῦτά τε δὴ παρ-
εστήσατο καὶ συνήρμοσεν ἀμέμπτως ἄτερ πολέ- |
μου, τούς te Κίλικας ὁρῶν πρὸς τὸ Παρθικὸν 879)
πταῖσμα Ῥωμαίων καὶ τὸν ἐν Συρίᾳ νεωτερισμὸν
ἐπηρμένους κατεπράῦνεν ἡμέρως ἄρχων. καὶ δῶρα.
μὲν οὐδὲ τῶν βασιλέων διδόντων ἔλαβε, δείπνων
δὲ τοὺς ἐπαρχικοὺς ἀνῆκεν: αὐτὸς δὲ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν
τοὺς χαρίεντας ἀνελάμβανεν ἑστιάσεσιν οὐ πολυ-

3 τελῶς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλευθερίως. ἡ δ᾽ οἰκία θυρωρὸν οὐκ
εἶχεν, οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς ὥφθη κατακείμενος ὑπ᾽ οὐδενός,
ἀλλ᾽ ἕωθεν ἑστὼς ἢ περιπατῶν πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου
τοὺς ἀσπαζομένους ἐδεξιοῦτο. λέγεται δὲ μήτε

172

——

Ὗ'

CICERO, xxxv. 4—Xxxvi. 3

to himself in his plea. And so at this time, when
he came out of his litter to plead Milo’s cause and
saw Pompey stationed on the heights as in a camp,
and arms flashing all around the forum, he was con-
founded and could scarcely begin his speech, for his
body quivered and his voice faltered; whereas Milo
showed the good courage of a brave man at the trial
and had not deigned to let his hair go untrimmed or
to change his attire to a dark one; and this seems
most of all to have contributed to his condemnation.
However, Cicero’s behaviour led men to think him
devoted to his friends rather than cowardly.
XXXVI. He became also one of the priests whom
the Romans call Augurs, in place of the younger
Crassus, who had died among the Parthians.!. Then
the lot gave him Cilicia as his province, with an
army of twelve thousand men-at-arms and twenty-six
hundred horsemen, and he set sail,? with instructions
to keep Cappadocia friendly and obedient to King
Ariobarzanes. This he accomplished and arranged
satisfactorily without war, and seeing that the Cili-
cians, in view of the Parthian disaster to the Romans
and the uprising in Syria, were in an agitated state,
he pacified them by his mild government. Gifts he
would not receive, not even when the kings offered
them, and he relieved the provincials from the
expense of entertainments; but he himself daily re-
ceived men of pleasing accomplishments at banquets
which were not expensive, although generous. His
house, too, had no door-keeper, nor did anyone ever
see him lying a-bed, but early in the morning he
would stand or walk in front of his chamber and re-
ceive those who came to pay him their respects. It is

1 In 53 B.o, See the Crassus, chapter xxv. 2 In δ] B.c.
173

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δ 4 > δ / et ee) a / :
ῥάβδοις αἰκίσασθαί τινα μήτ᾽ ἐσθῆτα περισχίσαι
μήτε βλασφημίαν ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ἢ ζημίας προσβαλεῖν
ὃν Τρ > \ \ \ “Ὁ /
μεθ᾽ ὕβρεων. ἀνευρὼν δὲ πολλὰ τῶν δημοσίων
κεκλεμμένα τάς τε πόλεις εὐπόρους ἐποίησε, καὶ
τοὺς ἀποτίνοντας οὐδὲν τούτου πλεῖον παθόντας
ἐπιτίμους διεφύλαξεν. ἥψατο δὲ καὶ πολέμου,
λῃστὰς τῶν περὶ τὸν ᾿Αμανὸν οἰκούντων τρεψά-
μενος: ἐφ᾽ ᾧ καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιω-
lal 5 10 / 1 δὲ a“ ce ὃ
τῶν ἀνηγορεύθη. Καιλίουϊ δὲ τοῦ ῥήτορος δεο-
μένου παρδάλεις αὐτῷ πρός τινα θέαν εἰς Ῥώμην
ἐκ Κιλικίας ἀποστεῖλαι, καλλωπιζόμενος ἐπὶ τοῖς
πεπραγμένοις γράφει πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐκ εἶναι παρ-
δάλεις ἐν Κιλικίᾳ' πεφευγέναι γὰρ εἰς Καρίαν
ἀγανακτούσας OTL μόναι πολεμοῦνται, πάντων
εἰρήνην ἐχόντων. πλέων δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπαρχίας
fal \ «ς ‘ / n δ᾽ ἾἊΘ /
τοῦτο μὲν Ῥόδῳ προσέσχε, τοῦτο ἥναις
> 4 LA 4 lal / a
ἐνδιέτριψεν ἄσμενος πόθῳ τῶν πάλαι διατριβῶν.
ἀνδράσι δὲ τοῖς πρώτοις ἀπὸ παιδείας συγγενό-
μενος καὶ τοὺς τότε φίλους καὶ συνήθεις ἀσπασά-
μενος καὶ τὰ πρέποντα θαυμασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς
Ἑλλάδος εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐπανῆλθεν, ἤδη τῶν πρα-
γμάτων ὥσπερ ὑπὸ φλεγμονῆς ἀφισταμένων ἐπὶ
τὸν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον.

XXXVII. Ἔν μὲν οὖν τῇ βουλῇ ψηφιζομένων
ae. θ 4 ὃ x x δὴ:
αὐτῷ θρίαμβον ἥδιον ἂν ἔφη παρακολουθῆσαι
Καίσαρι θριαμβεύοντι συμβάσεων γενομένων'
ἰδίᾳ δὲ συνεβούλευε πολλὰ μὲν Καίσαρι γράφων,

1 Καιλίου Coraés, Bekker, and Graux, after Xylander:
KexiAiov.

174

CICERO, xxxvi. 3- ΧΧΧΥΠ. 1

said, moreover, that he never ordered any man to be
chastised with rods or to have his raiment torn from
him, and that he never inflicted angry abuse or con-
tumelious punishments. He discovered that much
of the public property had been embezzled, and by
restoring it he made the cities well-to-do, and men
who made restitution he maintained in their civil
rights without further penalties. He engaged in
war, too, and routed the robbers who made their
homes on Mount Amanus;! and for this he was
actually saluted by his soldiers as Imperator. When
Caelius the orator asked Cicero to send him panthers
from Cilicia for a certain spectacle at Rome, Cicero,
pluming himself upon his exploits, wrote to him that
there were no panthers in Cilicia; for they had fled
to Caria in indignation because they alone were
warred upon, while everything else enjoyed peace.?
On his voyage back from his province he _ first
touched at Rhodes, and then gladly spent some time
at Athens in fond remembrance of his old pursuits
in that place. Then, after associating with men who
were foremost for their learning, and after greeting
his old-time friends and intimates, and after receiving
from Greece the tokens of admiration that were his
due, he returned to Rome,? where a violent inflamma-
tion, as it were, was already forcing matters on
towards the civil war

XXXVII. Accordingly, when the senators were
voting him a triumph, he said he would more gladly
follow in Caesar’s triumphal procession if matters
could be settled ; and privately he gave much advice

1 Cf. Cicero, ad fam. ii. 10, 2 f.
2 Ad fam. ii. 11, 2.
8 January 4,49 ΒΟ. Cf. ad fam. xvi. 11, 2f.

175

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πολλὰ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἸΠομπηΐου δεόμενος, πραὔνων
ἑκάτερον καὶ παραμυθούμενος. ὡς δ᾽ ἣν ἀνήκεστα
καὶ Καίσαρος ἐπερχομένου ἸΤομπήϊος οὐκ ἔμεινεν,
ἀλλὰ μετὰ πολλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν πόλιν
ἐξέλιπε, ταύτης μὲν ἀπελείφθη τῆς φυγῆς ὁ Kuxé-
ρων, ἔδοξε δὲ Καίσαρι προστίθεσθαι. καὶ δῆλός
> n , \ ς δι 23 >

ἐστι TH γνώμῃ πολλὰ ῥιπτασθεὶς ἐπ᾿ ἀμφότερα
καὶ δυσπαθήσας. γράφει γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς
διαπορεῖν ποτέρωσε χρὴ τρέπεσθαι, ἸΤομπηΐου

Ν » \ \ ¢ ῇ Ν \ U
μὲν ἔνδοξον καὶ καλὴν ὑπόθεσιν πρὸς τὸν πόλε-
μον ἔχοντος, Καίσαρος δ᾽ ἄμεινον τοῖς πράγμασι
χρωμένου καὶ μᾶλλον ἑαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς φίλους

͵ “ > » ‘ ἃ ΄ \ ”
σώζοντος, ὥστ᾽ ἔχειν μὲν ὃν φύγῃ, μὴ ἔχειν δὲ

\ ἃ 4 T , δέ Ν a K ,
πρὸς ὃν φύγῃ. Τρεβατίου δέ, τινὸς τῶν Καίσαρος
ἑταίρων, γράψαντος ἐπιστολὴν ὅτι Καῖσαρ οἴεται
δεῖν μάλιστα μὲν αὐτὸν ἐξετάζεσθαι μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ

\ a / / ? > > /
καὶ τῶν ἐλπίδων μετέχειν, εἰ δ᾽ ἀναδύεται διὰ
γῆρας, εἰς τὴν “Ελλάδα βαδίζειν κἀκεῖ καθήμενον
ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν ἐκποδὼν ἀμφοτέροις γενόμενον,
θαυμάσας ὁ Κικέρων ὅτι Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς οὐκ ἔγρα-
ψεν, ἀπεκρίνατο πρὸς ὀργὴν ὡς οὐδὲν ἀνάξιον
πράξει τῶν πεπολιτευμένων. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐν ταῖς
ἐπιστολαῖς γεγραμμένα τοιαῦτά ἐστι.

XXXVIII. Τοῦ δὲ Καίσαρος εἰς ᾿Ιβηρίαν ἀπά-
ραντος, εὐθὺς ὡς ἸΙομπήϊον ἔπλευσε' καὶ τοῖς
μὲν ἄλλοις ἀσμένοις ὥφθη, Κάτων δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἰδὼν
5. 7) \ , sh 4
ἰδίᾳ πολλὰ κατεμέμφετο Ἰ]ομπηΐῳ προσθέμενον'
αὑτῷ μὲν γὰρ οὐχὶ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν ἣν

176

CICERO, xxxvil. 1—xxxvill. 1

to Caesar by letter, and much to Pompey in person
by way of personal entreaty, trying to mollify and
pacify each of them. But when things were past
healing, and Caesar was advancing upon the city, and
Pompey did not stay there, but abandoned the city
in the company of many good men, Cicero did not
take part in this flight, and was thought to be attach-
ing himself to Caesar. And it is clear that his judge-
ment drew him strongly in both directions and that
he was in distress. For he writes in his letters that
he knew not which way he ought to turn, since
Pompey had honourable and good grounds for going
to war, while Caesar managed matters better and
had more ability to save himself and his friends; he
therefore knew from whom he should flee, but not to
whom he should flee. And when Trebatius, one of the
companions of Caesar, wrote him a letter stating that
Caesar thought he ought above all things to range
himself on his side and share his hopes, but that if
he declined to do this by reason of his age, he ought
to go to Greece and take up a quiet life there out of
the way of both, Cicero was amazed that Caesar him-
self did not write, and replied in a passion that he
would do nothing unworthy of his political career.
Such, then, is the purport of his letters.

XXXVIII. But when Caesar set out for Spain,
Cicero at once sailed to Pompey.? The rest of
Pompey’s followers were glad to see him, but when
Cato saw him, he privately blamed him much for
attaching himself to Pompey. In his own case,
Cato said, it was not honourable to abandon the

1 Ego vero quem fugiam habeo, quem sequar non habeo
(ad Ait. viii. 7, 2).

2 In April, 49 B.c., Caesar set out for Spain, and in June
Cicero sailed for Greece.

177

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

an’ ἀρχῆς εἵλετο τῆς πολιτείας τάξιν, ἐκεῖνον δὲ
χρησιμώτερον ὄντα τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τοῖς φίλοις εἰ
» al lal >
μένων ἴσος ἐκεῖ πρὸς TO ἀποβαῖνον ἡρμόζετο, κατ
> / \ »Ὸ» > > / /
οὐδένα λογισμὸν οὐδ᾽ ἐξ ἀνάγκης πολέμιον γεγο-
4
vévat Καίσαρι καὶ τοσούτου μεθέξοντα κινδύνου
δεῦρ᾽ ἥκειν.
“ f e
Οὗτοί τε δὴ τοῦ Kixépwvos ἀνέστρεφον οἱ λόγοι
τὴν γνώμην, καὶ τὸ μέγα μηδὲν αὐτῷ χρῆσθαι
Πομπήϊον. αἴτιος δ᾽ ἣν αὐτὸς οὐκ ἀρνούμενος
μεταμέλεσθαι, φλαυρίζων δὲ τοῦ Πομπηΐου τὴν
/
παρασκευὴν Kal πρὸς τὰ βουλεύματα δυσκολαί-
νων ὑπούλως, καὶ τοῦ παρασκώπτειν τι καὶ λέγειν
χαρίεν εἰς τοὺς συμμάχους οὐκ ἀπεχόμενος, ἀλλ᾽
αὐτὸς μὲν ἀγέλαστος ἀεὶ περιϊὼν ἐν τῷ στρατο-
πέδῳ καὶ σκυθρωπός, ἑτέροις δὲ παρέχων γέλωτα
\ / / \ \ 4 ? 7
μηδὲν δεομένοις. βέλτιον δὲ καὶ τούτων ὀλίγα
/ / / BA > /
παραθέσθαι. Δομιτίου τοίνυν ἄνθρωπον eis τάξιν
ἡγεμονικὴν ἄγοντος οὐ πολεμικὸν καὶ λέγοντος ὡς
> \ \ , eet \ , my’ 4. ν᾽»
ἐπιεικὴς τὸν τρόπον ἐστὶ καὶ σώφρων, Ti οὖν,
3 gh eeu Li? eh n , ΄
εἶπεν, “οὐκ ἐπίτροπον αὐτὸν τοῖς τέκνοις φυλάσ-
3 9 4 / ΄ Ν
σεις; ἐπαινούντων δέ τινων Θεοφάνην τὸν Λέ-

Δ 9S > a / / ”
σβιον, ὃς ἦν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τεκτόνων Errap-

e s / ¢ / Ἂς /
χος, ὡς εὖ παραμυθήσαιτο ‘Podiovs τὸν στόλον
ς
ἀποβαλόντας, “Ἡλίκον," εἶπεν, “ἀγαθόν ἐστι τὸ
Γραικὸν ἔχειν ἔπαρχον." Καίσαρος δὲ κατορ-
θοῦντος τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τρόπον τινὰ πολιορκοῦν-
> 7 f \ > / /
tos αὐτούς, Λέντλῳ μὲν εἰπόντε πυνθάνεσθαι

178

886!

CICERO, χχχυπι. 1-4

line of public policy which he had chosen from
the beginning; but Cicero, though he was of more
service to his country and his friends if he remained
at home without taking sides and accommodated
himself to the issue of events, without any reason
and under no compulsion had made himself an
enemy of Caesar, and had come thither to share
in their great danger.

By these words the purpose of Cicero was upset,
as well as by the fact that Pompey made no great
use of him. But he was himself to blame for this,
since he made no denial that he was sorry he had
come, made light of Pompey’s preparations and
showed a lurking displeasure at his plans, and did
not refrain from jests and witty remarks about his
comrades in arms; nay, although he himself always
went about in the camp without a smile and
scowling, still he made others laugh in spite of
themselves. And it will be well to give a few
instances of this also. When Domitius, then, was
advancing to a post of command a man who was
no soldier, with the remark that he was gentle
in his disposition and prudent, “Why, then,” said
Cicero, “ do you not keep him as a guardian of your
children?” And when certain ones were praising
Theophanes the Lesbian, who was prefect of engi-
neers in the camp, because he had given excellent
consolation to the Rhodians on the loss of their
fleet, “What a great blessing it is,” said Cicero,
*to have a Greek as prefect!” Again, when Caesar
was successful for the most part and in a way was
laying siege to them,! Lentulus said he had heard

1 At Dyrrhachium, See the Caesar, xxxix.; Caesar, B.C.
iii. 41-55.

179

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ .4 \ ’ / > 4
στυγνοὺς εἶναι τοὺς Καίσαρος φίλους, ἀπεκρί-
, ΜῈ Δ ἤ ΕἸ \ ὃ - K / 37) Μ
νᾶτο έγεις αὐτοὺς δυσνοεῖν Καίσαρι. αρ-
, , “ > bf , | \
kiov δὲ τινος ἥκοντος ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας νεωστὶ καὶ
λέγοντος ἐν Ρώμῃ, φήμην ἐπικρατεῖν ὡς πολιορ-
κοῖτο ἸΤομπήϊος, “ Kir’ ἐξέπλευσας,᾽ εἶπεν, “ἵνα

al ᾽
τοῦτο πιστεύσῃς αὐτὸς θεασάμενος; μετὰ δὲ
τὴν ἧτταν Νοννίου μὲν εἰπόντος ὅτι δεῖ χρηστὰς
ἐλπίδας ἔχειν, ἑπτὰ γὰρ ἀετοὺς ἐν τῷ στρατο-
Lal = cal Lal Μ ”
πέδῳ τοῦ ἸΠομπηΐου λελεῖφθαι, “ Καλῶς ἄν,
” ἐς ἢ > ws A ”
ἔφη, “παρήνεις, εἰ κολοιοῖς ἐπολεμοῦμεν." Aa-
a /
Binvod δὲ μαντείαις τισὶν ἰσχυριζομένου καὶ ré-
ς ὃ a / fins ‘ec > Ce
yovTos ws δεῖ περιγενέσθαι Ἰ]ομπήϊον, “ Οὐκοῦν,
ἔφη, “ στρατηγήματι τούτῳ χρώμενοι νῦν ἀποβε-
>
Θλήκαμεν TO στρατόπεδον."
᾽ a
XXXIX. ᾿Αλλὰ yap γενομένης τῆς κατὰ Φάρ-
σαλον μάχης, ἧς οὐ μετέσχε Ov ἀρρωστίαν, καὶ
BA «ς
Πομπηΐου φυγόντος, ὁ μὲν Κάτων καὶ στράτευμα
συχνὸν ἐν Δυρραχίῳ καὶ στόλον ἔχων μέγαν
ἐκεῖνον ἠξίου στρατηγεῖν κατὰ νόμον καὶ τὸ τῆς
, >
ὑπατείας ἀξίωμα προὔχοντα. διωθούμενος δὲ
\ > \ ς / \ “ ΄ \
τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ Κικέρων καὶ ὅλως φεύγων τὸ
συστρατεύεσθαι παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ἦλθεν ἀναιρεθῆναι,
Πομπηΐου τοῦ νέου καὶ τῶν φίλων προδότην.
ἀποκαλούντων καὶ τὰ ξίφη σπασαμένων, εἰ μὴ
Κάτων ἐνστὰς μόλις ἀφείλετο καὶ διῆκεν αὐτὸν
ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου. κατασχὼν δ᾽ εἰς Βρεντέ-
2 a / , ,
σιον ἐνταῦθα διέτριβε, Καίσαρα περιμένων βρα-
/ \ \ .] ᾽ 7 ”
δύνοντα διὰ τὰς ἐν ᾿Ασίᾳ καὶ περὶ Αἴγυπτον
> , b] \ Ἵ > / /
ἀσχολίας. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εἰς Τάραντα καθωρμισμένος

180

ΠΟ ΝΥΝ

CICERO, xxxvut. 4- ΧΧΧΙΧ. 3

that Caesar’s friends were gloomy, to which Cicero
replied: “ You mean that they are ill-disposed to
Caesar.” And when a certain Marcius, who had
recently come from: Italy, spoke of a report which
prevailed in Rome that Pompey was besieged,
“ And then,” said Cicero, “did you sail off that
you might see with your own eyes and believe?”
Again, after the defeat, when Nonnius said they
ought to have good hopes, since seven eagles were
left in the camp of Pompey, “ Your advice would
be good,” said Cicero, “if we were at war with
jackdaws.” And when Labienus, insisting on cer-
tain oracles, said that Pompey must prevail, “ Yes,”
said Cicero, “this is the generalship that has now
cost us our camp.”

XXXIX. However, after the battle at Pharsalus,!
in which Cicero took no part because of illness, had
been fought, and Pompey was in flight, Cato, who
had a considerable army and a large fleet at Dyr-
rhachium, asked Cicero to take the command in
accordance with custom and because of his superior
consular rank. But Cicero rejected the command
and was altogether averse to sharing in the cam-
paign, whereupon he came near being killed; for
the young Pompey and his friends called him a
traitor and drew their swords upon him, and that
would have been the end of him had not Cato inter-
posed and with difficulty rescued him and sent him
away from the camp.?_ So Cicero put in at Brun-
disium and tarried there, waiting for Caesar, who
was delayed by his affairs in Asia and Egypt. But
when word was brought that Caesar had landed at

1 In August, 48 8.6.
3 Cf. Cato the Younger, lv. 3.

VOL, VII. G 18s

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀπηγγέλλετο Kal πεζῇ περιϊὼν ἐκεῖθεν eis Bpev-
τέσιον, ὥρμησε πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐ πάνυ μὲν ὧν
δύσελπις, αἰδούμενος δὲ πολλῶν παρόντων ἀνδρὸς
ἐχθροῦ καὶ κρατοῦντος λαμβάνειν πεῖραν. οὐ
μὴν ἐδέησεν αὐτῷ πρᾶξαί TL map ἀξίαν ἢ εἰπεῖν.
ὁ γὰρ Καῖσαρ, ὡς εἶδεν αὐτὸν πολὺ πρὸ τῶν
ἄλλων ἀπαντῶντα, κατέβη καὶ ἠσπάσατο καὶ
διαλεγόμενος μόνῳ συχνῶν σταδίων. ὁδὸν προῆλ-
θεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου διετέλει τιμῶν καὶ φιλοφρονού-
μενος, ὥστε καὶ γράψαντι λόγον ἐγκώμιον Κά-
τωνος “ἀντιγράφων τόν τε λόγον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν
βίον ὡς μάλιστα τῷ Περικλέους. ἐοικότα καὶ
Θηραμένους ἐπαινεῖν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κικέρωνος
λόγος Κάτων, ὁ δὲ Καίσαρος ᾿Αντικάτων ἐπιγέ-
γραπται.

Λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἸΚοΐντου Λιγαρίου δίκην pev-
γοντος ὅτι τῶν Καίσαρος πολεμίων εἷς ἐγεγόνει,
καὶ Κικέρωνος αὐτῷ βοηθοῦντος, εἰπεῖν τὸν
Καίσαρα πρὸς τοὺς φίλους: “Ti κωλύει διὰ
χρόνου Κικέρωνος ἀκοῦσάι λέγοντος, ἐπεὶ πάλαι
κέκριται πονηρὸς ὁ ἀνὴρ᾽ καὶ πολέμιος; ” ἐπεὶ δ᾽
ἀρξάμενος λέγειν ὁ ὁ Κικέρων ὑπερφυῶς ἐκίνει καὶ
προὔβαινεν αὐτῷ πάθει τε ποικίλος καὶ “χάριτι
θαυμαστὸς ὁ 0 λόγος, πολλὰς μὲν ἱέναι χρόας ἐπὶ
τοῦ προσώπου τὸν Καίσαρα, πάσας δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς
τρεπόμενον τροπὰς κατάδηλον εἶναι, τέλος δὲ τῶν
κατὰ Φάρσαλον ἁψαμένου τοῦ ῥήτορος ἀγώνων
ἐκπαθῆ γενόμενον τιναχθῆναι τῷ σώματι καὶ τῆς
χειρὸς ἐκβαλεῖν ἔνια τῶν γραμματείων. τὸν
γοῦν ἄνθρωπον ἀπέλυσε τῆς αἰτίας βεβιασμένος.

1 ὁ ἀνὴρ Bekker, after Schaefer: ἀνήρ.
182

δὲ

CICERO, χχχιχ. 3-6

Tarentum! and was coming round by land from
there to Brundisium, Cicero hastened to meet him,
being not altogether despondent, but feeling shame
to test in the presence of many witnesses the
temper of a man who was an enemy and victorious.
However, there was no need that he should do
or say anything unworthy of himself. For Caesar,
when he saw him approaching far in advance of the
rest, got down and embraced him and journeyed on
for many furlongs conversing with him alone. And
after this he continued to show him honour and
kindness, so that in his reply to the encomium upon
Cato which Cicero wrote he praised Cicero’s elo-
quence and his life, as most resembling that of
Pericles and Theramenes. Now, the discourse of
Cicero was entitled “Cato,” and that of Caesar
« Anti-Cato.”

It is said also that when Quintus Ligarius was
under prosecution because he had been one of the
enemies of Caesar, and Cicero was his advocate,
Caesar said to his friends: “ What is to prevent our
' hearing a speech from Cicero after all this while,
since Ligarius has long been adjudged a villain and
an enemy?” But when Cicero had begun to speak
and was moving his hearers beyond measure, and his
speech, as it proceeded, showed varying pathos and
amazing grace, Caesar’s face often changed colour
and it was manifest that all the emotions of his soul
were stirred; and at last, when the orator touched
upon the struggles at Pharsalus,? he was so greatly
affected that his body shook and he dropped from
his hand some of his documents. At any rate he
acquitted Ligarius under compulsion.

1 In September, 47 8.6, 2 Cf. pro Ligario, 9, 27 f.
183

oo

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XL. Ἔκ τούτου Κικέρων, εἰς μοναρχίαν τῆς
πολιτείας μεθεστώσης, ἀφέμενος τοῦ τὰ κοινὰ
πράττειν ἐσχόλαξε τοῖς βουλομένοις φιλοσοφεῖν
τῶν νέων, καὶ σχεδὸν ἐκ τῆς πρὸς τούτους συνη-
θείας, εὐγενεστάτους. καὶ πρώτους ὄντας, αὖθις
ἴσχυεν ἐν τῇ πόλει μέγιστον. αὐτῷ δ᾽ ἔργον μὲν
ἣν τὸ τοὺς φιλοσόφους συντελεῖν διαλόγους καὶ
μεταφράζξειν, καὶ τῶν διαλεκτικῶν ἢ φυσικῶν
ὀνομάτων ἕκαστον εἰς Ῥωμαϊκὴν μεταβάλλειν
διάλεκτον" ἐκεῖνος γάρ ἐστιν, ὥς φασιν, ὁ καὶ
τὴν φαντασίαν καὶ τὴν συγκατάθεσιν καὶ τὴν
ἐποχὴν καὶ τὴν κατάληψιν, ἔτι δὲ τὸ ἄτομον, τὸ
ἀμερὲς, τὸ κενὸν, ἄλλα TE πολλὰ τῶν τοιούτων
ἐξονομάσας πρῶτος ἢ μάλιστα Ῥωμαίοις, τὰ μὲν
μεταφοραῖς, τὰ δ᾽ οἰκειότησιν ἄλλαις γνώριμα
καὶ προσήγορα. μηχανησάμενος. τῇ δὲ πρὸς τὴν
ποίησιν εὐκολίᾳ mat Sov ἐχρῆτο. λέγεται γάρ,
ὁπηνίκα ῥυείη πρὸς τὸ τοιοῦτον, τῆς νυκτὸς ἔπη
ποιεῖν πεντακόσια.

Τὸ μεν οὖν πλεῖστον τοῦ χρόνου τούτου περὶ
Τοῦσκλον ἐ ἐν χωρίοις αὑτοῦ διάγων ἔγραφε πρὸς
τοὺς φίλους Λαέρτου βίον ζῆν, εἴτε παίζων, ὡς
ἔθος εἶχεν, εἴθ᾽ ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας σπαργῶν πρὸς

τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ ἀδημονῶν τοῖς καθεστῶσι.
σπανίως δ᾽ εἰς ἄστυ θεραπείας ἕνεκα τοῦ ΚΚαί-
σᾶρος κατῇει, καὶ πρῶτος ἦν τῶν συναγορευόντων
ταῖς τιμαῖς καὶ "λέγειν ἀεί τι καινὸν εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα
καὶ τὰ πραττόμενα φιλοτιμουμένων. οἷόν ἐστι

1 Τὴ Latin, respectively, visum (conception), assensio(assent),
assensionis retentio (withholding of assent), comprehensio
(perception), individuum (atom), vacuum (void); ‘‘ameres”

184

CICERO, xu. 1-4

XL. After this, when the government had been
changed to a monarchy, Cicero abstained from
public affairs and devoted his time to those of the
young men who wished to study philosophy, and
mainly from his intimacy with these, since they
were of the highest birth and standing, he was once
more very influential in the state. He made it his
business also to compose and translate philosophical
dialogues, and to render into Latin the several terms
of dialectics and natural philosophy; for he it was,
as they say, who first, or principally, provided Latin
names for “ phantasia,” “ synkatathesis,” “epokhe,’
and “katalepsis,’ as well as for “ atomon,”’
“ameres,’ “kenon,’} and many others like these,
contriving partly by metaphors and partly by new
and fitting terms to make them intelligible and
familiar. His facility in verse-making, too, he em-
ployed to divert himself. It is said, indeed, that
when he applied himself to such work, he would
make five hundred verses in a night.

During this time, then, he lived for the most part
at his country-seat in Tusculum, and he used te
write to his friends that he was living the life of
Laertes,? either jesting, as was his wont, or because
his ambition filled him with a desire for public
activity and made him dissatisfied with the turn
things had taken. He rarely went down to the
city, and then only to pay court to Caesar, and he
was foremost among those who advocated Caesar’s
honours and were eager to be ever saying something
new about him and his measures. Of this sort is

(indivisible), with its Latin equivalent, does not occur in the
extant works of Cicero (Gudeman),
2 Cf. Odyssey, i. 189 ff.

185

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν Πομπηΐου λεχθὲν εἰκόνων, ἃς
b \ / e a Ce A
ἀνῃρημένας καὶ καταβεβλημένας ὁ Καῖσαρ éxé-
λευσεν ἀνασταθῆναι' καὶ ἀνεστάθησαν. ἔφη γὰρ
€ a Ὁ 4 “a / o
ὁ Κικέρων ὅτι ταύτῃ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ Καῖσαρ
τοὺς μὲν Πομπηΐου ἵστησι, τοὺς δ᾽ αὑτοῦ πή-
γνυσιν ἀνδριάντας.
XLI. Διανοούμενος δ᾽, ὡς λέγεται, τὴν πάτριον
ἱστορίαν γραφῇ περιλαβεῖν καὶ πολλὰ συμμῖξαι
a ς fa) ix \ / én
τῶν “Ἑλληνικῶν καὶ ὅλως τοὺς συνηγμένους λό-
> a Ν / > a 4 a
yous αὐτῷ καὶ μύθους ἐνταῦθα τρέψαι, πολλοῖς
μὲν δημοσίοις, πολλοῖς δ᾽ ἰδίοις κατελήφθη πρά-
γμασιν ἀβουλήτοις καὶ πάθεσιν, ὧν αὐθαίρετα
δοκεῖ πλεῖστα συμβῆναι. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀπε-
, \ “ , > \ OFS |
πέμψατο τὴν γυναῖκα Tepevtiay ἀμεληθεὶς ὑπ
αὐτῆς παρὰ τὸν πόλεμον, ὥστε καὶ τῶν avay-
/ > ,ὔ 3 \ > a \ 2
καίων ἐφοδίων ἐνδεὴς ἀποσταλῆναι καὶ μηδ᾽ ὅτε
κατῆρεν αὖθις εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν τυχεῖν εὐγνώμονος.
> \ \ \ > 5S > B / /
αὐτὴ μὲν yap οὐκ ἦλθεν, ἐν Βρεντεσίῳ διατρί-
βοντος αὐτοῦ πολὺν χρόνον, ἐρχομένῃ δὲ τῇ θυ-
τοῦ
γατρί, παιδίσκῃ νέᾳ, τοσαύτην ὁδόν, οὐ πομπὴν
πρέπουσαν, οὐ χορηγίαν παρέσχεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ
τὴν οἰκίαν τῷ Κικέρωνι πάντων ἔρημον καὶ κενὴν
a >
ἀπέδειξεν ἐπὶ πολλοῖς ὀφλήμασι Kal μεγάλοις.
αὗται γάρ εἰσιν αἱ λεγόμεναι τῆς διαστάσεως
εὐπρεπέσταται προφάσεις. τῇ δὲ Τερεντίᾳ καὶ
ταύτας ἀρνουμένῃ λαμπρὰν ἐποίησε τὴν ἀπολο-
γίαν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον γήμας
παρθένον, ὡς μὲν ἡ Τερεντία κατεφήμιζεν, ἔρωτι
a “ ς δὲ Τί ς aA K / > 4
τῆς ὥρας, ὡς ίρων ὁ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπελεύ-
186

CICERO, χι. 4-χῖι. 3

what he said about the statues of Pompey. These
Caesar ordered to be set up again after they had
been thrown down and taken away; and they were
set up again. What Cicero said was that by this act
of generosity Caesar did indeed set up the statues of
Pompey, but firmly planted his own also.

XLI. He purposed, as we are told, to write a
comprehensive history of his native country, com-
bining with it many Greek details, and introducing
there all the tales and myths which he had col-
lected ; but he was prevented by many public affairs
which were contrary to his wishes, and by many
private troubles, most of which seem to have been
of his own choosing. For in the first place he
divorced his wife Terentia because he had been neg-
lected by her during the war, so that he set out in
lack of the necessary means for his journey, and
even when he came back again to Italy did not find
her considerate of him. For she did not come to
him herself, although he tarried a long time at
Brundisium, and when her daughter, a young girl,}
made the long journey thither, she supplied her
with no fitting escort and with no means; nay, she
actually stripped and emptied Cicero’s house of all
that it contained, besides incurring many large
debts. These, indeed, are the most plausible
reasons given for the divorce. Terentia, however,
denied that these were the reasons, and Cicero him-
self made her defence a telling one by marrying
shortly afterwards a maiden.? This he did, as
Terentia asserted, out of love for her youthful
beauty; but as Tiro, Cicero’s freedman, has written,

1 Tullia was old enough to have lost her first husband and
married a second (§ 5). 2 Publilia, of patrician family.

187

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θερος γέγραφεν, εὐπορίας ἕνεκεν πρὸς διάλυσιν

4 δανείων. ἣν “γὰρ ἡ παῖς σφόδρα πλουσία, καὶ
τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτῆς ὁ Κικέρων ἐν πίστει κληρονόμος
ἀπολειφθεὶς διεφύλαττεν. ὀφείλων δὲ πολλὰς
μυριάδας ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων καὶ οἰκείων ἐπείσθη τὴν
παῖδα γῆμαι παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν καὶ τοὺς δανειστὰς 882
ἀπαλλάξαι τοῖς ἐκείνης χρησάμενον. ᾿Αντώνιος
δὲ τοῦ γάμου μνησθεὶς ἐν ταῖς πρὸς τοὺς Φιλιπ-
πικοὺς ἀντιγραφαῖς ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτόν φησι γυναῖκα
παρ᾽ ἣ ἐγήρασε' χαριέντως ἅμα τὴν οἰκουρίαν ὡς
ἀπράκτου καὶ ,ἀστρατεύτου͵ παρασκώπτων τοῦ

5 Κικέρωνος. γήμαντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρό-
vov ἡ θυγάτηρ ἀπέθανε τίκτουσα παρὰ Λέντλῳ"
τούτῳ γὰρ ἐγαμήθη μετὰ τὴν Πείσωνος τοῦ προ-
τέρου ἀνδρὸς τελευτήν. καὶ συνῆλθον μὲν ἐπὶ
τὴν παραμυθίαν τῷ Κικέρωνι πανταχόθεν οἱ
hiro! βαρέως δ᾽ ἄγαν ἤνεγκε τὸ συμβεβηκός,
ὥστε καὶ τὴν γαμηθεῖσαν ἀποπέμψασθαι δόξασαν
ἡσθῆναι τῇ τελευτῇ τῆς Τυλλίας.

XLII. Τὰ μὲν οὖν κατ᾽ οἶκον οὕτως εἶχε, τῷ
Κικέρωνι. τῆς oe ἐπὶ Καίσαρα, συνισταμένης
πράξεως οὐ μετέσχε, καίπερ ὧν ἑταῖρος ἐν τοῖς
μάλιστα Βρούτου καὶ βαρύνεσθαι τὰ παρόντα
καὶ τὰ πάλαι ποθεῖν πράγματα δοκῶν ὡς ἕτερος
οὐδείς. ἀλλ᾽ ἔδεισαν οἱ ἄνδρες αὐτοῦ τήν τε
φύσιν ὡς ἐνδεᾶ τόλμης, τόν τε χρόνον, ἐν ᾧ καὶ
ταῖς ἐρρωμενεστάταις φύσεσιν ἐπιλείπει τὸ θαρ-

2 ρεῖν. ὡς δ᾽ οὖν ἐπέπρακτο τοῖς περὶ Βροῦτον καὶ
Κάσσιον τὸ ἔργον καὶ τῶν Καίσαρος φίλων συνι-
σταμένων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας αὖθις ἣν δέος ἐμφυλίοις
πολέμοις περιπετῆ γενέσθαι τὴν πόλιν, ᾿Αντώ-

1 φίλοι Graux, after Volkmann: φιλόσοφοι.
188

CICERO, χη. 3—X.II. 2

to get means for the payment of his debts. For the
girl was very wealthy, and Cicero had been left her
trustee and had charge of her property. So since
he owed many tens of thousands he was persuaded
by his friends and relatives to marry the girl, old as
he was, and to get rid of his creditors by using her
money. But Antony, who spoke of the marriage in
his replies to Cicero’s Philippics, says that he cast
out of doors the wife with whom he had grown old,
and at the same time makes witty jibes upon the
stay-at-home habits of Cicero, who was, he said,
unfit for business or military service. Not long after
Cicero’s marriage his daughter died in child-birth at
the house of Lentulus, to whom she had been mar-
ried after the death of Piso, her former husband.
His friends came together from all quarters to
comfort Cicero; but his grief at his misfortune was
excessive, so that he actually divorced the wife he
had wedded, because she was thought to be pleased
at the death of Tullia.

XLII. Such, then, were Cicero’s domestic affairs.
But in the design that was forming against Caesar
he took no part, although he was one of the closest
companions of Brutus and was thought to be dis-
tressed at the present and to long for the old state
of affairs more than anybody else. But the con-
spirators feared his natural disposition as being
deficient in daring, and his time of life, in which
courage fails the strongest natures. And so, when
the deed had been accomplished by the partisans of
Brutus and Cassius,! and the friends of Caesar were
combining against the perpetrators of it, and it was
feared that the city would again be plunged into civil

Δ On the Ides of March, 44 8.0.
189

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

νίος μὲν ὑπατεύων τὴν βουλὴν συνήγαγε καὶ
βραχέα διελέχθη περὶ ὁμονοίας, Κικέρων δὲ πολλὰ
πρὸς τὸν καιρὸν οἰκείως διελθὼν ἔπεισε τὴν
σύγκλητον ᾿Αθηναίους μιμησαμένην ἀμνηστίαν
a 3.6% , ’ Ὁ Ν na
τῶν ἐπὶ Καίσαρι ψηφίσασθαι, νεῖμαι δὲ τοῖς
περὶ Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦτον ἐπαρχίας. ἔσχε δὲ
/ / > / ς \ “ : ee \ ᾽ >
τούτων τέλος οὐδέν. ὁ γὰρ δῆμος αὐτὸς μὲν ad
ἑαυτοῦ πρὸς οἶκτον ἐξαχθεὶς ὡς εἶδε τὸν νεκρὸν
> / > > cal > ’ Ν \
ἐκκομιζόμενον δι᾿ ἀγορᾶς, ᾿Αντωνίου δὲ καὶ τὴν
ἐσθῆτα δείξαντος αὐτοῖς αἵματος κατάπλεων καὶ
κεκομμένην πάντη τοῖς ξίφεσιν, ἐκμανέντες ὑπ᾽
ὀργῆς ἐν ἀγορᾷ ζήτησιν ἐποιοῦντο τῶν ἀνδρῶν,
καὶ πῦρ ἔχοντες ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἔθεον ὡς ὑφά-
Ψψοντες. οἱ δὲ τοῦτον μὲν τῷ προπεφυλάχθαι
/ \ , α΄ Ὁ \ \ \
διέφυγον τὸν κίνδυνον, ἑτέρους δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ
7 a "ἡ \ /
μεγάλους προσδοκῶντες ἐξέλιπον τὴν πόλιν.
XLITI. Εὐθὺς οὖν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ἐπῆρτο, καὶ
πᾶσι μὲν ἣν φοβερὸς ὡς μοναρχήσων, τῷ δὲ
Κικέρωνι φοβερώτατος. ἀναρρωννυμένην τε γὰρ
αὐτῷ πάλιν ὁρῶν τὴν δύναμιν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ
καὶ τοῖς περὶ Βροῦτον ἐπιτήδειον εἰδὼς ἤχθετο
παρόντι. καί πού TL καὶ προῦὔπῆρχεν ὑποψίας
9 - Ν 2 / \ \ lal / 3
αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατὰ τὴν τῶν βίων ἀνο-
μοιότητα καὶ διαφοράν. ταῦτα δείσας ὁ Κικέρων
πρῶτον μὲν ὥρμησε πρεσβευτὴς Δολοβέλλᾳ
συνεκπλεῦσαι εἰς Συρίαν: ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οἱ μέλλοντες
ὑπατεύειν pet ᾿Αντώνιον, Ἴρτιος καὶ Πάνσας,
ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ ζηλωταὶ τοῦ Κικέρωνος, ἐδέ-
οντο μὴ σφᾶς καταλιπεῖν, ὑποδεχόμενοι καταλύ-

Igo

CICERO, xii. 2—xuin. 2

wars, Antony, as consul, convened the senate and
said a few words about concord, while Cicero, after a
lengthy speech appropriate to the occasion, per-
suaded the senate to imitate the Athenians! and
decree an amnesty for the attack upon Caesar, and
to assign provinces to Cassius and Brutus. But none
of these things came to pass. For when the people,
who of themselves were strongly moved to pity, saw
Caesar’s body carried through the forum, and when
Antony showed them the garments drenched with
blood and pierced everywhere with the swords, they
went mad with rage and sought for the murderers
in the forum, and ran to their houses with fire-
brands in order to set them ablaze. For this danger
the conspirators were prepared beforehand and 50
escaped it,? but expecting others many and great,
they forsook the city.

XLII. At once, then, Antony was highly elated,
and all men were fearful that he would make
himself sole ruler, and Cicero most fearful of all.
For Antony saw that Cicero’s power in the state
was reviving, and knew that he was attached to
Brutus and his party, and was therefore disturbed
at his presence in the city. And besides, they had
previously been somewhat suspicious of one another
because of the marked difference in their lives.
Fearing these things Cicero at first was inclined
to sail to Syria with Dolabella, as his legate; but
the consuls elect to succeed Antony,? Hirtius and
Pansa, who were good men and admirers of Cicero,
begged him not to desert them, and undertook

1 These declared a general amnesty after the overthrow of
the Thirty Tyrants by Thrasybulus in 403 B.c.
2 Cf. Plutarch’s Brutus, chapter xx. * In 43 8.6.

Ig!

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> , > / , « > 7 2. 2
σειν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐκείνου παρόντος, ὁ δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἀπι-
la) ΄ ” 4 f \
στῶν παντάπασιν οὔτε πιστεύων Δολοβέλλαν μὲν
εἴασε χαίρειν, ὁμολογήσας δὲ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἴρτιον
\ , ρων) 7 7 Ψ FS “ΟἿ
τὸ θέρος ἐν ᾿Αθήναις διάξειν, ὅταν δ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι
παραλάβωσι τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀφίξεσθαι πάλιν, αὐτὸς
καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἐξέπλευσε. γενομένης δὲ περὶ τὸν
a a / «
πλοῦν διατριβῆς, καὶ λόγων ἀπὸ Ῥώμης, ola
φιλεῖ, καινῶν προσπεσόντων, μεταβεβλῆσθαι
μὲν ᾿Αντώνιον θαυμαστὴν μεταβολὴν καὶ πάντα
πράττειν καὶ πολιτεύεσθαι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον,
a a \
ἐνδεῖν δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας TA πράγματα μὴ
τὴν ἀρίστην ἔχειν διάθεσιν, καταμεμψάμενος
> oe ς al \ \ > / > τ ἢ
αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ τὴν πολλὴν εὐλάβειαν ἀνέστρεφεν
αὖθις εἰς Ῥώμην. καὶ τῶν πρώτων οὐ διημάρ-
τανεν ἐλπίδων: τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ
a \ \
χαρᾶς καὶ πόθου πρὸς τὴν ἀπάντησιν ἐξεχύθη,
καὶ σχεδὸν ἡμερήσιον ἀνήλωσαν χρόνον αἱ περὶ
τὰς πύλας καὶ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτοῦ δεξιώσεις καὶ
4 n 2) me / \
φιλοφροσύναι. τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ βουλὴν συνᾶγαε
ῇ > , ὶ a at ’
yovtos Αντωνίου καὶ καλοῦντος αὐτὸν οὐκ ἦλθεν,
ἀλλὰ κατέκειτο μαλακῶς ἔχειν ἐκ τοῦ κόπου σκη-
2 / \ > \ > n bd
πτόμενος. ἐδόκει δὲ τἀληθὲς ἐπιβουλῆς εἶναι
, Ν e / \ 4 > CQ,
φόβος ἔκ τινος ὑποψίας Kal μηνύσεως καθ᾽ ὁδὸν
a 2 a
αὐτῷ προσπεσούσης. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ χαλεπῶς μὲν
ἦν > a A \ , »
εἶχεν ἐπὶ τῇ διαβολῇ καὶ στρατιώτας ἔπεμψεν
n \
ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἢ καταπρῆσαι τὴν οἰκίαν κελεύσας,
> / δὲ λλῶ Ν ὃ θέ : he
ἐνστάντων πολλῶν καὶ δεηθέντων ἐνέχυρα
λαβὼν μόνον ἐπαύσατο. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν οὕτως
ἀντιπαρεξιόντες ἀτρέμα καὶ φυλαττόμενοι διετέ-

192

883

CICERO, xuut. 2-6

to put down Antony if Cicero would remain at
Rome. So Cicero, who neither distrusted nor
trusted them altogether, let Dolabella go without
him, and after agreeing with Hirtius and Pansa
to spend the summer at Athens, and to come back
again when they had assumed office, set off by
himself, But there was some delay about his
voyage, and, as is often the case, new and unex-
pected reports came from Rome, to the effect that
Antony had undergone a wonderful change and was
doing and administering everything to please the
senate, and that matters needed only Cicero’s
presence to assume the best possible complexion ;
he therefore blamed himself for his excessive
caution and turned back again to Rome. And in
his first expectations he was not disappointed. ; for
a great crowd of people, moved with joy and
longing for him, poured forth to meet him, and
almost a day’s time was consumed in the friendly
greetings given him at the gates and as he entered
the city. On the following day, however, when
Antony convened the senate and invited him to be
present, Cicero did not come, but kept his bed,
pretending to be indisposed from fatigue. The
truth, however, seemed to be that he was afraid
of a plot against him, in consequence of some sus-
picion and of information that had unexpectedly
come to him on the road. But Antony was indig-
nant at the implication and sent soldiers with orders
to bring Cicero or burn down his house ; but since
many opposed this course and entreated him to
desist, he did so, after merely taking sureties. And
thenceforward they kept up this attitude, quietly
ignoring one another and mutually on their guard,

193

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Novy, ἄχρι οὗ Καῖσαρ ὁ νέος ἐξ ᾿Απολλωνίας
παραγενόμενος τόν τε κλῆρον ἀνεδέξατο τοῦ
Καίσαρος ἐκείνου, καὶ περὶ τῶν δισχιλίων͵ πεντα-
κοσίων μυριάδων ἃς ᾿Αντώνιος ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας
κατεῖχεν, εἰς διαφορὰν κατέστη πρὸς αὐτόν.
XLIV. ‘Ex δὲ τούτου Φίλιππος ὁ τὴν μητέρα
τοῦ νέου Καίσαρος ἔχων καὶ Μάρκελλος ὁ τὴν
ἀδελφὴν ἀφικόμενοι μετὰ τοῦ νεανίσκου πρὸς τὸν
Κικέρωνα συνέθεντο, Κικέρωνα μὲν ἐκείνῳ τὴν
ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς πολιτείας δύναμιν
ἔν τε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ παρέχειν, ἐκεῖνον δὲ
Κικέρωνι τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῶν ὅπλων
ἀσφάλειαν. ἤδη γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν ὑπὸ
Καίσαρι στρατευσαμένων περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχε τὸ
μειράκιον. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ μείζων τις αἰτία γεγο-
vevat τοῦ τὸν Κικέρωνα δέξασθαι προθύμως τὴν
Καίσαρος φιλίαν. ἔτι γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, Πομπηΐου
ζῶντος καὶ Καίσαρος ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους
ὁ Κικέρων καλεῖν τινα τοὺς τῶν συγκλητικῶν
παῖδας εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ὡς μέλλοντος ἐξ
αὐτῶν ἕνα τοῦ Διὸς ἀποδεικνύειν τῆς Ῥώμης
ἡγεμόνα" τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ὑπὸ σπουδῆς θέοντας
ἵστασθαι περὶ τὸν νεών, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν
ταῖς περιπορφύροις καθέζεσθαι σιωπὴν ἔχοντας.
ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν θυρῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καθ᾽ ἕνα τῶν
παίδων ἀνισταμένων κύκλῳ παρὰ τὸν θεὸν παρα-
πορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ πάντας ἐπισκοπεῖν καὶ ἀπο-
πέμπειν ἀχθομένους. ὡς δ᾽ οὗτος ἣν προσιὼν
κατ᾽ αὐτόν, ἐκτεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ εἰπεῖν"
“Ὦ ΨῬωμαῖο Ἴ ὑμῖν ἐμφυλί λέ
μαῖοι, πέρας ὑμῖν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων
οὗτος ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος." τοιοῦτόν φασιν ἐνύ-

194

CICERO, xu. 6--χιιν. 4

until the young Caesar came from Apollonia,!
assumed the inheritance of the elder Caesar, and
engaged in a dispute with Antony concerning the
twenty-five million drachmas which Antony was de-
taining from the estate.?

XLIV. After this, Philip, who had married the
mother, and Marcellus, who had married the sister of
the young Caesar, came with the young man to Cicero
and made a compact that Cicero should give Caesar
the influence derived from his eloquence and political
position, both in the senate and before the people,
and that Caesar should give Cicero the security to be
derived from his wealth and his armed forces. For
already the young man had about him many of the
soldiers who had served under the elder Caesar. It
was thought, too, that there was a stronger reason
why Cicero readily accepted the young man’s friend-
ship. For it would appear that while Pompey and
Caesar were still living Cicero dreamed that some-
one invited the sons of the senators to the Capitol,
on the ground that Jupiter was going to appoint one
of their number ruler of Rome; and that the citizens
eagerly ran and stationed themselves about the tem-
ple, while the youths, in their purple-bordered togas,
seated themselves there in silence. Suddenly the
door of the temple opened, and one by one the
youths rose and walked round past the god, who
reviewed them all and sent them away sorrowing.
But when this young Caesar advanced into his pre-
sence the god stretched out his hand and said: “ὁ
Romans, ye shall have an end of civil wars when this
youth has become your ruler.” By such a dream as

1 Where he was studying.
3. Caesar’s widow had made Antony guardian of the estate.

195

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

50. ἢ \ / \ \ 5... “Ὁ
πνιον ἰδόντα τὸν Κικέρωνα τὴν μὲν ἰδέαν τοῦ
παιδὸς ἐκμεμάχθαι καὶ κατέχειν ἐναργῶς, αὐτὸν
, > > / > AL / \ /
δ᾽ οὐκ ἐπίστασθαι. μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν δὲ καταβαίνον-
n \ ν rn
τος εἰς TO πεδίον TO "Άρειον αὐτοῦ, τοὺς παῖδας
4 a
ἤδη γεγυμνασμένους ἀπέρχεσθαι, κἀκεῖνον ὀφ-
fal la , lal e v ᾽
θῆναι τῷ Κικέρωνι πρῶτον οἷος ὥφθη καθ
cf > / \ ΄ Μ
ὕπνον, ἐκπλαγέντα δὲ πυνθάνεσθαι τίνων εἴη
3 . “
γονέων. ἣν δὲ πατρὸς ᾿Οκταουΐου τῶν οὐκ ἄγαν
a / 3 n ,
ἐπιφανῶν, “Attias δὲ μητρός, ἀδελφιδῆς Kai-
σαρος. ὅθεν Καῖσαρ αὐτῷ παῖδας οὐκ ἔχων
ἰδίους τὴν οὐσίαν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὸν οἶκον ἐν ταῖς
΄ 4 > ΄ \ /
διαθήκαις ἔδωκεν. ἐκ τούτου φασὶ τὸν Κικέρωνα
τῷ παιδὶ κατὰ τὰς ἀπαντήσεις ἐντυγχάνειν ἐπι-
a > a bd / / \ /
μελῶς, κἀκεῖνον οἰκείως δέχεσθαι τὰς φιλοφροσύ-
\ lal
vas: καὶ yap ἐκ τύχης αὐτῷ γεγονέναι συμβεβήκει
a /
Κικέρωνος ὑπατεύοντος.
XLV. Αὗται μὲν οὖν προφάσεις ἦσαν αἱ
/ ef \ δὲ Ν * A, , ; " K LA
λεγόμεναι" ᾿ τὸ δὲ πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιον μῖσος Κικέρωνα
rn / iy n
πρῶτον, εἶτα ἡ φύσις ἥττων οὖσα τιμῆς Tpoce-
ποίησε Καίσαρι νομίζοντα προσλαμβάνειν τῇ
’ \ 2 / / “ ς ,
πολιτείᾳ τὴν ἐκείνου δύναμιν. οὕτω γὰρ ὑπήει
τὸ μειρώκιον αὐτὸν ὥστε καὶ πατέρα προσα-
7 5... Φ / n 5] a >
γορεύειν. ἐφ᾽ ᾧ σφόδρα Βροῦτος ἀγανακτῶν ἐν
ταῖς πρὸς ᾿Αττικὸν ἐπιστολαῖς καθήψατο τοῦ
Κικέρωνος, ὅτι διὰ φόβον ᾿Αντωνίου θεραπεύων
Ν , “ , > > > / a
τὸν Καίσαρα δῆλός ἐστιν οὐκ ἐλευθερίαν τῇ
πατρίδι πράττων, ἀλλὰ δεσπότην φιλάνθρωπον
αὑτῷ μνώμενος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τόν γε παῖδα
1 ai λεγόμεναι Bekker, after Reiske: λεγόμεναι.
196

SEE ES Wee aaa. We USE ΘΟΕ νυ σα ΠΎΡΡΟΝ

CICERO, χιν. 4--χιν. 2

this, they say, Cicero had impressed upon him the
appearance of the youth, and retained it distinctly,
but did not know him.! The next day, however,
as he was going down to the Campus Martius, the
youths, who had just finished exercising there, were
coming away, and the youth of his dream was seen
by Cicero for the first time, and Cicero, amazed,
inquired who his parents were. Now, his father was
Octavius, a man of no great prominence, but his
mother was Attia, a daughter of Caesar’s sister. For
this reason Caesar, who had no children of his own,
willed his property and his family name to him.
After this, it is said, Cicero took pains to converse
with the youth when they met, and the youth
welcomed his kind attentions; and indeed it
happened that he was born during Cicero’s con-
sulship.

XLV. These, then, were the reasons that were
mentioned ; but it was Cicero’s hatred for Antony in
the first place, and then his natural craving for
honour, that attached him to the young Caesar, since
he thought to add Caesar’s power to his own political
influence. And indeed the young man carried his
court to him so far as actually to call him father.
At this Brutus was very angry, and in his letters to
Atticus attacked Cicero, saying that in paying court
to Caesar through fear of Antony he was plainly not
obtaining liberty for his country, but wooing a kind
master for himself.2 However, Brutus took up

1 According to Dion Cassius (xlv. 2) and Suetonius (Divus
Augustus, 94), Cicero dreamed that Octavius was let down
from heaven by a chain of gold, and presented with a whip
by Jupiter.

2 Cicero, ad Brutum, i. 17, 5 (Brutus to Atticus).

197

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Κικέρωνος ὁ Βροῦτος ἐν ᾿Αθήναις διατρίβοντα
παρὰ τοῖς φιλοσόφοις ἀναλαβὼν ἔσχεν ἐφ᾽
ἡγεμονίας, καὶ πολλὰ χρώμενος αὐτῷ κατώρθου.

Τοῦ δὲ Κικέρωνος ἀκμὴν ἔσχεν ἡ δύναμις ἐν
τῇ πόλει τότε μεγίστην, καὶ κρατῶν ὅσον ἐβού-
λετο τὸν μὲν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐξέκρουσε καὶ κατε-
στασίασε καὶ πολεμήσοντας αὐτῷ τοὺς δύο
ὑπάτους, Ἴρτιον καὶ Ἰ]άνσαν, ἐξέπεμψε, Καίσαρι
δὲ ῥαβδούχους καὶ στρατηγικὸν κόσμον, ὡς δὴ
προπολεμοῦντι τῆς πατρίδος, ἔπεισε ψηφίσασθαι
τὴν σύγκλητον. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ᾿Αντώνιος μὲν ἥττητο,
τῶν δ᾽ ὑπάτων ἀμφοτέρων ἀποθανόντων ἐκ τῆς
μάχης πρὸς Καίσαρα συνέστησαν αἱ δυνάμεις,
δείσασα δ᾽ ἡ βουλὴ νέον ἄνδρα καὶ τύχῃ λαμπρᾷ
κεχρημένον ἐπειρᾶτο τιμαῖς καὶ δωρεαῖς ἀπο-
καλεῖν αὐτοῦ τὰ στρατεύματα καὶ περισπᾶν
τὴν δύναμιν, ὡς μὴ δεομένη τῶν προπολεμούντων
᾿Αντωνίου πεφευγότος, οὕτως ὁ Καῖσαρ φοβηθεὶς
ὑπέπεμπε τῷ Κικέρωνι τοὺς δεομένους καὶ πεί-
θοντας ὑπατείαν μὲν ἀμφοτέροις ὁμοῦ πράττειν,
χρῆσθαι δὲ τοῖς πράγμασιν ὅπως αὐτὸς ἔγνωκε,
παραλαμβάνοντα τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ τὸ μειράκιον
διοικεῖν ὀνόματος καὶ δόξης γλιχόμενον. ὧμο-
λόγει δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς ὡς δεδιὼς κατάλυσιν καὶ
κινδυνεύων ἔρημος γενέσθαι χρήσαιτο τῇ Κικέ-
ρωνος ἐν δέοντι φιλαρχίᾳ, προτρεψάμενος αὐτὸν
ὑπατείαν μετιέναι συμπράττοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ
συναρχαιρεσιάζοντος.

198

88:

CICERO, xtv. 2-5

Cicero’s son who was studying philosophy at Athens,
gave him a command, and achieved many successes
through his instrumentality.!

Cicero’s power in the city reached its greatest
height at this time, and since he could do what he
pleased, he raised a successful faction against Antony,
drove him out of the city, and sent out the two
consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, to wage war upon him,
while he persuaded the senate to vote Caesar the
lictors and insignia of a praetor, on the ground that
he was fighting in defence of the country. But after
Antony had been defeated,” and, both consuls having
died after the battle, the forces had united under
Caesar, the senate became afraid of a young man
who had enjoyed such brilliant good fortune, and
endeavoured by honours and gifts to call his troops
away from him and to circumscribe his power, on the
ground that there was no need of defensive armies
now that Antony had taken to flight. Under these
circumstances Caesar took alarm and secretly sent
messengers to Cicero begging and urging him to
obtain the consulship for them both, but to manage
affairs as he himself thought best, after assuming the
office, and to direct in all things a youthful colleague
who only craved name and fame. And Caesar him-
self admitted afterwards that it was the fear of having
his troops disbanded and the danger of finding him-
self left alone which led him to make use in an
emergency of Cicero's love of power, by inducing him
to sue for the consulship with his co-operation and
assistance in the canvass.

1 Cf. the Brutus, xxiv. 2; xxvi. 3.

2 Near Mutina, a city in Gallia Cispadana, early in the

year 43 B.c. Octavius Caesar acted in conjunction with the
two consuls. Cf. Appian, B.C., iii. 71.

199

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XLVI. Ἐνταῦθα μέντοι μάλιστα Κικέρων

ἐπαρθεὶς ὑπὸ νέου γέρων καὶ φενακισθεὶς καὶ
“ir!

συναρχαιρεσιάσας καὶ παρασχὼν αὐτῷ τὴν
σύγκλητον εὐθὺς μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων αἰτίαν εἶχεν,
ὀλίγῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον αὑτὸν ἀπολωλεκὼς ἤσθετο καὶ
τοῦ δήμου προέμενος τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. αὐξηθεὶς
γὰρ ὁ νεανίας καὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν λαβὼν Κικέρωνα
μὲν εἴασε χαίρειν, ᾿Αντωνίῳ δὲ καὶ Λεπίδῳ φίλος
γενόμενος καὶ τὴν δύναμιν εἰς ταὐτὸ συνενεγκών,
ὥσπερ ἄχλο τι κτῆμα, τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐνείματο
πρὸς αὐτούς. καὶ κατεγράφησαν ἄνδρες οὺς ἔδει
θνήσκειν, ὑπὲρ διακοσίους. πλείστην δὲ τῶν
ἀμφισβητημάτων αὐτοῖς ἔριν ἡ Κικέρωνος προ-
γραφὴ παρέσχεν, ᾿Αντωνίου μὲν ἀσυμβάτως ἔχον-
τος εἰ μὴ πρῶτος ἐκεῖνος ἀποθνήσκοι, Λεπίδου
δ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίῳ “προστιθεμένου, Καίσαρος δὲ πρὸς
ἀμφοτέρους ἀντέχοντος. ἐγίνοντο δ᾽ αἱ σύνοδοι
μόνους ἀπόρρητοι περὶ πόλιν Βονωνίαν ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας
τρεῖς, καὶ συνήεσαν εἰς τόπον τινὰ πρόσω τῶν
στρατοπέδων ποταμῷ περιρρεόμενον. λέγεται δὲ
τὰς πρώτας ἡμέρας διαγωνισάμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ
Κικέρωνος ὁ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐνδοῦναι τῇ τρίτῃ καὶ προ-
έσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα. τὰ δὲ τῆς ἀντιδόσεως οὕτως
εἶχεν. ἔδει Κικέρωνος ἐκστῆναι Kaicapa, Παύλου
δὲ τἀδελφοῦ Λέπιδον, Λευκίου δὲ “Καίσαρος
᾿Αντώνιον, ὃ ὃς ἣν θεῖος αὐτῷ πρὸς μητρός. οὕτως
ἐξέπεσον ὑπὸ θυμοῦ καὶ λύσσης τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων
λογισμῶν, μᾶλλον δ᾽ ἀπέδειξαν ὡς οὐδὲν ἀνθρώπου
θηρίον ἐστὶν ἀγριώτερον ἐξουσίαν πάθει προσλα-
βόντος.

XLVITI. Πραττομένων δὲ τούτων ὁ Κικέρων ἣν
μὲν ἐν ἀγροῖς ἰδίοις περὶ Τοῦσκλον, ἔχων τὸν
200

CICERO. xtrvi. r-x1vu. 1

XLVI. Here, indeed, more than at any other time,
Cicero was led on and cheated, an old man by a
young man. He assisted Caesar in his canvass and
induced the senate to favour him. For this he ws
blamed by his friends at the time, and shortly afte:-
wards he perceived that he had ruined himself and
betrayed the liberty of the people. For after the
young man had waxed strong and obtained the con-
sulship,' he gave Cicero the go-by, and after making
friends with Antony and Lepidus and uniting his
forces with theirs, he divided the sovereignty with
them, like any other piece of property. And a list
was made out by them of men who must be put to
death, more than two hundred in number. The pro-
scription of Cicero, however, caused most. strife in
their debates, Antony consenting to no terms unless
Cicero should be the first man to be put to death,
Lepidus siding with Antony, and Caesar holding out
against them both. They held secret meetings by
themselves near the city of Bononia for three days,
coming together in a place at some distance from the
camps and surrounded by ariver. It is said that for
the first two days Caesar kept up his struggle to save
Cicero, but yielded on the third and gave him up.
The terms of their mutual concessions were as follows.
Caesar was to abandon Cicero, Lepidus his brother
Paulus, and Antony Lucius Caesar, who was his uncle
on the mother’s side. So far did anger and fury lead
them to renounce their human sentiments, or rather,
they showed that no wild beast is more savage than
man when his passion is supplemented by power.

XLVII. While this was going on, Cicero was at his
own country-seat in Tusculum, having his brother with

1 In August, 43 B.c., when only twenty years of age.
201

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀδελφὸν μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ" πυθόμενοι δὲ τὰς προγραφὰς
ἔγνωσαν εἰς ΓΑστυρα μεταβῆναι, χωρίον παράλιον
τοῦ Κικέρωνος, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ πλεῖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν
Ν ἴω 9 Ἂς e \ > fal Ud ? ,
πρὸς Bpovtov: ἤδη yap ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ λόγος ἐφοίτα
fal / > /
κρατοῦντος. ἐκομίζοντο δ᾽ ἐν φορείοις ἀπειρηκότες
κονχ
ὑπὸ λύπης" καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐφιστάμενοι καὶ
τὰ φορεῖα παραβάλλοντες ἀλλήλοις προσωλο-
/ -“ > . Siw > 4 \
φύροντο. μᾶλλον δ᾽ ὁ Koivtros ἠθύμει, καὶ
/ n
λογισμὸς αὐτὸν εἰσήει τῆς ἀπορίας" οὐδὲν γὰρ
ἔφη λαβεῖν οἴκοθεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ Κικέρωνι
/ > > / ” 9 3 \ \
γλίσχρον ἦν ἐφόδιον: ἄμεινον οὖν εἶναι τὸν μὲν
Κικέρωνα προλαμβάνειν τῇ φυγῇ, αὐτὸν δὲ μετα-
θεῖν οἴκοθεν συσκευασάμενον. ταῦτ᾽ ἔδοξε" καὶ
περιλαβόντες ἀλλήλους καὶ ἀνακλαυσάμενοι
διελύθησαν.
ὋὉ μὲν οὖν Koivtos οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἡμέραις
ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκετῶν προδοθεὶς τοῖς ζητοῦσιν ἀνῃρέθη
\ a 60 ες δὲ K / > "
μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς. ὁ δὲ Κικέρων εἰς ᾿Αστυρα
\ \ al ς \ > \ 2 υ ἢ \
κομισθεὶς καὶ πλοῖον εὑρὼν εὐθὺς ἐνέβη καὶ
παρέπλευσεν ἄχρι Κιρκαίου, πνεύματι χρώμενος.
> a \ / > \ » “ ᾿
ἐκεῖθεν δὲ βουλομένων εὐθὺς αἴρειν τῶν κυβερ-
νητῶν, εἴτε δείσας τὴν θάλασσαν εἴτ᾽ οὔπω
παντάπασι τὴν Καίσαρος ἀπεγνωκὼς πίστιν,
> / \ an a / e \ e ?
ἀπέβη καὶ παρῆλθε πεζῇ σταδίους ἑκατὸν ws εἰς
ς , / 3 5] b ΄ \
Ῥώμην πορευόμενος. αὖθις δ᾽ ἀλύων καὶ μετα-
/ ft Ν / tenets
βαλλόμενος κατῇει πρὸς θάλασσαν εἰς "Αστυρα.
κἀκεῖ διενυκτέρευσεν ἐπὶ δεινῶν καὶ ἀπόρων
λογισμῶν, ὥστε καὶ παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Καίσαρος
ον / 4 \ / ς Ν 3
οἰκίαν διενοήθη κρύφα καὶ σφάξας ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ

202

885.

CICERO, xtvu. 1-4

him; but when they learned of the proscriptions they
determined to remove to Astura, a place of Cicero’s
on the sea-coast, and from there to sail to Brutus in
Macedonia ; for already a report was current that he
was in force there. So they were carried along in
litters, being worn out with grief; and on the way
they would halt, and with their litters placed side by
side would lament to one another. But Quintus was
the more dejected and began to reflect upon his
destitute condition; for he said that he had taken
nothing from home, nay, Cicero too had scanty pro-
vision for the journey; it was better, then, he said,
that Cicero should press on in his flight, but that he
himself should get what he wanted from home and
then hasten after him. This they decided to do, and
after embracing one another and weeping aloud, they
parted.

So then Quintus, not many days afterwards, was
betrayed by his servants to those who were in search
of him, and put to death, together with his son.
But Cicero was brought to Astura, and finding a
vessel there he embarked at once and coasted along
as far as Circaeum, with the wind in his favour.
From there his pilots wished to set sail at once, but
Cicero, whether it was that he feared the sea, or had
not yet altogether given up his trust in Caesar, went
ashore and travelled along on foot a hundred furlongs
in the direction of Rome. But again losing resolution
and changing his mind, he went down to the sea at
Astura. And there he spent the night in dreadful
and desperate calculations; he actually made up his
mind to enter Caesar's house by stealth, to slay him-
self upon the hearth, and so to fasten upon Caesar an

203

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τῆς ἑστίας ἀλάστορα προσβαλεῖν. ἀλλὰ καὶ
ταύτης αὐτὸν ἀπέκρουσε τῆς ὁδοῦ δέος βασάνων"
ὶ ms ἡὃ b παλί λεύ
καὶ Toda! ταραχώδη καὶ παλίντροπα βουλεύ-
ματα τῆς γνώμης μεταλαμβάνων παρέδωκε τοῖς
\ \ a /
οἰκέταις ἑαυτὸν eis Kaijtnv? κατὰ πλοῦν κομί-
ny /,
ζειν, ἔχων ἐκεῖ χωρία καὶ καταφυγὴν ὥρᾳ θέρους
φιλάνθρωπον, ὅταν ἥδιστον οἱ ἐτησίαι κατα-
πνέωσιν.
€ Ἁ
"Ἔχει δ᾽ ὁ τόπος καὶ ναὸν ᾿Απόλλωνος μικρὸν
ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάττης. ἐντεῦθεν ἀρθέντες ἀθρόοι
κόρακες ὑπὸ κλαγγῆς προσεφέροντο τῷ πλοίῳ
a a /
τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἐπὶ γῆν ἐρεσσομένῳ: καὶ καθί-
σαντες ἐπὶ τὴν κεραίαν ἑκατέρωθεν οἱ μὲν ἐβόων,
οἱ δ᾽ ἔκοπτον τὰς τῶν μηρυμάτων ἀρχάς, καὶ
a , Ν -
πᾶσιν ἐδόκει τὸ σημεῖον εἶναι πονηρόν. ἀπέβη
> J «ς [4 \ \ ? \ ”
δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Κικέρων, καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν ἔπαυλιν
ὡς ἀναπαυσόμενος κατεκλίθη. τῶν δὲ κοράκων
c Ν \ 2 fol , / /
οἱ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς θυρίδος διεκάθηντο φθεγγό-
μενοι θορυβῶδες, εἷς δὲ καταβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ κλινίδιον
ἐγκεκαλυμμένου τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπῆγε τῷ στόματι
κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ προσώπου τὸ ἱμάτιον. οἱ
ay ¢ n /
δ᾽ οἰκέται ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶντες, καὶ κακίσαντες ἑαυτοὺς
εἰ περιμένουσι τοῦ δεσπότου φονευομένου θεαταὶ
4 / > >? an n \ ,
γενέσθαι, θηρία δ᾽ αὐτῷ βοηθεῖ καὶ προκήδεται
/
παρ᾽ ἀξίαν πράττοντος, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀμύνουσι,
\ \ \ \ 7 , Tata >
τὰ μὲν δεόμενοι, τὰ δὲ Bia λαβόντες ἐκόμιζον ἐν
τῷ φορείῳ πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν.
XLVIII. ᾿Εν τούτῳ δ᾽ οἱ σφαγεῖς ἐπῆλθον, ἑκα-
« /
τοντάρχης “Epévvios καὶ ἸΠοπίλλιος χιλίαρχος,
1 πολλὰ Graux, after Coraés: τἄλλα.

? Καιήτι,. Coraés and Bekker, after Wyttenbach ; Karas
Sintenis (in notes), and Graux; Kamitas MSS.

204

CICERO, xtivit. 4—XLvul. 1

avenging daemon. But a fear of tortures drove him
from this course also; then, revolving in his mind
many confused and contradictory purposes, he put
himself in the hands of his servants to be taken by
sea to Caieta, where he had lands and an agreeable
retreat in summer time, when the breath of the
Etesian winds is most pleasant.

The place has also a temple of Apollo, a little
above the sea. From thence a flock of crows flew
with loud clamour towards the vessel of Cicero as it
was rowed towards land ; and alighting on either end
of the sail-yard, some cawed, and others pecked at
the ends of the ropes, and everybody thought that
the omen was bad. Nevertheless Cicero landed, and
going to his villa lay down to rest. Then most of
the crows perched themselves about the window,
cawing tumultuously, but one of them flew down
upon the couch where Cicero lay with muffled head,
and with its beak, little by little, tried to remove the
garment from his face. The servants, on seeing this,
rebuked themselves for waiting to be spectators of
their master’s murder, while wild beasts came to
his help and cared for him in his undeserved mis-
fortune, but they themselves did nothing in his
defence. So partly by entreaty, and partly by force,
they took him and carried him in his litter towards
the sea.

XLVIII. But meantime his assassins came to the
villa, Herennius a centurion, and Popillius a tribune,

205

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

ᾧ πατροκτονίας ποτὲ δίκην φεύγοντι συνεῖπεν ὁ
Κικέρων, ἔχοντες ,ὑπηρέτας. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰς θύρας
κεκλεισμένας εὑρόντες ἐξέκοψαν, οὐ φαινομένου
τοῦ Κικέρωνος οὐδὲ τῶν ἔνδον εἰδέναι φασκόντων,
λέγεται νεανίσκον. τινὰ τεθραμμένον μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ
Κικέρωνος ἐν γράμμασιν ἐλευθερίοις, καὶ μαθή-
μασιν, ἀπελεύθερον δὲ Κοΐντου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ,
Φιλόλογον τοὔνομα, φράσαι τῷ χιλιάρχῳ τὸ
φορεῖον κομιζόμενον διὰ τῶν καταφύτων καὶ
συσκίων περιπάτων ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν. ὁ μὲν
οὖν χιλίαρχος ὀλίγους ἀναλαβὼν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ
περιέθει πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον, τοῦ δ᾽ ‘Epevviou δρόμῳ
φερομένου διὰ τῶν περιπάτων ὁ Κικέρων ἤσθετο,
καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐκέλευσεν ἐνταῦθα καταθέσθαι
τὸ φορεῖον. αὐτὸς δ᾽, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, τῇ ἀριστερᾷ
χειρὶ τῶν γενείων ἁπτόμενος ἀτενὲς ἐνεώρα τοῖς
σφαγεῦσιν, αὐχμοῦ καὶ κόμης ἀνάπλεως καὶ
συντετηκὼς ὑπὸ φροντίδων τὸ πρόσωπον, ὥστε
τοὺς πλείστους ἐγκαλύψασθαι. τοῦ Ἕρεννίου
σφάζοντος αὐτόν. ,ἐσφάγη δὲ τὸν τράχηλον ἐκ
τοῦ φορείου προτείνας, ἔτος ἐκεῖνο γεγονὼς ἑξη-
κοστὸν καὶ τέταρτον. τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν ἀπέκοψεν
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς χεῖρας, ᾿Αντωνίου “κελεύσαντος,
αἷς τοὺς Φιλιππικοὺς ἔγραψεν. αὐτός τε γὰρ ὁ
Κικέρων τοὺς κατ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου λόγους Φιλιπηπικοὺς
ἐπέγραψε καὶ μέχρι νῦν τὰ βιβλία Φιειππὶκοὶ
καλοῦνται.

XLIX. Τῶν δ᾽ ἀκρωτηρίων εἰς Ῥώμην κομι-
σθέντων ἔτυχε μὲν ἀρχαιρεσίας τελῶν ὁ ᾿Αντώ-
νιος, ἀκούσας δὲ καὶ ἰδὼν ἀνεβόησεν ὡς νῦν αἱ
προγραφαὶ τέλος ἔχοιεν. τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν καὶ
τὰς χεῖρας ἐκέλευσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐμβόλων ἐπὶ τοῦ
206

CICERO, xtvi, 1-xLix. 1

who had once been prosecuted for parricide and de-
fended by Cicero; and they had helpers. After they
had broken in the door, which they found closed,
Cicero was not to be seen, and the inmates said they
knew not where he was. Then, we are told, a youth
who had been liberally educated by Cicero, and who
was a freedman of Cicero’s brother Quintus, Philo-
logus by name, told the tribune that the litter was
being carried through the wooded and shady walks
towards the sea. The tribune, accordingly, taking a
few helpers with him, ran round towards the exit,
but Herennius hastened on the run through the
walks, and Cicero, perceiving him, ordered the ser-
vants to set the litter down where they were. Then
he himself, clasping his chin with his left hand, as
was his wont, looked steadfastly at his slayers, his
head all squalid and unkempt, and his face wasted
with anxiety, so that most of those that stood by
covered their faces while Herennius was slaying
him. For he stretched his neck forth from the litter
and was slain, being then in his sixty-fourth year.}
Herennius cut off his head, by Antony’s command,
and his hands—the hands with which he wrote the
Philippics. For Cicero himself entitled his speeches
against Antony “Philippics,” and to this day the
documents are called Philippies.

XLIX. When Cicero’s extremities were brought
to Rome, it chanced that Antony was conducting
an election, but when he heard of their arrival and
saw them, he cried out, “ Now let our proscriptions
have an end.” Then he ordered the head and
hands to be placed over the ships’ beaks on the

1 Cicero was murdered ou the seventh of December, 43 B.o,

207

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βήματος θεῖναι, θέαμα “Ῥωμαίοις φρικτόν, οὐ τὸ
Κικέρωνος ὁρᾶν πρόσωπον οἰομένοις, ἀλλὰ τῆς
᾿Αντωνίου ψυχῆς εἰκόνα. πλὴν ἕν γέ τι φρονή-
σας μέτριον ἐν τούτοις ἸΪομπωνίᾳ τῇ Koivtov
γυναικὶ τὸν Φιλόλογον παρέδωκεν. ἡ δὲ κυρία
γενομένη τοῦ σώματος ἄλλαις τε δειναῖς ἐχρήσατο
τιμωρίαις, καὶ τὰς σάρκας ἀποτέμνοντα τὰς αὑτοῦ
κατὰ μικρὸν ὀπτᾶν, εἶτ᾽ ἐσθίειν ἠνάγκασεν. οὕτω
γὰρ ἔνιοι τῶν συγγραφέων ἱστορήκασιν: ὁ δ᾽
αὐτοῦ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπελεύθερος Τίρων τὸ
παράπαν οὐδὲ μέμνηται τῆς τοῦ Φιλολόγου
προδοσίας.

Πυνθάνομαι δὲ Καίσαρα χρόνοις πολλοῖς ὕστε-
ρον εἰσελθεῖν πρὸς ἕνα τῶν θυγατριδῶν" τὸν δὲ
βιβλίον ἔχοντα Κικέρωνος ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ἐκ-
πλαγέντα τῷ ἱματίῳ περικαλύπτειν: ἰδόντα δὲ
Καίσαρα λαβεῖν καὶ διελθεῖν ἑστῶτα μέρος πολὺ
τοῦ βιβλίου, πάλιν δ᾽ ἀποδιδόντα τῷ μειρακίῳ
φάναι" “ Λόγιος ἀνήρ, ὦ παῖ, λόγιος καὶ φιλό-
πατρις." ἐπεὶ μέντοι τάχιστα κατεπολέμησεν
᾿Αντώνιον ὑπατεύων αὐτὸς εἵλετο συνάρχοντα
τοῦ Κικέρωνος τὸν υἱόν, ἐφ᾽ οὗ τάς T εἰκόνας ἡ
βουλὴ καθεῖλεν ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἠκύρωσε
τιμὰς καὶ προσεψηφίσατο μηδενὶ τῶν ᾿Αντωνίων
ὄνομα Μάρκον εἶναι. οὕτω τὸ δαιμόνιον εἰς τὸν
Κικέρωνος οἶκον ἐπανήνεγκε τὸ τέλος τῆς ᾿Αντω-
νίου κολάσεως.

208

886

CICERO, xtix. 1-4

rostra, a sight that made the Romans shudder; for
they thought they saw there, not the face of Cicero,
but an image of the soul of Antony. However, he
showed at least one sentiment of fair dealing in the
ease when he handed over Philologus to Pomponia,
the wife of Quintus. And she, having got the
man into her power, besides other dreadful punish-
ments which she inflicted upon him, forced him
to cut off his own flesh bit by bit and roast it,
and then to eat it. This, indeed, is what some
of the historians say; but Cicero’s own freedman,
Tiro, makes no mention at all of the treachery of
Philologus.

I learn that Caesar, a long time after this, paid a
visit to one of his daughter's sons; and the boy,
since he had in his hands a book of Cicero’s, was
terrified and sought to hide it in his gown; but
Caesar saw it, and took the book, and read a great
part of it as he stood, and then gave it back to the
youth, saying: “ A learned man, my child, a learned
man and a lover of his country.” Moreover, as soon
as he had finally defeated Antony,! and when he
was himself consul, he chose Cicero’s son as his
colleague in the office, and it was in his consulship
that the senate took down the statues of Antony,
made void the other honours that had been paid
him, and decreed besides that no Antony should
have the name of Marcus. Thus the heavenly
powers devolved upon the family of Cicero the final
steps in the punishment of Antony.

1 At Alexandria, in 30 B.c. (see the Antony, lxxxi. 1 f.).

209

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

AHMOS@®ENOYS KAI KIKEPONOS
ΣΎΓΚΡΙΣΙΣ

ΤᾺ, μὲν οὖν ἄξια μνήμης τῶν περὶ | Δήμο.
Pf καὶ Κικέρωνος i ἱστορουμένων εἰς τὴν ἡμε-
τέραν ἀφῖκται γνῶσιν, ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν. ἀφεικὼς δὲ
τὸ συγκρίνειν τὴν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις ἕξιν αὐτῶν,
ἐκεῖνό μοι δοκῶ μὴ παρήσειν ἄρρητον, ὅτι Δη-
μοσθένης μὲν εἰς τὸ ῥητορικὸν ἀ ἂν ὅσον
εἶχεν ἐκ φύσεως ἢ ἀσκήσεως λόγιον, ὑπερβαλλό-
μ é apyelg μὲν καὶ δεινότητι τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν
ἀγώνων καὶ τῶν δικῶν συνεξεταζομένους, ὄγκῳ
δὲ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπείᾳ τοὺς ἐπιδεικτικούς, ἀκρι-
βείᾳ δὲ καὶ τέχνῃ τοὺς σοφιστάς" Κικέρων δὲ

\ \ / ied \ /
Kal πολυμαθὴς καὶ ποικίλος TH περὶ TOUS λόγους
σπουδῇ γενόμενος (συντάξεις. μὲν ἰδίας φιλοσό-
φους ἀπολέλοιπεν δὐκ ὀλίγας εἰς τὸν ᾿Ακαδη-
μαϊκὸν «τρόπον, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τῶν πρὸς
τὰς δίκας καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας γραφομένων λόγων
δῆλός ἐστιν ἐμπειρίαν τινὰ γραμμάτων παρεπι-
δείκνυσθαι βουλόμενος.

v ͵ \ na» 2 a , e

cd ig καὶ Tov ἤθους ἐν τοῖς λόγοις Exa-
τέρου «ιδίοψις. ὁ μὲν “γὰρ. Δημοσθενικὸς ἔξω
παντὸς ὡραϊσμοῦ καὶ «παιδιᾶς εἰς δεινότητα καὶ
\ , 3 ΜΝ τ 7 " ῳ
σπουδὴν συνηγμένος οὐκ ἐλλυχνίων ὄδωδεν, ὥσ-

ς , » 3 > ς ’ \
περ ὁ Πυθέας ἔσκωπτεν, ἀλλ᾽’ ὑδροποσίας καὶ
φροντίδων καὶ τῆς λεγομένης πικρίας τοῦ τρόπου
καὶ στυγνότητος, Κικέρων δὲ πολλαχοῦ τῷ

210

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, 1. 1-4

COMPARISON OF DEMOSTHENES AND
CICERO

I. Tuesr, then, are the memorable incidents in
the recorded careers of Demosthenes and Cicero
which have come to our knowledge. And though
[ have renounced the comparison of their oratorical
styles,! yet this, I think, ought-not-to be left unsaid,
namely, that Demosthenes devoted to the rhetorical
art all the powers of speech“whieli he possesse
nature or acquired by practice, surpassing in force
and effectiveness his rivals in{ cats and judicial
pleading, in pomp and majesty—of utterance the
professional declaimers, and in precision and skill
the sophists; Cicero, on the other hand, became
widely learned and had a variety of interest in the
pursuit of letter d left behind him not a few
philosophical 6 Sas P f his own conforming to
the fashion of emy; indeed, even in the
speeches which he wrote for the forum and the
courts he clearly desires to display by the way a
considerable acquaintance with letters

It is possible, too, to get a (glimpse of the
character of each in his style of speaking. For
that_of Demosthenes, which had no prettiness or
piEasan sry, and was condensed with a view to power
an rnestness, did not smell of lamp-wicks, as
Pytheas scoffingly said,? but of water-drinking and

anxious thought, of what men d the bit-
terness and sullenness of his digpositio ; whereas
Cicero was often carried away by his lové of jesting

1 See the Demosthenes, iii. 1.
2 Cf. the Demosthenes, viii. 3.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σκωπτικῷ πρὸς TO βωμολόχον ἐκφερόμενος καὶ
πράγματα σπουδῆς ἄξια γέλωτι καὶ παιδιᾷ
- / a
κατειρωνευόμενος ἐν ταῖς δίκαις εἰς τὸ χρειῶδες
ἠφείδει τοῦ πρέποντος, ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ Καιλίου
συνηγορίᾳ μηδὲν ἄτοπον ποιεῖν αὐτὸν ἐν τοσαύτῃ
τρυφῇ καὶ πολυτελείᾳ ταῖς ἡδοναῖς χρώμενον" τὸ
Ν
γὰρ ὧν ἔξεστι μὴ μετέχειν, μανικὸν εἶναι, καὶ
ταῦτα ἐν ἡδονῇ τὸ εὔδαιμον τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων
φιλοσόφων τιθεμένων. λέγεται δὲ Κάτωνος
Μουρήναν διώκοντος ὑπατεύων ἀπολογεῖσθαι καὶ
\ A \ / - ᾿ wo SN
πολλὰ διὰ τὸν Κάτωνα κωμῳδεῖν τὴν Στωϊκὴν
a la) /
αἵρεσιν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀτοπίαις τῶν παραδόξων λεγο-
μένων δογμάτων: γέλωτος δὲ λαμπροῦ κατιόντος
ἐκ τῶν περιεστώτων πρὸς τοὺς δικαστάς, ἡσυχῆ
ε 4
διαμειδιάσας ὁ Κάτων πρὸς τοὺς καθημένους
δ ΣΎΕΣ, ρὲ n a » y” “ 35
εἰπεῖν" “Ὡς γελοῖον, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἔχομεν ὕπατον.
a lal ε
δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ γέλωτος οἰκεῖος ὁ Κικέρων γεγονέναι
, lal
καὶ φιλοσκώπτης, TO TE πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ μει-
δίαμα καὶ γαλήνην παρεῖχε. τῷ δὲ Δημοσθένους
ἀεί τις ἐπῆν σπουδή, καὶ τὸ πεφροντικὸς τοῦτο
\ 4 \ > ς / > 4 τος
καὶ σύῤνουν), οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἀπέλειπεν: ὅθεν καὶ
δύσκολο τὸν οἱ ἐχθροὶ καὶ δύστροπον, ὡς
αὐτός φησιν, ἀπεκάλουν.
, a lal
ΤΙ. "Ἔτι τοίνυν ἐν τοῖς συγγράμμασι κατιδεῖν
ἔστι τὸν μὲν ἐμμελῶς καὶ ἀνεπαχθῶς τῶν εἰς
αὑτὸν ἁπτόμενον ἐγκωμίων, ὅτε «τούτου δεήσαι
\ Ψ / al s > > an . /
πρὸς ἕτερόν τι μεῖζον, τἄλλα δ᾽ εὐλαβῆ καὶ pé-
- 4 a
τρίον' ἡ δὲ Κικέρωνος ἐν τοῖς λόγοις ἀμετρία τῆς

1 Καιλίου Coraés, Bekker, and Graux, after Wyttenbach ς

Κεκιλίου.
3 ἀπέλειπεν with Graux and Bekker, after Coraés: ἀπέλιπεν.

212

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, 1. 4-1. 1

into scurrility, and when, to gain his ends in his
cases, he treated matters worthy of serious attention
with ironical mirth and pleasantry, he was careless
of propriety. Thus, in his defence of Caelius, he
said that his client, surrounded as he was by great
luxury and extravagance, did nothing out of the
way when indulging in pleasures; for not to enjoy
what tad one's obsession was madness, he said,
particularly when the most eminent philosophers
assert that true happiness consists in pleasure.!
And we are told that when Cato prosecuted Murena,
Cicero, who was then consul, defended him, and
because of Cato’s beliefs made much fun of the
Stoic sect, in view of the absurdities of their so-
called paradoxes ;? and when loud laughter spread
from the audience to the jurors, Cato, with a quiet
smile, said to those who sat by: “ What a funny man
we have, my friends, for consul!” And it would
seem that Cicero was naturally prone to laughter
and fond of jesting; his face, too, was smiling and
peaceful. But in that of Demosthenes there was
always a certain intense seriousness, and this look
of thoughtfulness and anxiety he did not easily lay
aside For-this reason his enemies, as he himself
says,® called him morose and ill-mannered.

Il. Still further, then, in their writings it is pos-
sible to see~that, the one touches upon his “own.
praises cautiously’ and so as not to give offence,
when there was need of this for some weightier
end, while on other occasions he is careful and
moderate ; whereas Cicero’s immoderate boasting of

1 Cf. Cicero, pro Caelio, 12, 28; but Plutarch’s interpreta-
tion does Cicero great injustice. Cf. 17, 39f.
2 Cf. pro Murena, 29-31. 8 In Phil. ii. 30.

VOL. VII. H 213

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πέριαυτολογίας ἀκρασίαν τινὰ κατ ne
δόξαν, βοῶντος ὡς τὰ ὅπλα ἔδει τῇ Τὴ

τῇ γλώττῃ τὴν θριαμβικὴν ὑπείκειν ioe τε:
λευτῶν δ᾽ οὐ τὰ ἔργα καὶ τὰς πράξεις μόνον,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς λόγους ἐπαινεῖ τοὺς εἰρημένους ὑφ᾽
αὑτοῦ 1 καὶ γεγραμμένους, ὥσπερ Ἰσοκράτει καὶ
᾿Αναξιμένει τοῖς σοφισταῖς διαμειρακιευό ενος,
οὐ τὸν Ρωμαίων δῆμον ἄγειν ἀξιῶν καὶ ὀρθοῦν,

βριθύν, ἀρ βαβο στ, δάϊον ries

ἰσχύειν. μὲν. γὰρ διὰ τὸν εὖ ὕμενον
ἀναγκαῖον, ἀγαπᾶν δ᾽, (ἀγ γεννὲς καὶ yew τὴν
ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου δόξαν. * ὅθεν' ἐμβριθέστερος ταύ-

τῇ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπέστερος 3 ὁ Δημοσθένης, τὴν
\ ς a / τ , \ a
μὲν αὑτοῦ δύναμιν ἐμπειρίαν τινὰ πολλῆς δεομέ-
νὴν τῆς παρὰ τῶν ἀκροωμένων εὐνοίας ἀποφαινό-
μενος, ἀνελευθέῤους δὲ καὶ βαναύσους, ὥσπερ
εἰσί, τοὺς ἐπὶ τούτῳ φυσωμένους ἡγούμενος.
ς \ 9 >’ na a ᾿ ͵ὔ
1Π. Ἢ μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ δημηγορεῖν καὶ πολιτεύ-
/ ς ΄ 2 / e a Γ᾿ καὶ 58,
εσθαι δύναμις ὁμαλῶς ἀμφοτέροις ὑπῆρξεν, ὥστε
καὶ τοὺς τῶν ὅπλων καὶ στρατοπέδων κυρίους
δεῖσθαι, Δημοσθένους μὲν Χάρητα καὶ Διοπείθην
καὶ Λεωσθένην, Κικέρωνος δὲ Πομπήϊον καὶ Καί-
capa τὸν νέον, ὡς αὐτὸς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς
᾿Αγρίππαν καὶ Μαικήναν ὑπομνήμασιν εἴρηκεν.

i ὑφ᾽ αὑτοῦ Graux with Μᾶ ; ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ.
i crctemes with Bekker, after Stephanus: weya-
λοπρεπέστατοξ.

214

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, π΄. 1-1. 1

himself in his speeches proves that he had an intem-
perate desire for fame, his cry being that arms must
give place to the μόρα and the laurel of triumph to
the tongue.! And at last he praises not only his
deeds and actions, but also his speeches, both those
which he delivered himself and those which he com-
mitted to writing, as if he were impetuously vying
with Isocrates and Anaximenes the sophists, instead
of claiming the right to lead and instruct the
Roman people, . |

“ Steadfast, in heavy armour clad, destructive to
foes.”’ 2 |

It is necessary, indeed, that a political leader should
prevail by reason of on eloquence, but ignoble for
him to admire and ¢rave the fame that springs’ from
his eloquence. Wheréfore in this regard Demos-
thenes is more stately /and magnificent, since he
declares that his ‘ability in speaking was a mere
matter of experience, depending greatly upon the’
goodwill of his hearers,’ and considers illiberal and
vulgar, as they are, those who are puffed up at such
success. |
III. It is true that in haranguing and guiding the
people both had equal power, so that even those
who controlled armies and camps had need of
their services; Chares, Diopeithes, and Leosthenes
needed Demosthenes, and Pompey and the young
Caesar needed Cicero, as Caesar himself says in
his Memoirs addressed to Agrippa and Maecenas.

1 Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi (im Pisonem,
29, 72 ff.).

2 The second verse οὗ δὴ elegiac distich attributed to
Aeschylus in Mora/s, p. 334 ἃ. Cf. Bergk, Poet, Lyr. Graeci,
ii.* p. 242. 8 Cf. On the Crown, 277.

215

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 ὃ δὲ δοκεῖ μάλιστα Kal λέγεται τρόπον ἀνδρὸς
ἐπιδεικνύναι καὶ βασανίζειν, ἐξουσία καὶ ἀρχὴ
πᾶν πάθος κινοῦσα καὶ πᾶσαν ἀποκαλύπτουσα
κακίαν, oe μὲν οὐχ ὑπῆρξεν, οὐδ᾽ ἔδωκε
τοιαύτην διάπειραν ἑαυτοῦ, μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν τῶν
ἐπιφανῶν ἄρξας, , ὃς οὐδὲ τῆς ὑφ᾽ αὑτοῦ συντε-
ταγμένης ἐπὶ Φίλιππον ἐστρατήγησε δυνάμεως:

3 Κικέρων δὲ ταμίας εἰς Σικελίαν καὶ ἀνθύπατος
εἰς Κιλικίαν καὶ Καππαδοκίαν ἀποσταλείς, ἐν
ᾧ καιρῷ τῆς φιλοπλουτίας ἀκμαζούσης, καὶ τῶν
πεμπομένων στρατηγῶν καὶ ἡγεμόνων, ὡς τοῦ
κλέπτειν ἀγεννοῦς ὄντος, ἐπὶ τὸ ἁρπάζειν τρεπο-
μένων, οὐ τὸ λαμβάνειν ἐδόκει δεινόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ
μετρίως ποιῶν ἠγαπᾶτο, πολλὴν μὲν ἐπί-

χρημάτων ἐποιήσατο, πολλὴν

4 δὲ φιλανθρῷπίας καὶ χρηστότητος. ἐν αὐτῇ δὲ
τῇ Ῥώμῃ λόγῳ μὲν ἀποδειχθεὶς ὅ φ, ἐξουσίαν
δὲ nom rap vai καὶ δίκτάτορος ἐπὶ τοὺς
περὶ Κατιλέναν, ἐμαρτύρησεν ἅμα. πῷ Πλάτωνι
μαντευομένῳ παῦλαν ἕξειν κακῶν τὰς πόλεις,
ὅταν εἰς ταὐτὸ δύναμίς τε μεγάλη καὶ φρόνησις ἔκ
τινος τύχης χρηστῆς ἀπαντήσῃ μετὰ δικαιοσύνης.

ὅ Χρηματίσασθαι τοίνυν ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου Δημο-
σθένης μὲν ἐπιψόγως λέγεται, Aoyoypapav κρύφα
τοῖς Ἰμβχηθὴνς μὲν καὶ ᾿Απολλόδωρον ἀντιδίκοις,

καὶ διαβληθεὶς μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς βασιλικοῖς χρήμασιν,
ὀφλὼν δὲ τῶν ᾿Αρπαλείων. εἰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς
γράφοντας (οὐκ ὀλίγοι δ᾽ εἰσὶν οὗτοι) ψεύδεσθαι
216

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, m1. 2-5

But what is thought and said most of all to reveal
and test the character of a man, namely power
and authority, which rouses every passion and un-
covers every baseness, this Demosthenes lid“ no
have, nor did he give any such proof of himself,
since he held no conspicuous office, nor di n
command the force which was raised by him against

Philip ; whereas“Gicero was sent out as quaestor to
Sicily, and ᾿ αὐουκδμῇ to Cilicia and Cappadocia,
at a time the love of wealth was at. its
greatest height, and when those who were sent
out as praetors and governors, feeling that theft
was an ignoble thing, resorted to open plundering,
so that the taking of property was not. thought
heinous, but 5s maga this in moderation was

held in high estێem; and yet Cicero gave many
/fo

proofs of “his nd μουδεεὶς wealth, and many of
his humanity a dness. And n in Rome
itself he-was appointed consul-in\name; but really
received the power of a dictator and sole ruler
against Catiline and his conspirators, he bore witness
to the truth of Plato’s crantioen! that states would
then have respite from evil, when in one and the
same person, by some happy fortune, great power
and wisdom should be conjoined with justice.
Moreover, it is said to the reproach of Demosthenes
that he made money by his eloquence, since he
secretly wrote speeches for Phormio and Apollo-
dorus, wbo_wezecmeuersarics in the same case, and
since he was. accused in the matter of the Great
King’s money;~ condemned for taking that of
Harpalus. And if we should say that those who
write these things (and these writers are not few)

1 Republic, p. 473 ἃ.
217

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

6 φαίημεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι ye πρὸς δωρεὰς βασιλέων σὺν
χάριτι καὶ τιμῇ διδομένας ἀντιβλέψαι Δημοσθέ-
νης οὐκ ἂν ἐτόλμησεν, οὐδ᾽ ἣν τοῦτο ἔργον ἀν-
θρώπου δανείζοντος ἐπὶ ναυτικοῖς, ἀμήχανον
ἀντειπεῖν" περὶ δὲ Κικέρωνος, ὅτε καὶ Σικελιωτῶν
ἀγορανομοῦντι καὶ βασιλέως τοῦ Καππαδοκῶν
> Ul a Biee t ld , Φ > Sees
ἀνθυπατεύοντι καὶ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ φίλων, ὅτ᾽ ἐξέ-
πιπτε τῆς πόλεως, δωρουμένων πολλὰ καὶ δεομέ-
νων λαβεῖν ἀντέσχεν, εἴρηται.

IV. Καὶ μὴν ἥ γε φυγὴ τῷ μὲν αἰσχρὰ κλοπῆς
« / / n \ / 7” > /
ἁλόντι συνέπεσε, τῷ δὲ κάλλιστον ἔργον ἀνθρώ-
? / ? / a / : \
πους ἀλιτηρίους ἐκκόψαντι τῆς πατρίδος. διὸ 88%
τοῦ μὲν οὐδεὶς λόγος ἐκπίπτοντος, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δ᾽ ἡ
σύγκλητος ἐσθῆτά τε διήλλαξε καὶ révbos abi
καὶ γνώμην ὑπὲρ οὐδενὸς εἰπεῖν ἐπείσθη πρό-

2 τερον ἢ Κικέρωνε κάθοδον ψηφίσασθαι. τὴν
μέντοι φυγὴν ἀργῶς ὁ Κικέρων διήνεγκεν ἐν
Μακεδονίᾳ καθήμενος, τῷ δὲ Δημοσθένει καὶ ἡ
φυγὴ μέγα μέρος τῆς. πολεπείας γέγονε. συνα-
γωνιξόμενος γώρ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, τοῖς “Ἕλλῃσι καὶ
τοὺς Μακεδόνων πρέσβεις ἐξελαύνων ἐπήρχετο
τὰς πόλεις, πολὺ βελτίων Θεμιστοκλέους καὶ
᾿Αλκιβιάδου παρὰ τὰς αὐτὰς τύχας φανεὶς πολί-
της" καὶ μέντοι κατελθὼν αὖθις ἑαυτὸν ἐπέδωκεν
εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν ταύτην πολιτείαν, καὶ διετέλει πο-

8 λεμῶν πρὸς ᾿Αντίπατρον καὶ Μακεδόνας. Κικέ-

> , ᾽ a a , ὅἦ ,
ρωνα δ᾽ ὠνείδισεν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ Λαίλιος αἰτουμένου

1 sotto ἔργον Bekker and Graux, after Reiske: τοῦτο τὸ
ἔργον.

218

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, πι. ς-ιν. 3

tell what is untrue, still, at least, that Demosthenes
could not bring himself to» look: with. indifference
upon gifts which kings offered as marks of honour
and favour, and that this was not to be expected
of a man who lent money on bottomry, it is im-
possible to deny; whereas, in the case of Cicero,
that the Sicilians when he was quaestor, and. the
king of Cappadocia when he was pro-consul, and
his friends in Rome when he was going into exile,
offered him large sums and begged him to take
them, only to meet with his refusal, has been said.
IV. And ‘surely in the matter of banishment, at
least, for the one ἰδ was disgraceful, since he had
been convicted of theft; but for the other it was
a most honourable result, since he .had rid _ his
country of baleful men. Therefore πὸ account
was made of the one when he went into exile;
but for the other the senate changed its garb and
put on mourning and could not be induced to
discuss any business until Cicero’s return had been
decreed. However, Cicero spent his exile idly,
remaining quietly in Macedonia; but the exile of
Demosthenes proved to be a great part of his service
to the state. For he took part in the strergles oF
the Greeks, as has been said, and drove out the
Macedonian envoys in the various cities which he
visited, and so showed himself to be a far better
citizen than Themistocles or Alcibiades when they
were having the same fortune; and furthermore,
when he returned from exile, he again devoted
himself to this same public service, and steadfastly
continued waging war upon Antipater and the
Macedonians. Cicero, on the contrary, was re-
proached in the senate by Laelius for sitting silent

219

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Καίσαρος ὑπατείαν μετιέναι παρὰ νόμον, οὕπω
γενειῶντος, σιωπῇ καθήμενον. ἔγραφε δὲ καὶ
Βροῦτος ἐγκαλῶν ὡς μείζονα καὶ βαρυτέραν
πεπαιδοτριβηκότι τυραννίδα τῆς ὑφ᾽ αὑτοῦ
καταλυθείσης.

V. ᾿Επὶ πᾶσι δὲ τῆς τελευτῆς τὸν μὲν οἰκτείραι
τις ἄν, ἄνδρα πρεσβύτην δι’ ἀγέννειαν ὑπὸ οἷ-
κετῶν ἄνω καὶ κάτω περιφερόμενον καὶ περιφεύ-
γοντα τὸν θάνατον καὶ ἀποκρυπτόμενον τοὺς οὐ
πολὺ πρὸ τῆς φύσεως ἥκοντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν,. εἶτ᾽
ἀποσφαγέντα' τοῦ δ᾽, εἰ καὶ μικρὰ πρὸς τὴν
ἱκετείαν «ἐνέδωκεν, ἀγαστὴ μὲν ἡ παρασκευὴ τοῦ
φαρμάκου καὶ τήρὴσὶς, ἀγαστὴ δ᾽ ἡ χρῆσις, ὅτι
τοῦ θεοῦ μὴ πὰρασχόντος αὐτῷ τὴν ἀσυλίαν,
ὥσπερ ἐπὶ μείζονα βωμὸν καταφυγών, ἐκ τῶν
ὅπλων καὶ τῶν δορυφόρων λαβὼν ἑαυτὸν ᾧχετο,
τῆς ᾿Αντιπάτρου καταγελάσας ὠμότητος.

220

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, rv. 3-v.

when Caesar asked leave to stand for the consul-
ship, which was contrary to law, since he was still
a beardless youth. And Brutus also, in one of his
letters, accused him of having reared up a tyranny
greater and more severe than that which the writer
himself had overthrown.

V. And after all, the one is to be pitied for the
manner of his death—an old man ignobly carried
up and down by servants, trying to escape death,
hiding himself from those who were coming after
him not much in advance of nature’s final summons,
and then beheaded; whereas in that of the other,
even though it had a slight touch of supplication,
we must admife the preparation of the poison and
its place of ‘custody, must admire, too; the use he
made of it, because, since the god would not afford
him asylum, he took refuge at a greater altar, as
it were, made his escape from arms and mercenaries,
and laughed to scorn the cruelty of Antipater.

1 Cicero, ad Brutum, i. 17, 2 (Brutus to Atticus),

221

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‘ ,

ALEXANDER

ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΣ

I. Τὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ βασιλέως βίον καὶ

a / ey? a / fa >
τοῦ Καίσαρος, vp ov κατελύθη Ἰ]ομπήϊος, ἐν

/ fal / 7 \ \ a a
τούτῳ τῷ βιβλίῳ γράφοντες, διὰ TO πλῆθος TOV
ὑποκειμένων πράξεων οὐδὲν ἄλλο προεροῦμεν

’ Ἁ

ἢ παραιτησόμεθα τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας, ἐὰν μὴ
πάντα μηδὲ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐξειργασμένως τι τῶν
περιβοήτων ἀπαγγέλλωμεν, ἀλλὰ ἐπιτέμνοντες
τὰ πλεῖστα, μὴ συκοφαντεῖν. οὔτε γὰρ ἱστορίας
γράφομεν, ἀλλὰ βίους, οὔτε ταῖς ἐπιφανεστάταις
πράξεσι πάντως ἔνεστι δήλωσις ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας,
ἀλλὰ πρᾶγμα βραχὺ πολλάκις καὶ ῥῆμα καὶ 665
παιδιά τις ἔμφασιν ἤθους ἐποίησε μᾶλλον ἢ
μάχαι μυριόνεκροι καὶ παρατάξεις αἱ μέγισται
καὶ πολιορκίαι πόλεων. ὥσπερ οὖν οἱ ζωγράφοι
τὰς ὁμοιότητας ἀπὸ τοῦ προσώπου καὶ τῶν περὶ
\ ” > “ > / \ 9 >
τὴν ὄψιν εἰδῶν, ols ἐμφαίνεται τὸ ἦθος, ἀνα-
λαμβάνουσιν, ἐλάχιστα τῶν χοιπῶν μερῶν φρον-
τίζοντες, οὕτως ἡμῖν δοτέον εἰς τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς
σημεῖα μᾶλλον ἐνδύεσθαι καὶ διὰ τούτων εἰδο-
ποιεῖν τὸν ἑκάστου βίον, ἐάσαντας ἑτέροις τὰ
μεγέθη καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας.

11. ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὅτι τῷ γένει πρὸς πατρὸς μὲν

«

ἣν Ἡρακλείδης ἀπὸ Καράνου, πρὸς δὲ μητρὸς

> / > \ n
Αἰακίδης amo Νεοπτολέμου, τῶν πάνυ πεπι-

f > , \ / 5

στευμένων ἐστί. λέγεται δὲ Φίλιππος ἐν Σαμο-

224

ALEXANDER

I. Ir is the life of Alexander the king, and of
Caesar, who overthrew Pompey, that I am writing
in this book, and the multitude of the deeds to be
treated is so great that I shall make no other preface
than to entreat my readers, in case I do not tell of
all the-famous actions of these men, nor even speak
exhaustively at all in each particular case, but in

epitome for the most part, not to complain. For it
is not Histories.that l.am-writing, but Lives; and in |
1 illustrious-deeds.there is not always 8 a mani-_ /

_festation of virtue or vice, nay, a ‘slight t thing Tike-a/

_ phrase or a jest. often makes_a aie Yevelation of

-eharacter. than battles where thousands fall, or the

__greatest.armaments, or sieges of cities. Accor dingly,
__just.as painters get the likenesses in their portraits

from the face and the expression of the eyes, wherein
~the character_shows- itself, but make very little ac-

count-of the other-parts of the body, so I must be
permitted to devote myself rather to the signs of
the soul in men, and by means of these to portray
the life of each, leaving to others the description of
their great contests,

II. As for the lineage of Alexander, on his father’s
side he was a descendant of Heracles through Ca-
ranus,-and on his mother’s side a “descendant of
Aeacus through Neoptolemus; this is accepted with-
out any question, And we are told that Philip, after

Oe

.-...

225

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θράκῃ τῇ ᾿Ολυμπιάδι συμμυηθεὶς αὐτός τε μειρά-
κίον ὧν ἔτι κἀκείνης παιδὸς ὀρφανῆς γονέων
ἐρασθῆναι καὶ τὸν γώμον οὕτως ἁρμόσαι, πείσας
τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτῆς ᾿Αρύμβαν. ἡ μὲν οὖν νύμφη,
πρὸ τῆς νυκτὸς ἡ συνείρχθησαν εἰς τὸν θάλαμον,
ἔδοξε βροντῆς γενομένης ἐμπεσεῖν αὐτῆς τῇ γαστρὶ
κεραυνόν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς πληγῆς πολὺ πῦρ ἀναφθέν,
εἶτα ῥηγνύμενον εἰς φλόγας πάντη φερομένας
διαλυθῆναι. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ μετὰ
τὸν γάμον. εἶδεν ὄναρ αὑτὸν ἐπιβάλλοντα σφραγῖδα
τῇ γαστρὶ τῆς γυναικός" ἡ δὲ γλυφὴ τῆς σῴρα-
γῖδος, ὡς ᾧετο, λέοντος εἶχεν. εἰκόνα. τῶν δὲ
ἄχλων μάντεων ὑφορωμένων τὴν ὄψιν, ὡς ἀκρι-
βεστέρας φυλακῆς δεομένων τῷ Φιλίππῳ τῶν
περὶ τὸν γάμον, ᾿Αρίστανδρος ὁ Τελμησσεὺς
κύειν ἔφη τὴν ἄν θρωπον, οὐθὲν γὰρ ἀποσφραγί-
ζεσθαι τῶν κενῶν, καὶ κύειν παῖδα θυμοειδῆ καὶ
λεοντώδη τὴν φύσιν. WhOn δέ ποτε καὶ δράκων
κοιμωμένης τῆς ᾿Ολυμπιάδος παρεκτεταμένος τῷ
σώματι" καὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα τοῦ Φιλίππου τὸν
ἔρωτα καὶ τὰς φιλοφροσύνας ἀμαυρῶσαι λέγουσιν,
ὡς μηδὲ φοιτᾶν ἔτι πολλάκις παρ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀνα-
παυσόμενον, εἴτε δείσαντά τινας μαγείας ἐπ᾽
αὐτῷ καὶ φάρμακα τῆς γυναικός, εἴτε τὴν ὁμιλίαν
ὡς κρείττονι συνούσης ἀφοσιούμενον.

ἽἝτερος δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐστὶ λόγος, ὡς πᾶσαι
μὲν αἱ τῇδε γυναῖκες ἔνοχοι τοῖς ᾿Ορφικοῖς οὖσαι
καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον ὀργιασμοῖς ἐκ τοῦ
πάνυ παλαιοῦ, Κλώδωνές τε καὶ Μιμαλλόνες

226

ALEXANDER, wu. 1-5

being initiated into the mysteries of Samothrace at
the same time with Olympias, he himself being still
a youth and she an orphan child, fell in love with her

and betrothed himself to her at once with the con-_,

sent of her brother, Arymbas. Well, then, the night
before that on which the marriage was consummated,
the bride dreamed that there was-a peal of thunder

_and_that_a_thunder-bolt. fell upon her womb, and |

that thereby much fire was kindled, which broke into
~flames that travelled all about, and then was ex-
tinguished. At a later time, too, after the marriage,

Philip dreamed that he was putting a seal upon his «

wife's: womb; and the device of the seal, as he
thought, was the figure of a lion. The other seers,
now, were led by the vision to suspect that Philip
needed to put a closer watch upon his marriage rela-
tions; but Aristander of Telmessus said that the
woman was pregnant, since no seal was. put upon

~ what was empty, and pregnant of a.son.whose nature _

would be bold and lion-like. Moreover, a serpent

“was oneeseen lying stretched out by the side of
Olympias as she slept, and we are told that. this,
more than anything else, dulled the ardour of Philip’s
attentions to his wife, so that he no longer came
often to sleep by her side, either because he feared
that some spells and enchantments might be practised
upon him by her, or because he shrank from her
embraces in the conviction that she was the partner
of a superior being.

But concerning these matters there is another
story to this effect: all the women of these parts
were addicted to the Orphic rites and the orgies of
Dionysus from very ancient times (being called
Klodones and Mimallones'), and imitated in many

1 Macedonian names for Bacchantes. 227

ῳ

fan,
7 )

ωΨ

ὡ:

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπωνυμίαν “ἔχουσαι, πολλὰ ταῖς ᾿Ἤδωνίσε καὶ
ταῖς περὶ τὸν Αἷμον Θρήσσαις ὅμοια δρῶσιν, ἀφ᾽
ὧν δοκεῖ καὶ τὸ θρησκεύειν 6 ὄνομα ταῖς κατακόροις
γενέσθαι καὶ περιέργοις ἱερουργίαις, ἡ δὲ Ὀλυμ-
πιὰς μᾶλλον ἑτέρων ἕηλώσασα τὰς κατοχὰς
καὶ τοὺς ἐνθουσιασμοὺς ἐξάγουσα βαρβαρικώ-
τερον ὄφεις μεγάλους χειροήθεις ἐφείλκετο τοῖς
θιάσοις, οἱ πολλάκις ἐκ τοῦ κιττοῦ καὶ τῶν
μυστικῶν λίκνων παραναδυόμενοι καὶ περιελιττό-
μενοι τοῖς θύρσοις τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τοῖς στεφά-
vols ἐξέπληττον τοὺς ἄνδρας.

Ill. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Φιλίππῳ μέν, μετὰ τὸ
φάσμα πέμψαντι Χαίρωνα τὸν Μεγαλοπολίτην
εἰς Δελφούς, χρησμὸν κομισθῆναι λέγουσι παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντος "Aupovi θύειν καὶ σέβεσθαι
μάλιστα τοῦτον τὸν θεόν: ἀποβαλεῖν δὲ τῶν
ὄψεων αὐτὸν τὴν ἑτέραν, ἣν τῷ τῆς θύρας ἁρμῷ
προσβαλὼν κατώπτευσεν ἐν μορφῇ δράῥοψεσα
συνευναζόμενον τῇ γυναικὶ τὸν θεόν. ἡ δὲ Ὄλυμ-
πιάς, ὡς ᾿Ερατοσθένης φησί, προπέμπουσα τὸν
᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν, καὶ φράσασα
μόνῳ τὸ περὶ τὴν τέκνωσιν ἀπόρρητον, ἐκέλευεν
ἄξια φρονεῖν τῆς γενέσεως. ἕτεροι, δέ φασιν
αὐτὴν ἀφοσιοῦσθαι καὶ λέγειν" ψ Οὐ παύσεταί
με διαβάλλων ᾿Αλέξανδρος πρὸς τὴν Ἥραν;"

᾿Εγεννήθη δ᾽ οὖν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἱσταμένου μηνὸς
“Ἑκατομβαιῶνος, ὃν Μακεδόνες Λῶον καλοῦσιν,

1 Plutarch apparently derives this verb from Θρῇσσαι
(Thracian women).

2 Sacred to Dionysus, and carried on the heads of the
celebrants.

228

ALEXANDER, πὶ. 5-11. 3

ways the practices of the Edonian women and the
Thracian women about Mount Haemus, from whom,
as it would seem, the word “ threskeuein”’! came to
be applied to the celebration of extravagant and
superstitious ceremonies. Now Olympias, who af-
fected these divine possessions more zealously than
other women, and carried out these divine inspira-
tions in wilder fashion, used to provide the revel-
ling companies with great tame serpents, which
would often lift their heads from out the ivy and
the mystic winnowing-baskets,? or coil themselves
about the wands and garlands of the women, thus
terrifying the men.

IIl However, after his vision, as we are told,
Philip sent Chaeron of Megalopolis ἴο. Delphi, by
whom an oracle was brought him from Apollo, who
bade him sacrifice to Ammon and hold that god in
greatest reverence, but told him he was to lose that
one of his eyes which he had applied to the chink
in the door when he espied the god, in the form of a
serpent, sharing the couch of his wife. Moreover,
pn a Eratosthenes says, when she sent Alex-

er for n his great expedition, told-him, and
Gf alone the Beret of his bégetting, and bade him
have purposes worthy of his birth: Others, on the
contrary, say that shé repudiated” the idea, and
said’: ~~“ Alexander must" cease slandering me to
Hera,’’®

Be that as it may, Alexander was born Sache ἡ in the

month Hecatombaeon,* the Macedonian name for
8 The lawful spouse of Zeus Ammon.
4 356 B.c. The day of birth has probably been moved
back two or three months for the sake of the coincidence

mentioned below ($5). _Hecatombaeon corresponds nearly to
July.

229

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἕκτῃ, καθ᾽ ἣν ἡμέραν ὁ τῆς ᾿Εφεσίας ᾿Αρτέμιδος
ἐνεπρήσθη. νεώς" © γ᾽ Ἡγησίας ὁ Μάγνης ἐπι-
πεφώνηκεν ἐπιφώνημα κατασβέσαι τὴν πυρκαϊὰν
ἐκείνην ὑπὸ ψυχρίας δυνάμενον" εἰκότως γὰρ
ἔφη καταφλεχθῆναι τὸν νεὼν τῆς .᾿Αρτέμιδος
ἀσχολουμένης περὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου μαίωσὶν.
ὅσοι δὲ τῶν μάγων. ἐν Ἐφέσῳ "διατρίβοντες
ἔτυχον, τὸ περὶ τὸν νεὼν πάθος ἡγούμενοι πάθους
ἑτέρου σημεῖον εἶναι, διέθεον τὰ πρόσωπα τυπτό-
μενοι καὶ βοῶντες ἄτην ἅμα καὶ συμφορὰν
μεγάλην τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ τὴν ἡμέραν. ἐκείνην “τετοκέναι.
Φιλίππῳ δὲ ἄρτι Ποτίδαιαν ἡρηκότι τρεῖς ἧκον
ἀγγελίαι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον" ἡ μὲν Ἰλλυριοὺς
ἡττᾶσθαι μάχῃ μεγάλῃ διὰ Παρμενίωνος, ἡ. δὲ
᾿Ολυμπίασιν ἵππῳ κέλητι νενικηκέναι, τρίτη δὲ
περὶ τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου γενέσεως. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἡδόμενον,
ὡς εἰκός, ἔτε μᾶλλον οἱ μάντεις ἐπῆραν ἀπόφαινό-
μενοι τὸν παῖδα τρισὶ νίκαις ἀρ it oleh pi. ὦ
ἀνίκητον ἔσεσθαι.

IV. Τὴν μὲν οὖν ἰδέαν τοῦ σώματος οἱ ᾿Αὐυσίη
πειοι μάλιστα τῶν ἀνδριάντων ἐμφαίνουσιν, ὑφ᾽
οὗ μόνου καὶ αὐτὸς ἠξίου πλάττεσθαι. καὶ γὰρ
μάλισθ᾽ ἃ πολλοὶ τῶν διαδόχων ὕστερον καὶ Τῶν
φίλων ἀπεμιμοῦντο, τήν τε ἀνάτασιν τοῦ αὐχένος
εἰς εὐώνυμον ἡσυχῆ κεκλιμένου καὶ τὴν ὑγρότητα
τῶν ὀμμάτων, διατετήρηκεν ἀκριβῶς ὁ τεχνίτης.
᾿Απελλῆς δὲ γράφων TOV. κεραυνοφόρον οὐκ
ἐμιμήσατο τὴν χρόαν, ἀλλὰ φαιότερον καὶ πεπι-
νωμένον ἐποίησεν. ἣν δὲ λευκός, ὥς φασιν" ἡ δὲ

230

ALEXANDER, m1. 3-1v. 2

which is Loiis, on the sixth day of the month, and
on this day the temple of Ephesian Artemis was
burnt. It was apropos of this that. Hegesias the
Magnesian made an utterance frigid enough to have
extinguished that great conflagration. He said,
namely, it was no wonder that the temple of Ar-
temis was burned down, since the goddess was busy
bringing Alexander into the world. But all the
Magi who were then at Ephesus, looking upon the
temple’s disaster as a sign of further disaster, ran
about beating their faces and crying aloud that woe
and great calamity for Asia had that day been born.
To Philip, however, who had just taken Potidaea,
there came three messages at the same time: the
first that Parmenio had conquered the Illyrians in a
great battle, the second that his race-horse had won
a victory at the Olympic games, while a third an-
nounced the birth of Alexander. These things de-
lighted him, of course, and the seers raised his
spirits still higher by declaring that the son whose
birth coincided with three victories would be always
victorious.

IV. The outward appearance of Alexander is best
represented by the statues of him which—Lysippus

made, and it was by this artist alone that Alexander
himself thought it fit that he should be modelled.
For those’ peculiarities which many of his successors
and friends afterwards tried to imitate, namely, the
poi the neck; which was» bent. slightly to the
eft; andthe melting glance οὗ his.eyes, this artist
“has accurately observed. Apelles, however, in painting
him as wielder of the thunder-bolt, did not reproduce
his complexion, but made it too dark and swarthy.
Whereas he was of a fair colour, as they say, and his

23)

--

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λευκότης ἐπεφοίνισσεν αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸ στῆθος
μάλιστα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον. ὅτι δὲ τοῦ χρωτὸς
ἥδιστον ἀπέπνει καὶ τὸ στόμα κατεῖχεν. εὐωδία
καὶ τὴν σάρκα “πᾶσαν, ὥστε πληροῦσθαι τοὺς
χιτωνίσκους, ἀνέγνωμεν ἐν ὑπομνήμασιν ᾿Ἄριστο-
ξενείοις.

Aitia δὲ ἴσως ἡ τοῦ σώματος κρᾶσις πολύ-
θερμος οὖσα καὶ πυρώδης" ἡ γὰρ εὐωδία γίνεται
πέψει τῶν ὑγρῶν ὑπὸ θερμότητος, ὡς οἴεται
Θεόφραστος. ὅθεν οἱ ξηροὶ καὶ διάπυροι τόποι
τῆς οἰκουμένης τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ κάλλιστα τῶν
ἀρωμάτων φέρουσιν' ἐξαιρεῖ γὰρ ὁ ἥλιος τὸ ὑγρὸν
ὥσπερ ὕλην σηπεδόνος ἐπυπολάξον τοῖς σώμασιν.
᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ ἡ θερμότης τοῦ σώματος, ὡς
ἔοικε, καὶ ποτικὸν καὶ θυμοειδῆ παρεῖχεν.

Ἔτι δὲ ὄντος αὐτοῦ παιδὸς ἥ τε σωφροσύνη
διεφαίνετο τῷ πρὸς τἄλλα ῥαγδαῖον ὄντα καὶ
φερόμενον σφοδρῶς ἐν ταῖς ἡδοναῖς ταῖς περὶ τὸ
σῶμα δυσκίνητον εἶναι καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς πρᾳύότη-
τος ἅπτεσθαι τῶν τοιούτων, ἥ τε φιλοτιμία ‘map’
ἡλικίαν ἐμβριθὲς εἶχε τὸ φρόνημα καὶ μεγαλόψυ-
χον. οὔτε γὰρ ἀπὸ παντὸς οὔτε πᾶσαν ἠγάπα
δόξαν, ws Φίώλεππος λόγου τε δεινότητι σοφι-
στικῶς καλλωπιζόμενος καὶ τὰς ἐν ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ
νίκας τῶν ἁρμάτων ἐγχαράττων τοῖς νομίσμασιν,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποπειρωμένων εἰ
βούλοιτ᾽ ἂν Ὀλυμπίασιν ἀγωνίσασθαι στάδιον,
ἣν γὰρ ποδώκης, “Εἴ γε; ἔφη, “βασιλεῖς
ἔμελλον ἕξειν ἀνταγωνιστάς. "φαίνεται δὲ καὶ
καθόλου πρὸς τὸ τῶν ἀθλητῶν γένος ἀλλοτρίως
ἔχων: πλείστους γέ τοι θεὶς ἀγῶνας οὐ μόνον

232

ALEXANDER, τν. 2-6

fairness passed into ruddiness..on.-his. breast..particu-
larly, and in his face. Moreover,-that-a-very pleasant
odour.exhaled..from= his skin and that_there was a
fragrance about his*mouth and all his flesh, so that
his garments were filled with it, this we have read
in the Memoirs of Aristoxenus.

Now, the cause of this, perhaps, was the tempera-
ment of his. body, which was a very warm and fiery
one; for fragrance is generated, as Theophrastus
thinks, where moist humours are acted upon by heat.
Wherefore the dry and parched regions of the world
produce the most and best spices; for the sun draws
away the moisture which, like material of corruption,
abounds in vegetable bodies, And in Alexander's
case, it was the heat of his body,as-it-would seem,
which ‘made him prone to drink, and choleric,

“But while he was still a boy his self-restraint
showed itself in the fact that, although he was im-

etuous and violent in other matters; the pleasures
“of the βοῦν: had little hold upon hint, and. he in-
with “great_ moderation, while _his
ambition kept his spirit serious and lofty in advance
Sa For it. was neither every ‘kind of fame
nor fame from every source that he courted, as Philip
dia;-who plumed himself like a sophist on the power
of his oratory, and took care to have the victories of
his chariots at Olympia engraved upon his coins;
nay, when those about him inquired whether he
would be willing to contend in the foot-race at the
Olympic games, since he was swift of foot, “ Yes,”
said he, “if I could have kings as my contestants.”
And in general, too, Alexander appears to have been
averse to the whole race of athletes; at any rate,
though he instituted very many contests, not only

233

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τραγῳδῶν καὶ αὐλητῶν Kal κιθαρῳδῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ

ῥαψῳδῶν, θήρας τε παντοδαπῆς καὶ ῥαβδο-

μαχίας, οὔτε πυγμῆς οὔτε παγκρατίου μετά τινος

σπουδῆς ἔθηκεν ἄθλον.

V. Τοὺς δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως mpé-

σβεις ἥκοντας ἀποδημοῦντος Φιλίππου ἕενίζων
καὶ γενόμενος συνήθης οὕτως ἐχειρώσατο τῇ φιλο-
φροσύνῃ καὶ τῷ μηδὲν ἐρώτημα παιδικὸν ἐρωτῆ-

σαι μηδὲ μικρόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁδῶν τε μήκη καὶ πορείας.

τῆς ἄνω τρόπον ἐκπυνθάνεσθαι, καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ
τοῦ βασιλέως, ὁποῖος εἴη πρὸς τοὺς πολέμους,
\ / ς ΄“ > \ \ 4 Ὁ“ 4
Kal τίς ἡ Περσῶν ἀλκὴ καὶ δύναμις, ὥστε θαυμά-
> / \ ‘ / ’ ik

few ἐκείνους καὶ τὴν λεγομένην Φιλίππου δεινό-
τητα μηδὲν ἡγεῖσθαι πρὸς τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς ὁρμὴν
καὶ μεγαλοπραγμοσύνην. ὁσάκις γοῦν ἀπαγγελ-
θείη Φίλιππος ἢ πόλιν ἔνδοξον ἡρηκὼς ἢ μάχην
τινὰ περιβόητον νενικηκώς, οὐ πάνυ φαιδρὸς ἣν
ἀκούων, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἡλικιώτας ἔλεγεν: “Ὦ
παῖδες, πάντα προλήψεται ὁ πατήρ' ἐμοὶ δὲ οὐδὲν

ἀπολείψει μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν ἔργον ἀποδείξασθαι μέγα,

καὶ λαμπρόν." οὐ γὰρ ἡδονὴν ζηλῶν οὐδὲ πλοῦ-
᾽ 2439 \ \ / ΝΥ “ /

Tov, ἀλλ᾽ ἀρετὴν καὶ δόξαν, ἐνόμιζεν, ὅσῳ πλείονα

χήψεται παρὰ τοῦ πατρός, ἐλάττονα κατορθώσειν

“ Ν val
δι᾿ ἑαυτοῦ. διὸ τοῖς πράγμασιν αὐξομένοις κατ-
\ a

αναλίσκεσθαι Tas πράξεις εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἡγούμενος,

> 4 \ / \ \ \ 3 ΄

ἐβούλετο μὴ χρήματα μηδὲ τρυφὰς καὶ ἀπολαύ-
> > > n 4 a \ 7

σεις, ἀλλ, ἀγῶνας, καὶ πολέμους καὶ PENA της

ἔχουσαν ἀρχὴν ALGAE

Πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν, ὡς εἰκός,

234

661

ALEXANDER, τν. ὅτν. 4

for tragic poets and players on the flute and players
on the lyre, but also for rhapsodists, as well as for
hunting of every sort and for fighting with staves,
he took no interest in offering prizes either for
boxing or for the pancratium.

V. He once entertained the envoys from the
Persian king who came during Philip’s absence, and
associated with them freely. He won upon them
by his friendliness, and. by asking no childish or
trivial questions, but by enquiring about the length
of the roads and the character of the journey into
the interior, about the king himself, what sort of
a warrior he was, and what the prowess and might
of the Persians. The envoys were therefore astonished
and regarded the much- talked-of ability of Philip as
nothing compared with his son’s eager disposition to
do great things. At all events, as often as tidings
were brought that. Phili Ρ had either taken a famous
city or been victorious in some celebrated battle,
Alexander was not very glad to hear them, but would
say to his comrades: ‘ Boys, my father will anticipate
everything; and for me he will leave no great or
“prilliant“achievement to be displayed to the world
with your aid.” “For since he did not covet ‘pleasure,
_nor even wealth, but excellencé~and- fame, he: con-
“sidered that ‘the-more | he should_receivefrom his
father the fewer would be the successes won” by
~himselfPherefore, considering ὑπαὶ incréasé in
prosperity meant the squandering upon his father
of opportunities for achievement, he preferred_to
_receive from him a realm which affor ed, not wealth
“nor luxury and enjoyment, but”s “struggles and ν ‘wars
and ambitions.-~

In the work of caring for him, then, many persons,

235

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> lal cal \ ,
ἦσαν αὐτοῦ τροφεῖς καὶ παιδαγωγοὶ καὶ διδάσκα-
λοι λεγόμενοι, πᾶσι δ᾽ ἐφειστήκει Λεωνίδας, ἀνὴρ
τό τε ἦθος αὐστηρὸς καὶ συγγενὴς ᾿Ολυμπιάδος,

a 7
αὐτὸς μὲν οὐ φεύγων τὸ τῆς παιδαγωγίας ὄνομα
\ »” > 4 \ , e \ \ la)
καλὸν ἔργον ἐχούσης καὶ λαμπρόν, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν
Μ \ \ > 4 \ \ > / \
ἄλλων διὰ τὸ ἀξίωμα Kal THY οἰκειότητα τροφεὺς
᾿Αλεξάνδρου καὶ καθηγητὴς καλούμενος. ὁ δὲ
- lel ΄“" 7
τὸ σχῆμα τοῦ παιδαγωγοῦ καὶ τὴν προσηγορίαν
ὑποποιούμενος ἣν Λυσίμαχος, τῷ γένει ᾿Ακαρνάν,
ΝΜ \ »>O\ ” > a“ [ὦ »" Ὁ Ν Ν
ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ἔχων ἀστεῖον, ὅτι δ᾽ ἑαυτὸν μὲν
ὠνόμαζε Φοίνικα, τὸν δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρον ᾿Αχιλλέα,
Πηλέα δὲ τὸν Φίλιππον, ἠγαπᾶτο καὶ δευτέραν
εἶχε χώραν.

VI. ᾿᾿πεὶ δὲ Φιλονείκου τοῦ Θεσσαλοῦ τὸν
Βουκεφάλαν ἀγαγόντος ὦνιον τῷ Φιλίππῳ τρισ-
καίδεκα ταλάντων κατέβησαν εἰς τὸ πεδίον δοκι-
μάσοντες τὸν ἵππον, ἐδόκει τε χαλεπὸς εἶναι καὶ
κομιδῆ δύσχρηστος, οὔτε ἀναβάτην προσιέμενος
οὔτε φωνὴν ὑπομένων τινὸς τῶν περὶ τὸν Φίλιπ-
πον, ἀλλ᾽ ἁπάντων κατεξανιστάμενος, δυσχεραί-
νοντος δὲ τοῦ Φιλίππου καὶ κελεύοντος ἀπάγειν
ὡς παντάπασιν ἄγριον καὶ ἀκόλαστον, παρὼν
᾿Αλέξανδρος εἶπεν “Οἷον ἵππον ἀπολλύουσι bv

\
ἀπειρίαν καὶ μαλακίαν χρήσασθαι μὴ δυνάμενοι,"
τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ὁ Φίλιππος ἐσιώπησε; πολλά-
κις δὲ αὐτοῦ παραφθεγγομένου καὶ περιπαθοῦν-
ςς lel 47399 ΝΣ. , “ce / “
τος, “᾿Επιτιμᾷς ov, ἔφη, “πρεσβυτέροις ws τι
πλέον αὐτὸς εἰδὼς ἢ μᾶλλον ἵππῳ χρήσασθαι

236

ALEXANDER, v. 4—v1. 2

as was natural, were appointed to be his nurturers,
tutors, and teachers, but over them all stood Le-
onidas, a man of stern temperament and a kinsman
of Olympias. Although he did not himself shun the
title of tutor, since the office afforded an honourable
and brilliant occupation, yet by other people, owing
to his dignity and his relationship, he was called
Alexander's foster-father and preceptor. The man,
however, who assumed the character and the title
of tutor was Lysimachus, a native of Acarnania, who
had no general refinement, but because he called
himself. Phoenix,! Alexander Achilles, and Philip
Peleus, was highly regarded and held a second
place.

VI. Once upon a time Philoneicus the Thessalian
brought Bucephalas, offering to sell him to Philip for
thirteen talents,? and they went down into the plain
to try the horse, who appeared to be savage and
altogether intractable, neither allowing any one to
mount him, nor heeding the voice of any of Philip’s
attendants, but rearing up against all of them. Then

Philip was vexed and ordered the horse to be led |
away, believing him to be altogether wild and un- ©

igs

many times let fall such words and showed great
distress, he said: “ Dost thou find fault with thine
elders in the belief that»thou’knowest. more than
they do or art better able to.manage a horse?”

1 The preceptor of Achilles.
2 The talent was worth about £235, or $1,200, with four
or five times the purchasing power of modern money.

237

4

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 δυνάμενος; “Τούτῳ γοῦν, ἔφη, “ χρησαίμην dv
ἑτέρου βέλτιον." “Av δὲ μὴ χρήσῃ, τίνα δίκην

a , eye wire, 3 , ι yn 5
τῆς προπετείας ὑφέξεις; Eyo, νὴ At,” εἶπεν,
“ἀποτίσω τοῦ ἵππου τὴν τιμήν." γενομένου δὲ
/ 3 ς “ Ν > 4 > \
γέλωτος, ELTA ορισμοῦ πρὸς ἀλλήλους εἰς TO.
ἀργύριον, εὐθὺς προσδραμὼν τῷ ἵππῳ καὶ Tapa-
λαβὼν τὴν ἡνίαν ἐπέστρεψε πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον, ὡς
ἔοικεν, ἐννοήσας ὅτι τὴν σκιὰν προπίπτουσαν
καὶ σαλευομένην ὁρῶν πρὸ αὑτοῦ διαταράττοιτο..
4 μικρὰ δὲ οὕτω παρακαλπάσας καὶ καταψήσας,
ὡς ἑώρα πληρούμενον θυμοῦ καὶ πνεύματος, ἀπορ-
ρίψας ἡσυχῆ τὴν χλαμύδα καὶ μετεωρίσας αὑτὸν:
> n / \ \ \ \ a
ἀσφαλῶς περιέβη. καὶ μικρὰ μὲν περιλαβὼν ταῖς
ἡνίαις τὸν χαλινὸν ἄνευ πληγῆς καὶ σπαραγμοῦ,
προσανέστειλεν"" ὡς δὲ ἑώρα τὸν ἵππον ἀφεικότα
τὴν ἀπειλήν, ὀργῶντα δὲ πρὸς τὸν δρόμον, ἐφεὶς.
ἐδίωκεν ἤδη φωνῇ θρασυτέρᾳ καὶ ποδὸς κρούσει.
δ χρώμενος. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ἦν ἀγωνία.
καὶ σιγὴ τὸ πρῶτον' ὡς δὲ κάμψας ἐπέστρεψεν

5 a ἐν. \ , e \ YA 7
ὀρθῶς σοβαρὸς καὶ γεγηθώς, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες
ἠλάλαξαν, ὁ δὲ πατὴρ καὶ δακρῦσαί TL λέγεται.
πρὸς τὴν χαράν, καὶ καταβάντος αὐτοῦ τὴν κε-

φαλὴν φιλήσας, ὅλῳ παῖ," φάναι, “"' ζήτει σεαυτῷ

“33

λροφυψηκοτ ἴσην: Μακεδονία γάρ σε οὐ ope

ΝΕ Καθορῶν δὲ τὴν φύσιν: αὐτοῦ δυσκίνητον
μὲν οὖσαν ἐρίσαντος μὴ βιασθῆναι, ῥᾳδίως δὲ
ἀγομένην ὑπὸ λόγου πρὸς τὸ δέον, αὐτός τε πεί-

1 προσανέστειλεν Bekker has προσέστειλεν, with inferior

238

ALEXANDER, vi. 2-vn. 1
“This horse, at_-any rate,’ said Alexander, “I could
manage better than others have.” “And if thou
shouldst. not, what penalty wilt thou undergo for
thy rashness?” “Indeed,” said Alexander, “I will
forfeit the price of the horse.” There was laughter
at this,.and.then-an_agreement between father and
son_as_to the forfeiture, and at once Alexander |.

“ran to the horse, took hold of his bridle-rein, and

_ turmed-him™ towards-the_sun ; for he had bianca as
it would seem,that the horse. was ‘Greatly. disturbed

~by the sight of his own shadow. falling in front of
him-and daneing about...And after he had calmed |

_the horse a little in this way, and had. stroked him
with his hand, when he saw that he was full of spirit
and courage, “he quietly cast aside his mantle-and
with a light spring safely bestrode him. Then, with
a little pressure.of the reins.on the bit, and without
«striking him or tearing his mouth, he held him in
~hand31 but when he saw that the horse was rid of
the fear that had beset him, and was impatient for
“the course, he gave him his head, and at last urged
him_on withsterner tone and thrust of foot. Philip
and his company were speechless with anxiety at
first ; but-when Alexander made the turn in proper
‘fashion. and came. back..towards~ them proud and
exultant, all the.rest..broke into loud cries, but his
father, —as..we-are told; actually shed tears_of joy,
“and_when_ Alexander- had dismounted, kissed him,
saying: “Myson, seek thee out a Kingdom. equal ~)
to thyself; Macedonia has not.room for thee,” “id
-VIL. And since Philip saw that his son’s nature
was unyielding and that he resisted compulsion,
but was easily led by reasoning into the path of rie gf

1 Amyot, “18 remeit gentiment.”

239

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θειν ἐπειρᾶτο μᾶλλον ἢ προστάττειν, καὶ τοῖς
περὶ μουσικὴν καὶ τὰ ἐγκύκλια παιδευταῖς οὐ
πάνυ τι πιστεύων τὴν ἐπιστασίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ
κατάρτισιν, ὡς μείζονος οὖσαν πραγματείας καὶ
κατὰ τὸν Σοφοκλέα

πολλῶν χαλινῶν ἔργον οἰάκων θ᾽ ἅμα,

μετεπέμψατο τῶν φιλοσόφων τὸν ἐνδοξότατον 668
καὶ χλογιώτατον ᾿Αριστοτέλην, καλὰ καὶ πρέποντα
διδασκάλια τελέσας αὐτῷ. τὴν γὰρ Σταγειριτῶν
> Φ εν > / > / ες »
πόλιν, ἐξ ἧς ἣν ᾿Αριστοτέλης, ἀνάστατον ὑπ
> a / / / \
αὐτοῦ γεγενημένην συνῴκισε πάλιν, Kal TOUS δια-
͵ lal “Ὁ > 7
φυγόντας ἢ δουλεύοντας τῶν πολιτῶν ἀποκατέ-
στησε.
\ \ s > - \ \ Ν \
Σχολὴν μὲν οὖν αὐτοῖς καὶ διατριβὴν τὸ περὶ
/ a > / “ f a
Micfav νυμφαῖον ἀπέδειξεν, ὅπου μέχρι νῦν
3 / “ , ς [4
Ἀριστοτέλους ἕδρας τε λιθίνας καὶ ὑποσκίους
/ / 7 \ ? /
περιπάτους δεικνύουσιν. ἔοικε δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος
> Ll \ > \ \ \ at
ov μόνον τὸν ἠθικὸν Kal πολιτικὸν παραλαβεῖν
λόγον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἀπορρήτων καὶ βαθυτέρων
διδασκαλιῶν, ἃς οἱ ἄνδρες ἰδίως ἀκροαματικὰς
καὶ ἐποπτικὰς προσαγορεύοντες οὐκ ἐξέφερον εἰς
a A ? ’ὔ
πολλούς, μετασχεῖν. ἤδη γὰρ εἰς ᾿Ασίαν διαβε-
΄ \ / ’ \ > ,
βηκώς, καὶ πυθόμενος λόγους τινὰς ἐν βιβλίοις
\ 4 ς \ ἢ A 3 ὃ δό θ /
περὶ τούτων ὑπὸ ᾿Αριστοτέλους ἐκδεδόσθαι, yrd-
φει πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ φιλοσοφίας παρρησιαζόμενος
/
ἐπιστολήν, ἧς ἀντίγραφόν ἐστιν “᾿Αλέξανδρος
᾿Αριστοτέλει εὖ πράττειν. οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἐποίησας
ἐκδοὺς τοὺς ἀκροαματικοὺς τῶν λόγων" τίνι γὰρ

240

ALEXANDER, vu. 1-4

he himself tried to persuade rather than to command
him; and because he would not wholly entrust the
direction and training of the boy to the ordinary
teachers of poetry and the formal studies, feeling
that it was a matter of too great importance, and,
in the words of Sophocles,}

“ A task for many bits and rudder-sweeps as well,”

he sent for the most famous and learned of philoso-
phers, Aristotle, and paid him a noble and appropriate
tuition-fee. The city of Stageira, that is, of which
Aristotle was a native, and which he had himself
destroyed, he peopled again, and restored to it those
of its citizens who were in exile or slavery.

Well, then, as a place where master and_ pupil
could labour and study, he assigned them the pre-
cinct of the nymphs near Mieza, where to this day
the visitor is shown the stone seats and shady walks
of Aristotle. It would appear, moreover, that Alex-
ander not only received from his master his éthical

and political.doctrines, but also participated in those
secret and more profound teachings which philoso-
phers designate by the special terms “acroamatic”’
and “epoptic,”? and do not impart to many. For
_after he had_already crossed_into Asia, and When he
learned that certain treatises on these recondite
matters had been published in books by Aristotle,
he wrote hima letter on behalf of philosophy, and
“put-it-in plait language. And this is a copy of
the letter. “ Alexander, to Aristotle, greeting. Thou
hast not done well to publish thy acroamatic

1 Nauck, 7rag. Graec. Frag.? p. 315.
2 4.e., fit for oral teaching only, and for the initiated ;
*‘ esoteric,” as opposed to ‘‘ exoteric” doctrines.

241

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δὴ διοίσομεν ἡμεῖς τῶν ἄλλων, εἰ καθ᾽ ods ἐπαι-
δεύθημεν λόγους, οὗτοι πάντων “ἔσονται κοινοί;
ἐγὼ δὲ βουλοίμην ἃ ἂν ταῖς περὶ τὰ ἄριστα ἐμπει-
ρίαις ἢ ταῖς δυνάμεσι διαφέρειν. ἔρρωσο." ταύ-
την μὲν οὖν τὴν φιλοτιμίαν αὐτοῦ “παραμυθού-
μενος ᾿Αριστοτέλης ἀπολογεῖται περὶ τῶν λόγων
ἐκείνων, ὡς καὶ ἐκδεδομένων καὶ μὴ ἐκδεδομένων"
ἀληθῶς γὰρ ἡ μετὰ τὰ φυσικὰ πραγματεία πρὸς
διδασκαλίαν καὶ μάθησιν οὐδὲν ἔ ἔχουσα “χρήσιμον
ὑπόδειγμα. τοῖς πεπαιδευμένοις ἀπ᾿ ἀρχῆς γέ-
γραπται.

VIII. Δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ τὸ φιλιατρεῖν ᾿Αλεξάν-
δρῳ προστρίψασθαι μᾶλλον ἑ ἑτέρων ᾿Αριστοτέλης"
οὐ γὰρ μόνον τὴν θεωρίαν ἠγάπησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ
νοσοῦσιν ἐβοήθει τοῖς φίλοις καὶ συνέταττε θερα-
πείας τινὰς καὶ διαίτας, ὡς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν
λαβεῖν ἔστιν. ἣν δὲ καὶ φύσει φιλολόγος καὶ
φιλαναγνώστης. καὶ τὴν μὲν Ἰλιάδα τῆς πολε-
μικῆς ἀρετῆς ἐφόδιον καὶ νομίζων καὶ ὀνομάξων,
ἔλαβε μὲν ᾿Αριστοτέλους διορθώσαντος ἣ ἣν ἐκ τοῦ
νάρθηκος, καλοῦσιν, εἶχε δὲ ἀεὶ μετὰ τοῦ ἐγχειρι-
δίου κειμένην. ὑπὸ τὸ προσκεφάλαιον, ὡς νησί-
KPLTOS ἱστόρηκε, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων βιβλίων οὐκ εὐ-
πορῶν ἐν τοῖς ἄνω τόποις ἽΑρπαλον ἐκέλευσε
πέμψαι. κἀκεῖνος ἔπεμψεν αὐτῷ τάς τε Φιλί-
στου βίβλους καὶ τῶν Εὐριπίδου καὶ Σοφοκλέους
καὶ Αἰσχύλου τραγῳδιῶν συχνάς, καὶ Τελέστου
καὶ Φιλοξένου. διθυράμβους. ᾿Αριστοτέλην δὲ
θαυμάξων ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ ἀγαπῶν. οὐχ ἧττον, ὡς
αὐτὸς ἔλεγε, τοῦ πατρός, ὡς δι᾿ ἐκεῖνον μὲν ζῶν,
διὰ τοῦτον δὲ καλῶς ζῶν, ὕστερον ὑποπτότερον

242

ALEXANDER, vu. 4- Πι. 3

doctrines ; for in what shall I surpass other men if
those doctrines wherein I have been trained are to be
all men’s common property? But I had rather excel
in my acquaintance with the best things than in my
power. Farewell.” Accordingly, in defending him-—
self, Aristotle encourages this ambition of Alexander
by saying that the doctrines of which he spoke were
both published and not published ; for in truth his
treatise on metaphysics is of no use for those who
would either teach or learn the science, but is written
as a memorandum for those already trained therein.
VIII. Moreover, in my opinion Alexander’s love of
the art of healing was inculeated in‘him by Aristotle
preeminently. For he was not only fond of the
pea of medicine, but actually came to the aid of -
ris friends when they were sick, and prescribed for
Spent treatments. and regimens,.as one can
gather.from his letters... He .was..also. by nature a
lover.of learning and a lover of reading. And since »
he thought.and-ealled the Iliad a _viaticum of the
military art, he took with him Aristotle’s recension
of the poem, called the Iliad..of the -Casket,! and
always kept it lying with his dagger under his
pillow,.as.Onesicritus informs us; and when he could
find no other books in the ‘near of Asia, he
ordered Harpalus to send him some. So Harpalus
sent him the books of. Philistus; a great many of the
tragedies of Euripides, Sophocles, and Aeschylus,
and the dithyrambic poems of ‘lelestes and Phil-
oxenus. Aristotle he admired at the first, and loved
him, as he himself used to say, more than he did
his father, for that the one had given him life, but
the other had taught him a noble life ; later, however,

1 Cf. chapter xxvi. 1.
243

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἔσχεν, οὐχ ὥστε ποιῆσαί τι κακόν, ἀλλ᾽ ai ptdo-
φροσύναι τὸ σφοδρὸν ἐκεῖνο καὶ στερκτικὸν οὐκ
ἔχουσαι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀλλοτριότητος ἐγένοντο τεκ-
μήριον. ὁ μέντοι πρὸς φιλοσοφίαν. ἐμπεφυκὼς
καὶ συντεθραμμένος ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ ζῆλος καὶ
πόθος οὐκ ἐξερρύη τῆς ψυχῆς, ὡς ἡ περὶ ᾿Ανάξ-
αρχόν τε τιμὴ καὶ τὰ πεμφθέντα ἘΞενοκράτει
πεντήκοντα τάλαντα καὶ Δάνδαμις καὶ Καλανὸς
οὕτω σπουδασθέντες μαρτυροῦσι.

IX. Φιλίππου δὲ στρατεύοντος ἐπὶ Βυζαντίους,
ἣν μὲν ἑκκαιδεκέτης ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ἀπολειφθεὶς δὲ
κύριος ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ τῆς
σφραγῖδος, Μαίδων τε τοὺς ἀφεστῶτας κατε-
στρέψατο, καὶ πόλιν ἑλὼν αὐτῶν τοὺς μὲν βαρ-
βάρους ἐξήλασε, συμμίκτους δὲ κατοικίσας ᾿Αλεξ-
ανδρόπολιν προσηγόρευσεν. ἐν δὲ Χαιρωνείᾳ
τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας μάχης παρὼν μετέσχε,
καὶ λέγεται πρῶτός ἐνσεῖσαι τῷ ἱερῷ λόχῳ τῶν
Θηβαίων. ἔτι δὲ καὶ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐδείκνυτο παλαιὰ
παρὰ τὸν Κηφισὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καλουμένη δρῦς,
πρὸς ἣν τότε κατεσκήνωσε, καὶ τὸ πολυάνδριον
οὐ πόρρω τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐστίν.

Ἔκ μὲν οὖν τούτων, ὡς εἰκός, Φίλιππος ὑπερη-
γάπα τὸν υἱόν, ὥστε καὶ χαίρειν τῶν Μακεδόνων

᾿Αλέξανδρον μὲν βασιλέα, Φίλιππον δὲ στρατη-

Ν 4 ς δὲ Ν \ BE ,

yov καλούντων. αἱ δὲ περὶ THY οἰκίαν Tapayat,
ἈΝ a

διὰ τοὺς γάμους Kal τοὺς ἔρωτας αὐτοῦ τρόπον

“ ’ a ᾿

τινὰ τῆς βασιλείας τῇ γυναικωνίτιδι συννοσούσης,

244

©

ALEXANDER, vin. 3-1x. 3

he held him in more or less of suspicion, not to
the extent of doing him any harm, but his kindly
attentions lacked their former ardour and affection
towards him, and this was proof of estrangement.
However, that eager yearning for philosophy which
was imbedded in his nature and which ever grew
with his growth, did not subside from his soul, as is
testified by the honour in which he held Anaxarchus,
py his gift of fifty talents to Xenocrates, and by the
attentions which he so lavishly bestowed upon Dan-
damis and Calanus.!

IX. While Philip was making an expedition against
Byzantium,” Alexander, though only sixteen years of
age, was left behind as regent in Macedonia and
keeper of the royal seal, and during this time he
subdued the rebellious Maedi, and after taking their
city, drove out the Barbarians, settled there a mixed
population, and named the city Alexandropolis. . He
was also present at Chaeroneia and took part in the
battle against the Greéks;S~and~he is said to have
been the first to break the ranks-of the Sacred Band
of the Thebans. And even down to our day.there
was shown an ancient oak by the Cephisus, called
Alexander's oak, near which at that time he pitched
his tent; and the general sepulchre of the Mace-
donians is not far away.

~In_consequence of these exploits, then, as was
natural, Philip was excessively fond-of his son, so
that he even-rejoiced to hear the Macedonians: call -
Alexander their king, but Philip their general. How-
ever, the disorders in his household, due to the fact
that his marriages and amours carried into the king-
dom the infection, as it were, which reigned in the

1 See chapter lxv. * In340B.0. ΤΠ 3380:

VOL. VII. 1 245

--

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πολλὰς αἰτίας Kal μεγάλας διαφορὰς παρεῖχον,
ἃς ἡ τῆς ᾿Ολυμπιάδος χαλεπότης, δυσζήλου καὶ
βαρυθύμου γυναικός, ἔτι μείζονας ἐποίει, παροξυ-
νούσης τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ἐκφανεστάτην δὲ
ἼἌτταλος παρέσχεν ἐν τοῖς Κλεοπάτρας γάμοις,
ἣν ὁ Φίλιππος ἠγάγετο παρθένον, ἐρασθεὶς παρ᾽
ἡλικίαν τῆς κόρης. θεῖος γὰρ ὧν αὐτῆς ὁ “Arta-
λος ἐν τῷ πότῳ μεθύων παρεκάλει τοὺς Μακε-
δόνας αἰτεῖσθαι παρὰ θεῶν γνήσιον ἐκ Φιλίππου
καὶ Κλεοπάτρας γενέσθαι διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας.
πος / \ ΜΝ / \ > i ,

ἐπὶ τούτῳ παροξυνθεὶς ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος καὶ εἰπών,
an ¢ a δὲ \ / ’ ὃ a 2

Ημεῖς δέ σοι, κακὴ κεφαλή, νόθοι δοκοῦμεν;
ἔβαλε σκύφον ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐπ᾽
ἐκεῖνον ἐξανέστη σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος, εὐτυχίᾳ
δὲ ἑκατέρου διὰ τὸν θυμὸν καὶ τὸν οἶνον ἔπεσε
σφαλείς. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐφυβρίζων, « Οὗτος

t » 4 εν Κῦβε, , 3 λον.
μέντοι, εἶπεν, “ἄνδρες, εἰς ᾿Ασίαν ἐξ Evpwrns
7 / a ne ee ' / > Ν
παρεσκευάζετο διαβαίνειν, ὃς ἐπὶ κλίνην ἀπὸ
κλίνης διαβαίνων ἀνατέτραπται.᾽ μετὰ ταύτην
τὴν παροινίαν ἀναλαβὼν τὴν Ὀλυμπιάδα καὶ
/ » w Φ΄ 2X > + J a
καταστήσας εἰς Ἤπειρον αὐτὸς ἐν ᾿ΙΪλλυριοῖς
διέτριβεν.

Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ Δημάρατος ὁ ὁ Κορίνθιος, ξένος ἃ ὧν
τῆς οἰκίας καὶ παρρησίας μετέχων, ἀφίκετο πρὸς
Φίλιππον. μετὰ δὲ τὰς πρώτας δεξιώσεις καὶ
φιλοφροσύνας ἐπερωτῶντος τοῦ Φιλίππου πῶς
ἔχουσιν ὁμονοίας πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ “Ἕλληνες,
“Πάνυ γοῦν, ἔφη, “σοι προσήκει, Φίλιππε,
κήδεσθαι τῆς “Ελλάδος, ὃς τὸν οἶκον τὸν σεαυτοῦ

246

ALEXANDER, 1x. 3-6

women’s apartments, produced many grounds of of-
ἔδησε πὰ great. uarrels between father and son,
and _ these the m= temper of Olympias, who was’a
| jealous" and sullen woman, made still greater, since
she spurred Alexander on, ..The most. open quarrel
was brought on by Attalus at the marriage of Cleo-
patra, a maiden whom Philip was taking to wife,
having fallen in love with the girl when he was
past the age for it.! “Attalus, now, was the girl’s
uncle, and being in his cups, he called upon the
_ Macedonians_to “ask of the gods that from Philip
and Cleopatra there-might be born a legitimate
successor to the kingdom. At this Alexander was
exasperated, and with the words, “ But what of me,
~Base..wretch? Dost thou take mé “for ἃ bastard?”
threw-a-eup-at-him. Then. Philip rose up against
him with drawn sword, but, fortunately for both,
his anger and his wine made him trip and fall. Then
Alexander,. mocking over him, said: “Look now,
men! here is one who was preparing to cross. from
Europe into Asia; and he is upset in trying to cross
from couch. to couch.” After this drunken broil
Alexander took” Olympias and established her in
Epirus, while he himself tarried in Illyria.
Meanwhile Demaratus the Corinthian, who was a
guest-friend of the house and a man of frank speech,
came to see Philip. After the first greetings and
welcomes were over, Philip asked him how the
Greeks were agreeing with one another, and De-
maratus replied: “It is surely very fitting, Philip,
that thou shouldst be concerned about Greece, when
thou hast filled thine own house with such great

1 Amyot, ‘‘hors d’age et de saison.” In consequence of
this passion Philip had divorced ja

247

τῷ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

στάσεως τοσαύτης Kal κακῶν ἐμπέπληκας." οὕ-
\
τω δὴ συμφρονήσας ὁ Φίλιππος ἔπεμψε καὶ
΄ / “
κατήγαγε πείσας διὰ τοῦ Δημαράτου tov ᾿Αλέξ-
ανδρον.
X. Ἐπεὶ δὲ Πιξώδαρος, ὁ Καρίας σατράπης,
’ >? / δ
ὑποδυόμενος δι’ οἰκειότητος εἰς τὴν Φιλίππου
συμμαχίαν, ἐβούλετο τὴν πρεσβυτάτην τῶν θὺυ-
γατέρων ᾿Αρριδαίῳ τῷ Φιλίππου γυναῖκα δοῦναι
καὶ περὶ τούτων ᾿Αριστόκριτον εἰς Μακεδονίαν
> ld ἣν ΙΥῪΥ / ‘ ‘\
ἀπέστειλεν, αὖθις ἐγίνοντο λόγοι καὶ διαβογαὶ
\ ~ / Ἁ a \ ‘ > /
παρὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ τῆς μητρὸς πρὸς ᾿Αλέξαν-
Spov ὡς ᾿Αρριδαῖον ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ Φιλίππου
γάμοις λαμπροῖς καὶ πράγμασι μεγάγοις εἰσοι-
κειοῦντος. ὑφ᾽ ὧν διαταραχθεὶς πέμπει Θεσσα-
λὸν εἰς Καρίαν, τὸν τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ὑποκριτήν,
\ \ >
Πιξωδάρῳ διαλεξόμενον ὡς χρὴ τὸν νόθον ἐάσαν-
τα, καὶ οὐ φρενήρη, μεθαρμόσασθαι τὸ κῆδος εἰς
, Ud ‘ 5 / \ > ‘ A
᾿Αλέξανδρον. καὶ Πιξωδάρῳ μὲν οὐ mapa μικρὸν
ἤρεσκε ταῦτα τῶν προτέρων μᾶλλον ὁ δὲ Φίλιπ-
? , aN ? Ν > 4 tA
πος αἰσϑόμενος, ἰὼν εἰς TO ᾿Αλεξάνδρου δωμά-
id \ n / > “ \ /
τιον, παραλαβὼν τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ καὶ συνήθων
, :
ἕνα, Φιλώταν τὸν ἸΠαρμενίωνος, ἐπετίμησεν ἰσχυ-
a “ / n ie
ρῶς, Kal πικρῶς ἐλοιδόρησεν ὡς ἀγεννῆ καὶ τῶν
f a
ὑπαρχόντων περὶ αὐτὸν ἀγαθῶν ἀνάξιον, εἰ Καρὸς
΄ -“
ἀνθρώπου καὶ βαρβάρῳ βασιλεῖ δουλεύοντος
ἀγαπᾷ γαμβρὸς γενέσθαι. τὸν δὲ Θεσσαλὸν
ν , “ ᾽ ΄ ᾿ t
ἔγραψε Κορινθίοις ὅπως ἀναπέμψωσιν ἐν πέδαις
δεδεμένον. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἑταίρων Αρπαλον καὶ

1 ἰὼν... δωμάτιον an anonymous correction of the MSS.
ὄντα τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον eis τὺ δωμάτιον, after Amyot; Sintenis
and Bekker adopt ἰόντα, the correction of Stephanus (learning
that Alexander was coming).

248

ALEXANDER, 1x. 6-x. 3

dissension and calamities.’ Thus brought to his
senses, Philip sent and fetched Alexander home,
having persuadéd him to”come™through the" agency
of Demaratus, _

. But when Pixodar us, the satrap of Caria, trying
by means of a tie of relationship to steal into a
military alliance with Philip, wished to give his
eldest daughter in marriage to Arrhidaeus the son
of Philip, and sent Aristocritus to Macedonia on this
errand, once more slanderous stories kept coming
to Alexander from his friends and his mother, who
said that Philip, by means of a brilliant marriage
and a great connexion, was trying to settle the king-
dom upon Arrhidaeus. Greatly disturbed by these
stories, Alexander sent Thessalus, the tragic actor,
to Caria, to argue with Pixodarus that he ought to
ignore the bastard brother, who was also a fool, and
make Alexander his connexion by marriage. And
this plan was vastly more pleasing to Pixodarus than
the former. But Philip, becoming aware of this,
went to Alexander’s chamber, taking with him one
of Alexander’s friends and companions, Philotas the
son of Parmenio, and upbraided his son severely,
and bitterlyreviled him as ignoble. and unworthy
of his high estate, in that he desired.to- become the
son-in-law.of ἃ man who was a Carian and_a slave to
a barbarian king, And as for Thessalus, Philip wrote
to the Corinthians that they should send him back
to Macedonia in chains. Moreover, of the other
companions of Alexander, he banished from Mace- ~

249

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Νέαρχον, ἔτι δ᾽ ᾿Εριγύιον καὶ Πτολεμαῖον ἐκ
Μακεδονίας μετέστησεν, ods ὕστερον ᾿Αλέξανδρος
καταγαγὼν ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις ἔσχε τιμαῖς.

᾿Επεὶ δὲ Παυσανίας ᾿Αττάλου γνώμῃ καὶ Kreo-
πάτρας ὑβρισθεὶς καὶ μὴ τυχὼν δίκης ἀνεῖλε
Φίλιππον, τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον εἰς ᾿Ολυμπιάδα τῆς
αἰτίας περιῆλθεν, ὡς θυμουμένῳ τῷ νεανίσκῳ
προσεγκελευσαμένην καὶ παροξύνασαν, ἔθιγε δέ
τις καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου διαβολή. λέγεται γὰρ ἐντυ-
χόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ Παυσανίου μετὰ τὴν ὕβριν
ἐκείνην καὶ ἀποδυρομένου προενέγκασθαι τὸ τῆς
Μηδείας ἰαμβεῖον"

/
τὸν δόντα Kal γήμαντα Kal γαμουμένην.

οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς συναιτίους τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς
> , b] / \ \ / ᾽
ἀναζητήσας ἐκόλασε, καὶ τὴν Κλεοπάτραν ἀποδη-
μοῦντος αὐτοῦ τῆς Ολυμπιάδος ὠμῶς μετάχειρι-
σαμένης ἠγανάκτησε.

ΧΙ. Παρέλαβε μὲν οὖν ἔτη γεγονὼς εἴκοσι τὴν

/ , / \ 1 OES \

βασιλείαν, φθόνους μεγάλους καὶ δεινὰ pion καὶ
κινδύνους πανταχόθεν ἔχουσαν. οὔτε γὰρ τὰ

, \ 4 / \ 4 ”
βάρβαρα καὶ πρόσοικα γένη τὴν δούλωσιν ἔφερε,
ποθοῦντα τὰς πατρίους βασιλείας, οὔτε τὴν ᾿Ελ-
λάδα κρατήσας τοῖς ὅπλοις ὁ Φίλιππος οἷον κατα-

an “ [4 Ν 3 \ ΄
ζεῦξαι καὶ τιθασεῦσαι χρόνον ἔσχεν, ἀλλὰ μόνον

1°The Medeia of Euripides, v. 289 (Kirchhoff). The con-
text makes the verse suggest the murder of Attalus, Philip,
and Cleopatra.

250

670

ALEXANDER, x. 3-x. 1

donia Harpalus and Nearchus,.as well as Erigyius
and Ptolemy, men whom Alexander afterwards re-

a τ τ

called and had in the highest honours.

And so when Pausanias, who had been outrageously ἢ
dealt with at the instance of Attalus and Cleopatra
and could get no justice at Philip's hands, slew Philip,
most of the blame devolved upon Olympias, on the
ground that she had added her exhortations to the
young man’s anger and incited him to the deed ; but
a certain amount of accusation attached itself to
Alexander also. For it is said that when Pausanias,
after the outrage that he had suffered, met Alexander, |
and bewailed his fate, Alexander recited to him the
iambic verse of the “ Medeia” ! :—

“The giver of the bride, the bridegroom, and the
bride.”

Howeyer, he did seek out the participants in the plot
and punished them, and was angry with Olympias
for her savage treatment of Cleopatra during his
absence.? :
XI. Thus it was that at the age of twenty years
Alexander réceived the kingdom, which was exposed
to great jealousies, dire hatreds,and dangers on every ¢
hand-—for the neighbouring tribes of Barbarians
would not tolerate their servitude, and longed for
their hereditary kingdoms; and as for Greece, al-
though Philip had conquered her in the field, he had
not had time enough to make her tame under. his
yoke, but had merely disturbed and changed the

2 τς After his death Olympias killed Philip’s infant son,
together with his mother Cleopatra, niece of Attalus, by
dragging them over a bronze vessel filled with fire” (Pausa-
nias, viii. 7, δ).

251

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μεταβαλὼν καὶ ταράξας τὰ πράγματα πολὺν
” \ 7 ς \ > / > / ᾿ 4
σάλον ἔχοντα Kal κίνησιν ὑπὸ ἀηθείας ἀπέλιπε.
t \ a / \ y HIDE
φοβουμένων δὲ τῶν Μακεδόνων τὸν καιρόν, καὶ
\ \ « \ / ᾽ » \ \
τὰ μὲν ᾿λληνικὰ πάντως ἀφεῖναι Kal μὴ προσ-

/ \ > 7 » “ a \
βιάζεσθαι τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον οἰομένων δεῖν, τοὺς
δὲ ἀφισταμένους τῶν βαρβάρων ἀνακαλεῖσθαι
πράως καὶ θεραπεύειν τὰς ἀρχὰς τῶν νεωτεῤι-
σμῶν, αὐτὸς aT ἐναντίων λογισμῶν ὥρμησε τόλ-
μῃ καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνῃ κτᾶσθαι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν
καὶ σωτηρίαν τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὡς, κἂν ὁτιοῦν
ὑφιέμενος ὀφθῇ τοῦ φρονήματος, ἐπιβησομένων
ἁπάντων. τὰ μὲν οὖν βαρβαρικὰ κινήματα καὶ
τοὺς ἐκεῖ πολέμους κατέπαυσεν ὀξέως ἐπιδραμὼν
στρατῷ μέχρι πρὸς τὸν Ἴστρον, ἣὗ καὶ Σύρμον
φ / / \ / cal
ἐνίκησε μάχῃ μεγάλῃ, Tov βασιλέα τῶν Τριβαλ-
λῶν: Θηβαίους δὲ ἀφεστάναι πυθόμενος καὶ συμ-
φρονεῖν αὐτοῖς ᾿Αθηναίους, εὐθὺς ἣγε διὰ Πυλῶν
τὴν δύναμιν, εἰπὼν ὅτι Δημοσθένει παῖδα μὲν
αὐτόν, ἕως ἦν ἐν ᾿Γλλυριοῖς καὶ Τριβαλλοῖς, ἀπο-
καλοῦντι, μειράκιον δὲ περὶ Θετταλίαν γενόμενον,

lal ᾿
βούλεται πρὸς τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίων τείχεσιν ἀνὴρ
φανῆναι.

Προσμίξας δὲ ταῖς Θήβαις καὶ διδοὺς ἔτι τῶν
πεπραγμένων μετάνοιαν ἐξήτει Φοίνικα καὶ Προ:
θύτην, καὶ τοῖς μεταβαλλομένοις πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἄδειαν ἐκήρυττε. τῶν δὲ Θηβαίων ἀντεξαιτούν-

1 In September, 335 B.o. “ Platarch makes no mention of ἃ
previous expedition of Alexander into Southern Greece, im-
mediately after Philip’s death, when he received the submis-

252

ALEXANDER, x1. 1-4

condition of affairs there, and then left them in a
great surge and commotion, owing to the strangeness
of the situation. The Macedonian counsellors of
Alexander had fears of the crisis, and thought he
should give up the Greek states altogether and use
no more compulsion there, and that he should call
the revolting Barbarians back to their allegiance by
mild measures and try to arrest the first symptoms
of their revolutions; but he himself set out from
opposite principles to win security and safety for his
realm by boldness and a lofty spirit, assured that,

were he seen to abate his dignity even but a little,
all his*enémies would set upon him. Accordingly,.
he put a speedy stop to the disturbances and wars
among the Barbarians by overrunning their territories
with an army as far as .to the river Danube, where
he fought a great battle with Syrmus, the king of
the Triballi, and defeated him ; and on learning that
the Thebans had revolted and that the Athenians
were in sympathy with them, he immediately led
his forces through the pass of Thermopylae, de-
claring that since Demosthenes had called him a
boy while he was among the Illyrians and Tribal-
lians, and a stripling when he had reached Thessaly,
he wished to show him that before the walls of
Athens he was a man.

Arrived before Thebes,! and wishing to give her
still a chance to repent of what she had done, he
merely demanded the surrender of Phoenix and
Prothytes, and proclaimed an amnesty for those
who came over to his side. But the Thebans made

sion of all the Greek states except Sparta, and was made
commander-in-chief of the expedition against Persia, in
Philip’s place. See Arrian, Anab. i. 1.

253

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

των μὲν Tap αὐτοῦ Φιλώταν καὶ ᾿Αντίπατρον,
κηρυττόντων δὲ τοὺς τὴν Ελλάδα βουλομένους
συνελευθεροῦν τάττεσθαι μετ’ αὐτῶν, οὕτως
ἔτρεψε τοὺς Μακεδόνας πρὸς πόλεμον. ἤγω-
νίσθη μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἀρετῇ καὶ προθυμίᾳ
παρὰ τῶν Θηβαίων" πολλαπλασίοις οὖσι τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἀντιταχθέντων: ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν Kad-
μείαν ἀφέντες οἱ φρουροὶ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐπέ-
πιίπτον αὐτοῖς ἐξόπισθεν, κυκλωθέντες οἱ πλεῖστοι
κατὰ τὴν μάχην αὐτὴν ἔπεσον, ἡ δὲ πόλις ἥλω.
καὶ διαρπασθεῖσα κατεσκάφη, τὸ μὲν ὅλον προσ-
δοκήσαντος. αὐτοῦ τοὺς “EAAnvas ἐκπλαγέντας
πάθει τηλικούτῳ καὶ πτήξαντας ἀτρεμήσειν,
ἄλλως δὲ Kai καλλωπισαμένου χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς
τῶν συμμάχων ἐγκλήμασι: καὶ γὰρ Φωκεῖς καὶ
Πλαταιεῖς τῶν Θηβαίων κατηγόρησαν. ὑπεξε-
λόμενος δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ τοὺς ξένους τῶν Μακε-
δόνων ἅπαντας καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Πινδάρου γεγονότας
καὶ τοὺς ὑπεναντιωθέντας τοῖς ψηφισαμένοις τὴν
ἀπόστασιν, ἀπέδοτο τοὺς ἄλλους περὶ τρισμυρίους
γενομένους: οἱ δὲ ἀποθανόντες ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχι-
λίους ἦσαν.
XII. “Ev δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς πάθεσι καὶ χαλεποῖς
ἐκείνοις ἃ τὴν πόλιν κατεῖχε, Θρᾷκές τινες ἐκκό-
ψαντες οἰκίαν Τιμοκλείας, γυναικὸς ἐνδόξου καὶ
σώφρονος, αὐτοὶ μὲν τὰ χρήματα διήρπαζον, ὁ δὲ
ἡγεμὼν τῇ γυναικὶ πρὸς βίαν συγγενόμενος καὶ
καταισχύνας, ἀνέκρινεν εἴ που χρυσίον ἔχοι κε-
κρυμμένον ἢ ἀργύριον. ἡ δὲ ἔχειν ὡμολόγησε,

1 παρὰ τῶν Θηβαίων Coraés and Bekker, following Reiske:
τὰ παρὰ τῶν Θηβαίων. ed

254

ALEXANDER, xt. 4- χη. 2

a counter-demand that he should surrender to them
Philotas and Antipater, and made a counter-pro-
clamation that all who wished to help in setting
Greece free should range themselves with them ; and
so Alexander set his Macedonians to the work of
war. On the part of the Thebans, then, the struggle
was carried on with a spirit and valour beyond their
powers, since they were arrayed against an enemy
who was many times more numerous than they; but
when the Macedonian garrison also, leaving the
citadel of the Cadmeia, fell upon them in the rear,
most of them were surrounded, and fell in the battie
itself, and their city was taken, plundered, and razed
to the ground. This was done, in the main, because
Alexander expected that the Greeks would be terri-
fied by so great a disaster and cower down in quiet,
but apart from this, he also plumed himself on grati-
fying the complaints of his allies; for the Phocians
and Plataeans had denounced the Thebans. So after
separating out the priests, all who were guest-friends
of the Macedonians, the descendants of Pindar,! and
those who had voted against the revolt, he sold the
rest into slavery, and they proved to be more than
thirty thousand; those who had been slain were
more than six thousand.

XII. Among the many and grievous calamities
which thus possessed the city, some Thracians broke
into the house of Timocleia, a woman of high repute
and chastity, and while the rest were plundering her
property, their leader shamefully violated her, and
then asked her if she had gold or silver concealed
anywhere. She admitted that she had, and after

1 «* And we are told that Alexander preserved the honse

of Pindar the poet, and the descendants of Pindar, out of
regard for Pindar” (Arrian, Anab. i. 9, 10).
255

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ μόνον eis τὸν κῆπον. ἀγαγοῦσα καὶ δείξασα
φρέαρ, ἐνταῦθα “ἔφη τῆς πόλεως͵ ἁλισκομένης
καταβαλεῖν αὐτὴ τὰ τιμιώτατα τῶν χρημάτων.
ἐγκύπτοντος δὲ τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς καὶ κατασκεπτομένου
τὸν τόπον, ἔωσεν αὐτὸν ἐξόπισθεν γενομένη, καὶ
τῶν λίθων ἐπεμβαλοῦσα πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινεν.
ὡς δὲ ἀνήχθη “πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον ὑ ὑπὸ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν
δεδεμένη, πρῶτον μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψεως καὶ τῆς
βαδίσεως ἐφάνη τις ἀξιωματικὴ καὶ μεγαλόφρων,
ἀνεκπλήκτως καὶ ἀδεῶς ἑπομένη τοῖς ἄγουσιν"
ἔπειτα, τοῦ βασιλέως ἐ ἐρωτήσαντος ἥτις εἴη γυναι-
κῶν, ἀπεκρίνατο Θεαγένους ἀδελφὴ γεγονέναι,
τοῦ παραταξαμένου πρὸς Φίλιππον i ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν
Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας καὶ πεσόντος ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ
στρατηγοῦντος. θαυμάσας οὖν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος
αὐτῆς καὶ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν καὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἐκέλευ-

σεν ἐλευθέραν ἀ ἀπιέναι μετὰ τῶν τέκνων.
XIII. ᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ διηλλάγη, καίπερ οὐ μετ-
ρίως ἐνεγκοῦσι τὸ περὶ Θήβας δυστύ ἡμα' καὶ
γὰρ τὴν τῶν μυστηρίων ἑορτὴν ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες
ὑπὸ πένθους ἀφῆκαν, καὶ τοῖς καταφυγοῦσιν ἐπὶ"
τὴν πόλιν ἁπάντων μετεδίδοσαν. τῶν φιλανθρώ-
πων. GAN εἴτε μεστὸς ὧν ἤδη τὸν θυμόν, ὥσπερ
οἱ λέοντες, εἴτε ἐπιεικὲς ἔργον ὠμοτάτῳ καὶ σκυ-
θρωποτάτῳ παραβαλεῖν βουλόμενος, οὐ "μόνον
ἀφῆκεν αἰτίας πάσης, ἀλλὰ καὶ “προσέχειν ἐκέ-
λευσε τοῖς πράγμασι, τὸν νοῦν τὴν πόλιν, ὡς, εἴ
τι συμβαίη περὶ αὐτόν, ἄρξουσαν τῆς ᾿Ἑλλάδος.
ὕστερον μέντοι πολλάκις αὐτὸν ἡ Θηβαίων ἀνι-
ἄσαι συμφορὰ λέγεται καὶ πρᾳότερον οὐκ ὀλίγοις
παρασχεῖν. ὅλως δὲ καὶ τὸ περὶ Κλεῖτον ἔργον

1 καταφυγοῦσιν ἐπὶ Bekker corrects to φυγοῦσιν εἶς.

256

67]

ALEXANDER, χη. 2-x1I1. 3

leading him by himself into the garden and showing
him ἃ well, told him that when the city was taken
she had with her own hands cast in there her. most
valuable possessions. Then, as the Thracian was
bending over and inspecting the place, she came
behind him and pushed him in, cast many stones
upon him, and killed him. And when the Thracians
led her, with hands bound, to Alexander, she showed
by her mien and gait that she was a person of great
dignity and lofty spirit, so calmly and fearlessly did
she follow her conductors; and when the king asked
her who she was, she replied that she was a sister of
Theagenes, who drew up the forces which fought
Philip in behalf of the liberty of the Greeks, and
fell in command at Chaeroneia. Amazed, therefore,
at her reply and at what she had done, Alexander
bade her depart in freedom with her children.

XIIJ. Furthermore, he was reconciled with the
Athenians, although they showed exceeding sorrow
at the misfortunes of Thebes; for although they had
begun the festival of the mysteries, they gave it up
in consequence of their grief,! and upon the Thebans
who sought refuge in their city they bestowed every
kindness. But notwithstanding this, whether his rage
was now sated, as a lion’s might be, or whether he
wished to offset a deed of the most sullen savagery
with one that was merciful, he not only remitted all
his charges against the city, but even bade it give
good heed to its affairs, since, if anything should
happen to him, it would have the rule over Greece.
In later times, moreover, as we are told, the calamity
of the Thebans often gave him remorse, and made
him milder towards many people. And certainly the

1 According to Arrian (i. 10, 2), it was from panic fright.
237

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐν οἴνῳ γενόμενον καὶ τὴν πρὸς ᾿Ινδοὺς τῶν Μακε-
δόνων ᾿ἀποδειλίασιν, ὥ ὥσπερ ἀτελῆ τὴν στρατείαν
καὶ τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ προεμένων, εἰς μῆνιν ἀνῆγε
Διονύσου καὶ νέμεσιν. ἦν δὲ Θηβαίων οὐδεὶς τῶν
περιγενομένων ὃς ἐἰαθν, τι καὶ δεηθεὶς ὕστερον
οὐ διεπράξατο παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ περὶ
Θηβας.

XIV. Εἰς δὲ τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν τῶν Ἑλλήνων συλλε-
γέντων καὶ ψηφισαμένων ἐπὶ Πέρσας μετ᾽ ᾿Αλεξ-
dvdpou στρατεύειν ἡγεμὼν ἀνηγορεύθη. πολλῶν
δὲ καὶ πολιτικῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ φιλοσόφων ἀπηντη-
κότων αὐτῷ καὶ συνηδομένων, ἤλπιζε καὶ Διογέ-
νὴν τὸν Σινωπέα ταὐτὸ ποιήσειν, διατρίβοντα
περὶ Κόρινθον. ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἐλάχιστον. ᾿Αλεξ-
dvdpou “λόγον ἔχων ἐν τῷ Κρανείῳ σχολὴν ἦγεν,
αὐτὸς ἐπορεύετο πρὸς αὐτόν' ἔτυχε δὲ κατακεί-
μενος ἐν ἡλίῳ. καὶ μικρὸν “μὲν ἀνεκάθισεν, ἀν-
θρώπων τοσούτων ἐπερχομένων, καὶ διέβλεψεν
els τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ὡς δὲ ἐ ἐκεῖνος ἀσπασάμενος
καὶ προσειπὼν αὐτὸν ἠρώτησεν. εἴ τινος τυγχάνει
δεόμενος, τς Μικρόν," εἶπεν, “ἀπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου μετά-
στηθι." πρὸς τοῦτο λέγεται τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
οὕτω διατεθῆναι καὶ θαυμάσαι καταφρονηθέντα
τὴν ὑπεροψίαν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὥστε
τῶν περὶ αὐτόν, ὡς ἀπήεσαν, διωγελώντων καὶ
σκωπτόντων, “᾿Αλλὰ μὴν ἐγώ," εἶπεν, “εἰ. μὴ
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἤμην, Διογένης ἂν ἤμην."

1 See chapter li. 2 See chapter Ixii.
5. This god was said to have been born of Semele, daughter
of Cadmus the founder of Thebes,

258

ALEXANDER, x1. 2: χιν. 3

murder of Cleitus,! which he committed in his cups,
and the cowardly refusal of his Macedonians to follow
him against the Indians,? whereby they as it were
robbed his expedition and his glory of their consum-
mation, he was wont to attribute to the vengeful
wrath of Dionysus. And there was not a Theban of
those that survived who afterwards came to him with
any request and did not get what he wanted from
him. Thus much concerning Thebes.*

XIV. And now a general assembly of the Greeks
was held at the Isthmus,5 where a vote was passed
to make an expedition against Persia with Alexander,
and he was proclaimed their leader. Thereupon many
statesmen and philosophers came to him with their
congratulations, and he expected that Diogenes of
Sinope also, who was tarrying in Corinth, would do
likewise. But since that philosopher took not the

slightest notice of Alexander, and. continued to enjoy —

~ his leisure in the suburb Craneion, Alexander went
in person to see him;-and he found him lying in the
sun. Diogenes raised himself up a little -when he
Saw sO Many persons coming towards him, and fixed
his eyes upon Alexander. » And when that monarch
addressed him with greetings, and asked if he wanted
anything, “ Yes,’’ said Diogenes, “stand a little out
of my sun.” ~ [tis said that Alexander was so struck
__by this,and admired so much the haughtiness and
grandeur of the man-who had nothing but scorn for
him, that he said to his followers, who were laughing
and jesting about the philesopher as they went away,
* But verily, if 1 were not Alexander, I would be
Diogenes.”

* For a full account of Alexander’s capture and destruction

of Thebes, see Arrian, Anab. i. 8 f.
5 See the note on xi. 5.

259

4

2

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Βουλόμενος δὲ τῷ θεῷ χρήσασθαι περὶ ,τῆς
στρατείας ἦλθεν εἰς “Δελφούς: καὶ κατὰ τύχην
ἡμερῶν ἀποφράδων οὐσῶν, ἐν αἷς οὐ νενόμισται
θεμιστεύειν, πρῶτον μὲν ἔπεμπε παρακαλῶν τὴν

πρόμαντιν. ὡς δὲ ἀρνουμένης καὶ προϊσχομένης

τὸν νόμον αὐτὸς ἀναβὰς βίᾳ πρὸς τὸν ναὸν εἷλκεν
αὐτήν, ἡ δὲ ὥ ὥσπερ ἐξηττημένη τῆς σπουδῆς εἶπεν"
= ᾿Ανίκητος εἶ, ὦ παῖ," τοῦτο ἀκούσας ᾿Αλέξαν-
Spos οὐκέτι ἔφη χρήζειν ἑτέρου μαντεύματος,
ἀλλ᾽ ἔχειν ὃν ἐβούλετο͵ παρ᾽ αὐτῆς χρησμόν.

᾿Επεὶ δὲ ὥ ὥρμησε πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν, ἄλλα τε
δοκεῖ σημεῖα παρὰ τοῦ δαιμονίου γενέσθαι, καὶ
τὸ περὶ Λείβηθρα τοῦ ᾿Ορφέως ξόανον (ἦν δὲ
κυπαρίττινον) ἱδρῶτα πολὺν ὑπὸ τὰς ἡ ἡμέρας ἐκεί-
νας ἀφῆκε. φοβουμένων δὲ πάντων τὸ σημεῖον,
᾿Αρίστανδρος ἐκέλευε θαρρεῖν, ὡς ἀοιδίμους καὶ
περιβοήτους κατεργασόμενον πράξεις, αἱ πολὺν
ἱδρῶτα καὶ πόνον ὑμνοῦσι ποιηταῖς καὶ μουσικοῖς
παρέξουσι.

ΧΥ. Τῆς δὲ στρατιᾶς τὸ πλῆθος οἱ μὲν ἐλά-
χίστον λέγοντες τρισμυρίους πεζοὺς καὶ τετρα-
κισχιλίους ἱππεῖς, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστον πεζοὺς μὲν
τετρακισμυρίους καὶ τρισχιλίους, ἱππέας δὲ πεν-
τακισχιλίους ἀναγράφουσιν. ἐφόδιον δὲ τούτοις
οὐ πλέον ἑβδομήκοντα ταλάντων ἔχειν αὐτὸν
᾿Αριστόβουλος ἱστορεῖ, Δοῦρις δὲ τριάκοντα μό-
νον ἡμερῶν διατροφήν, ᾿Ονησίκριτος δὲ καὶ διακό-
σια τάλαντα προσοφείλειν. ἀλλὰ καίπερ ἀπὸ
μικρῶν καὶ στενῶν οὕτως ὁρμώμενος, οὐ πρότερον

1 In the early spring of 384 8.0,
2 Cf. Arrian, Anab. i. 11, 2.

260

672

ALEXANDER, xiv. 4-xv. 2

And now, wishing to consult the god concerning Ϊ
the expedition against Asia, he went to Delphi; and ©
since he chanced to come on one of the inauspicious
days, when it is not lawful to deliver oracles, in the
first place he sent a summons to the prophetess.
And when she refused to perform her office and
cited the law in her excuse, he went up himself and
tried to drag her to the temple, whereupon, as if
overcome by his ardour, she said: “Thou art. in-
vincible, my son!’’ On hearing this, Alexander said
he desired no further prophecy, but had from her α
the oracle which he wanted.

Moreover, when he set out upon his expedition,'
it appears that there were many signs from heaven,
and, among them, the image of Orpheus at Leibethra
(it was made of cypress-wood) sweated profusely at
about that time. Most people feared the sign, but
Aristander bade Alexander be of good cheer, assured
that he was to perform deeds worthy of song and
story, which would cost poets and musicians much
toil and sweat to celebrate.?

XV. As to the number of his forces,. those who
put it at the smallest figure mention thirty thousand
foot and four thousand horse ; those who put it at
the highest, forty-three thousand foot and five thou-
sand horse.* To provision these forces, Aristobulus
says he had not more than seventy talents; Duris
speaks of maintenance for only thirty days; and One-
sicritus says he owed two hundred talents besides.
But although he set out with such meagre and narrow
resources, he would not set foot upon his ship until

8 «*Not much more than thirty thousand foot, including
light-armed troops and archers, and over five thousand
horse” (Arrian, Anab. i. 11, 3).

261

or

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> , a \ a a € / ,
ἐπέβη τῆς νεὼς ἢ τὰ TOV ἑταίρων πράγματα
σκεψάμενος ἀπονεῖμαι τῷ μὲν ἀγρόν, τῷ δὲ κώ-
a /
μην, τῷ δὲ συνοικίας πρόσοδον ἢ λιμένος. ἤδη
: \
δὲ κατανηλωμένων καὶ διαγεγραμμένων σχεδὸν
ε / na rn ε , “ Ὁ
ἁπάντων τῶν βασιλικῶν ὁ Περδίκκας “ Σεαυτῷ
δέ ” “ oo a 4 / ᾽᾽ an δὲ
é, εἶπεν, “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, τί καταλείπεις; τοῦ δὲ
a >

φήσαντος ὅτι τὰς ἐλπίδας, “ Οὐκοῦν, ἔφη, “ καὶ
ἡμεῖς τούτων κοινωνήσομεν οἱ μετὰ σοῦ στρα-
τευόμενοι. παραιτησαμένου δὲ τοῦ Περδίκκου
τὴν διαγεγραμμένην κτῆσιν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων

, »" \ ὦ τὰ εν ΄, a \ ,
φίλων ἔνιοι TO αὐτὸ ἐποίησαν. τοῖς δὲ λαμβά-
vovot καὶ δεομένοις προθύμως ἐχαρίζετο, καὶ
τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ διανέμων οὕτως

e n an

κατηνάλωσε. τοιαύτῃ μὲν ὁρμῇ Kal παρασκευῇ
διανοίας τὸν “Ἀλλήσποντον διεπέρασεν.

᾿Αναβὰς δὲ εἰς Ἵλιον ἔθυσε τῇ ᾿Αθηνᾷ καὶ

n “ »" \ » we / /
τοῖς ἥρωσιν ἔσπεισε. τὴν δὲ ᾿Αχιλλέως στήλην
ἀλειψάμενος λίπα καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων συνανα-

, ;
δραμὼν γυμνός, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστίν, ἐστεφάνωσε,
μακαρίσας αὐτὸν ὅτι καὶ ζῶν φίλου πιστοῦ καὶ
τελευτήσας μεγάλου κήρυκος ἔτυχεν. ἐν δὲ τῷ
περιϊέναι καὶ θεᾶσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐρομέ-
Ν oA > / Ἁ 3 /

vou τινὸς αὐτὸν εἰ βούλεται τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου
λύραν ἰδεῖν, ἐλάχιστα φροντίζειν ἐκείνης ἔφη, τὴν
δ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλέως ξητεῖν, ἣ τὰ κλέα καὶ τὰς πράξεις
ὕμνει τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκεῖνος.

XVI. Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν Δαρείου στρατηγῶν
μεγάλην. δύναμιν ἠθροικότων καὶ παρατεταγμέ-
νων ἐπὶ τῇ διαβάσει τοῦ Τρανικοῦ, μάχεσθαι μὲν

262

ALEXANDER, xv. 2—xvi. 1

he had enquired into the circumstances of his com-
panions and allotted to one a farm, to another a
village, and to another the revenue from some hamlet
or harbour. And when at last nearly all of the crown
property had been expended or allotted, Perdiccas
said to him: “ But for thyself, O king, what art thou
leaving?” And when the king answered, “My
hopes,’ “In these, then,” said Perdiccas, “we also
will share who make the expedition with thee.” Then
he declined the possessions which had been allotted
to him, and some of the other friends of Alexander
did likewise. But upon those who wanted and would
accept his favours Alexander bestowed them readily,
and most of what he possessed in Macedonia was
used up in these distributions. Such was the ardour
and such the equipment with which he crossed the
Hellespont.

Then, going up to Ilium, he sacrificed to Athena
and poured libations to the heroes. Furthermore,
the gravestone of Achilles he anointed with oil, ran
a race by it with his companions, naked, as is the
custom, and then crowned it with garlands, pro-
nouncing the hero happy in having, while he lived,
a faithful friend, and after death, a great herald of
his fame. As he was going about and viewing the
sights of the city, someone asked him if he wished
to see the lyre of Paris. “For that lyre,” said Alex-
ander, “1 care very little; but I would gladly see
that of Achilles, to which he used to sing the glorious
deeds of brave men.” ἢ

XVI. Meanwhile the generals of Dareius had as-
sembled a large force and set it in array at the
crossing of the river Granicus, so that it was prac-

1 See the Iliad, ix. 185-191.
263

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

¥ > a = Ὁ > 4 a ᾽ la
ἴσως ἀναγκαῖον ἦν, ὥσπερ ἐν πύλαις τῆς ᾿Ασίας,
περὶ τῆς εἰσόδου καὶ ἀρχῆς" τοῦ δὲ ποταμοῦ τὸ
\ fal
βάθος καὶ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν καὶ τραχύτητα τῶν
/ Μ \ ἃ ΝΜ / Ἁ > ,
πέραν ὄχθων, πρὸς ods ἔδει γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀπό-
βασιν μετὰ μάχης, τῶν πλείστων δεδιότων, ἐνίων
δὲ καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸν μῆνα νενομισμένον οἰομένων
δεῖν φυλάξασθαι (Δαισίου γὰρ οὐκ εἰώθεισαν οἱ
- a , be ἢ \ ,
βασιλεῖς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐξάγειν τὴν στρατιάν),
τοῦτο μὲν ἐπηνωρθώσατο κελεύσας δεύτερον
> / Ψ “Ὁ , « >
Ἀρτεμίσιον ἄγειν, τοῦ δὲ Παρμενίωνος, ὡς ὀψὲ
τῆς ὥρας οὔσης, οὐκ ἐῶντος ἀποκινδυνεύειν, εἰπὼν
> ’ \ c / > / Ν
αἰσχύνεσθαι τὸν “Ἑλλήσποντον εἰ φοβήσεται τὸν
Γρανικὸν διαβεβηκὼς ἐκεῖνον, ἐμβάλλει τῷ ῥεύ-
ματι σὺν ἴλαις ἱππέων τρισκαίδεκα. καὶ πρὸς
, - : is
ἐναντία βέλη Kal τόπους ἀπορρῶγας ὅπλοις
καταπεφραγμένους καὶ ἵπποις ἐλαύνων, καὶ διὰ
ῥεύματος παραφέροντος καὶ περικλύζοντος, ἔδοξε
μανικῶς καὶ πρὸς ἀπόνοιαν μᾶλλον ἢ γνώμῃ
στρατηγεῖν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐμφὺς τῇ διαβάσει καὶ
[οὶ , “ [οἷ
κρατήσας τῶν τόπων χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις, ὑγρῶν
\ n / \ , > \
καὶ περισφαλῶν γενομένων διὰ τὸν πηλόν, εὐθὺς
~ / / / \ > +
ἠναγκάζετο φύρδην μάχεσθαι καὶ κατ᾽ ἄνδρα
συμπλέκεσθαι τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις, πρὶν εἰς τάξιν
τινὰ καταστῆναι τοὺς διαβαίνοντας. ἐνέκειντο
γὰρ κραυγῇ, καὶ τοὺς ἵππους παραβάλλοντὲς
a n , n :
τοῖς ἵπποις ἐχρῶντο δόρασι, καὶ ξίφεσι τῶν Sopa-
των συντριβέντων. ὠσαμένων δὲ πολλῶν ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν (ἦν δὲ τῇ πέλτῃ καὶ τοῦ κράνους τῇ χαΐτῃ
διαπρεπής, ἧς ἑκατέρωθεν εἱστήκει πτερὸν λευκό-

264

ALEXANDER, χνι. 1-4

tically necessary to fight, as it were at the gates of
Asia, for entrance and dominion there. But most of
the Macedonian officers were afraid of the depth of
the river, and of the roughness and unevenness of
the farther banks, up which they would have to
climb while fighting. Some, too, thought they ought
to observe carefully the customary practice in regard
to the month (for in the month of Daesius the kings
of Macedonia were not wont to take the field with
an army). This objection Alexander removed by
bidding them call the month a second Artemisius ;
and when Parmenio, on the ground that it was too
late in the day, objected to their risking the passage,
he declared that the Hellespont would -blush for
shame, if, after having crossed that strait, he should
be afraid of the Granicus, and plunged into the
stream with thirteen troops of horsemen. And since
he was charging against hostile missiles and precipi-
tous positions covered with infantry and cavalry, and
through a stream that swept men off their feet and
surged about them, he seemed to be acting like a
frenzied and foolish commander rather than a wise
one. However, he persisted in his attempt to cross,
gained the opposite banks with difficulty and much
ado, though they were moist and slippery with mud,
and was at once compelled to fight pell-mell and
‘engage his assailants man by man, before his troops
who were crossing could form into any order... For
the enemy pressed upon them with loud shouts, and
matching horse with horse, plied their lances, and
their swords when their lances were shattered. Many
rushed upon Alexander, for he was conspicuous by
his buckler and by his helmet’s crest, on either side
of which was fixed a plume of wonderful size and

265

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τητι καὶ μεγέθει θαυμαστόν), ἀκοντισθεὶς μὲν
ὑπὸ τὴν ὑποπτυχίδα τοῦ θώρακος οὐκ ἐτρώθη,
Ῥοισάκου δὲ καὶ Σπιθριδάτου τῶν στρατηγῶν
\
προσφερομένων ἅμα, τὸν μὲν ἐκκλίνας, 'Ῥοισάκῃ
δὲ προεμβαλὼν τεθωρακισμένῳ καὶ τὸ δόρυ κατα-
κλάσας ἐπὶ τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον ὥρμησε. συμπεπτω-
κότων δὲ αὐτῶν ὁ Σπιθριδάτης ὑποστήσας ἐκ
/ a
πλαγίων τὸν ἵππον καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς συνεξανα-
στὰς κοπίδι βαρβαρικῇ κατήνεγκε"; καὶ τὸν μὲν

, > la \ / a \ \ ’

λόφον ἀπέρραξε μετὰ θατέρου πτεροῦ, τὸ δὲ κρά-
\ n
vos πρὸς THY πληγὴν ἀκριβῶς Kat μόλις ἀντέ-
ὄχεν, ὥστε τῶν πρώτων ψαῦσαι τριχῶν τὴν πτέ-
a Ν
ρυγα τῆς κοπίδος. ἑτέραν δὲ τὸν Σπιθριδάτην

7 > , + a f A n

πάλιν ἐπαιρόμενον ἔφθασε Κλεῖτος ὁ μέλας TO
a “ ς

ξυστῷ διελάσας μέσον. ὁμοῦ δὲ καὶ 'Ῥοισάκης

ἔπεσεν ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ξίφει πληγείς.

Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ κινδύνου καὶ ἀγῶνος οὔσης τῆς
ἱππομαχίας ἥ τε φάλαγξ διέβαινε τῶν Μακεδό-
νων καὶ συνῆγον αἱ πεζαὶ δυνάμεις. οὐ μὴν ὑπέ-

> , >O\ \ / ᾽ ΜΝ

στησαν εὐρώστως οὐδὲ πολὺν χρόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔφυγον

, \ a ἤ «ς 7
τραπόμενοι, πλὴν τών μισθοφόρων ᾿Ελλήνων.
οὗτοι δὲ πρός τινι λόφῳ συστάντες ἤτουν τὰ
πιστὰ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ὁ δὲ θυμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ

nr fal > \ / “ > /

λογισμῷ πρῶτος ἐμβαλὼν τὸν τε ἵππον ἀποβάλ-
λει ξίφει πληγέντα διὰ τῶν πλευρῶν (ἣν δὲ Ere-

> ς , \ \ / fal
pos, ovxX ὁ Βουκεφάλας), καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν
ἀποθανόντων καὶ τραυματισθέντων ἐκεῖ συνέβη
κινδυνεῦσαι καὶ πεσεῖν, πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀπεγνω-
κότας καὶ μαχίμους συμπλεκομένους.

266

673

ALEXANDER, χνι. 4-7

whiteness. But although a javelin pierced the joint
of his breastplate, he was not wounded; and when
Rhoesaces and Spithridates, two Persian commanders,
made at him together, he avoided the one, and smote
Rhoesaces, who wore a breastplate, with his spear;
and when this weapon snapped in two with the blow,
he took to his sword. Then, while he was thus
engaged with Rhoesaces, Spithridates rode up from
one side, raised himself up on his horse, and with
all his might came down with a barbarian battle-axe
upon Alexander’s head. Alexander's crest was broken
off, together with one of its plumes, and his helmet
could barely and with difficulty resist the blow, so
that the edge of the battle-axe touched the topmost
hair of his head. But while Spithridates was raising
his arm again for another stroke, Cleitus, ‘* Black
Cleitus,” got the start of him and ran him through
the body with his spear. At the same time Rhoesaces
also fell, smitten by Alexander’s sword.

While Alexander’s. cavalry were making such a
dangerous and furious fight, the Macedonian phalanx
crossed the river and the infantry forces on both
sides engaged. The enemy, however, did not resist
vigorously, nor for a long time, but fled in a rout, all
except the Greek mercenaries. These made a stand
at a certain eminence, and asked that Alexander
should promise them quarter. But he, influenced by
anger more than by reason, charged foremost upon
them and lost his horse, which was smitten through
the ribs with a sword (it was not Bucephalas, but
another); and most of the Macedonians who were
slain or wounded fought or fell there, since they
came to close quarters with men who knew how
to fight and were desperate,

267

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Λέγονται δὲ πεζοὶ μὲν δισμύριοι τῶν βαρβάρων,
ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχίλιοι πεντακόσιοι πεσεῖν. τῶν δὲ
περὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ᾿Αριστόβουλός φησι τέσ-
σαρας καὶ τριάκοντα νεκροὺς γενέσθαι τοὺς
πάντας, ὧν ἐννέα πεζοὺς εἶναι. τούτων μὲν οὗν
ἐκέλευσεν εἰκόνας ἀνασταθῆναι χαλκᾶς, ἃς Av-
σιίππος εἰργάσατο. “κοινούμενος δὲ τὴν νίκην
τοῖς Βλλησιν ἰδίᾳ μὲν τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἔπεμψε
τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τριακοσίας ἀσπίδας, κοινῇ δὲ
τοῖς ἄλλοις λαφύροις ἐκέλευσεν ἐπιγράψαι φιλο-
τιμοτάτην ἐπιγραφήν" ὃς ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ ὁ Φιλίππου
καὶ οἱ “Ἕλληνες πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπὸ τῶν
βαρβάρων τῶν τὴν ᾿Ασίαν κατοικούντων." ἐκ-
πώματα δὲ καὶ πορφύρας, καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα τῶν
Περσικῶν ἔλαβε, πάντα τῇ μητρὶ πλὴν ὀλίγων
ἔπεμψεν.

XVII. Οὗτος ὁ ἀγὼν μεγάχην εὐθὺς ἐποίησε
τῶν πραγμάτων μεταβολὴν πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον,
ὥστε καὶ Σάρδεις, τὸ πρόσ μα τῆς ἐπὶ θαλάσ-
on τῶν βαρβάρων ἡγεμονίας, παραλαβεῖν καὶ.
τἄλλα προστίθεσθαι. μόνη δὲ ᾿Αλικαρνασσὸς
ἀντέστη καὶ Μίλητος, ἃς ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος καὶ
τὰ περὶ αὐτὰς πάντα χειρωσάμενος. ἀμφίβολος
ἣν πρὸς τὰ λοιπὰ τῇ γνώμῃ. καὶ πολλάκις μὲν
ἔσπευδε Δαρείῳ συμπεσὼν. ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι περὶ
τῶν ὅλων, πολλάκις δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πρά-
γμασι καὶ χρήμασι διενοεῖτο πρῶτον οἷον ἐνα-
σκήσας καὶ ῥώσας αὑτὸν οὕτως ἀναβαίνειν ἐπ᾽

1 Diodorus (xvii. 21, 6) says that more than ten thousand
Persian footmen fell, and not less than two thousand horse-
men; while over twenty thousand were taken prisoners. ὁ

268

ALEXANDER, xvi. 7—xvu. 2

Of the Barbarians, we are told, twenty thousand
footmen fell, and twenty-five hundred horsemen.!
But on Alexander's side, Aristobulus says there were
thirty-four dead in all, of whom nine were footmen.
Of these, then, Alexander ordered statues to be set
up in bronze, and Lysippus wrought them.? More-
over, desiring to make the Greeks partners in his
victory, he sent to the Athenians in particular three
hundred of the captured shields, and upon the rest
of the spoils in general he ordered a most. ambitious
inscription to be wrought: “ Alexander.the_son_of-
Philip and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians

~-~from=the~Barbarians-who-dwell in Asia’’~ But the

~drinking vessels and the purple robés and whatever

things of this nature he took from the Persians, all
these, except a few, he sent to his mother.

XVII. This contest at once made a great.change
in the situation to-Alexander’s advantage, so that he
received the submission even of Sardis, the bulwark
of the barbarian dominion on the sea-coast, and added
the rest of the country to-his conquests. _ Halicar-
nassus alone withstood him, and Miletus, which cities

he took™by storm? and subdued all the territories
about them.-Then he was in doubt as to his future
course. Many times he was~eager to encounter
Dareius and put the whole issue to hazard, and-many
__=times he would make up his mind to practice himself
’ first, as it were; and strengthen himself by acquiring
the regions-along the sea with their resources, and

2 According to Arrian (Anab. i. 16, 4), about twenty-five
of Alexander’s companions, a select corps, fell at the first
onset, and it was of these that Alexander ordered statues to
be made by Eystppas,

3 The siege and capture of these cities occupied Alexander
till the late autumn of 334 Β.6,

269

PLUTARCH’S ΠΙΝΕΒ.

ἐκεῖνον. ἔστι δὲ τῆς Λυκίας κρήνη περὶ τὴν
ἘΞανθίων πόλιν, ἧς τότε λέγουσιν αὐτομάτως
περιτραπείσης καὶ ὑπερβαλούσης ἐκ βυθοῦ δέλ-
τον ἐκπεσεῖν χαλκῆν τύπους ἔχουσαν ἀρχαίων
γραμμάτων, ἐν οἷς ἐδηλοῦτο παύσεσθαι". τὴν
Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων καταλυθεῖσαν:

8 τούτοις ἐπαρθεὶς ἠπείγετο τὴν παραλίαν ἀνα-
καθήρασθαι μέχρι τῆς Φοινίκης καὶ Κιλικίας. ἡ
δὲ τῆς Παμφυλίας παραδρομὴ πολλοῖς γέγονε
τῶν ἱστορικῶν ὑπόθεσις γραφικὴ πρὸς ἔκπληξιν
καὶ ὄγκον, ὡς θείᾳ τινὶ τύχῃ παραχωρήσασαν
᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ τὴν θάλασσαν, ἄλλως ἀεὶ τραχεῖαν
ἐκ πελάγους προσφερομένην, σπανίως δέ ποτε
λεπτοὺς καὶ προσεχεῖς ὑπὸ τὰ κρημνώδη καὶ
παρερρωγότα τῆς ὀρεινῆς πάγους διακαλύπτου-

4 σαν. δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ Μένανδρος ἐν κωμῳδίᾳ
παίζων πρὸς τὸ παράδοξον'

ὡς ᾿Αλεξανδρῶδες ἤδη τοῦτο" κἂν ζητῶ τινα,

αὐτόματος οὗτος παρέσται κἂν διελθεῖν δηλαδὴ

διὰ θαλάσσης δέῃ τόπον τιν᾽, οὗτος ἔσται μοι
βατός.

αὐτὸς δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς οὐδὲν
ες ς “ ’ ᾿
τοιοῦτον τερατευσάμενος ὁδοποιῆσαί φησι τὴν

1 παύσεσθαι Sintenis*, with C and Stephanus; παύσασθαι
Sintenis! and Bekker. .

1 Accoréling to Arrian (Anab. i. 26, 1 £.), there is no route
along this beach except when the north wind blows... “But
at that time, after strong south winds, the north winds

270

ALEXANDER, xvi. 2-4

then to go up against that monarch. Now, there 15
in Lycia, near the city of Xanthus, a spring, which
at this time, as we are told, was of its own motion
upheaved from its depths, and overflowed, and cast
forth a bronze tablet bearing the prints of ‘ancient
letters, in which it was made known that the empire
of the Persians would one day be destroyed by the
Greeks and come to an end. Encouraged by this
prophecy, Alexander hastened to clear up the sea-
coast as far as Cilicia and Phoenicia. His rapid
passage along the coasts of Pamphylia has afforded
many historians material for bombastic and terrify-
ing description. They imply that by some great and
heaven-sent good fortune the sea retired to make
way for Alexander, although at other times it always
came rolling in with violence from the main, and
scarcely ever revealed to sight the small rocks
which lie close up under the precipitous and riven
sides of the mountain.! And Menander, in one
of his comedies,’ evidently refers jestingly to this
marvel :—

* How Alexander-like, indeed, this is; and if I seek
some one,
Spontaneous he’ll present himself; and if I clearly
must
Pass through some place by sea, this will lie open
to my steps.”

Alexander himself, however, made no such prodigy
out of it in his letters, but says that he marched by

blew, and rendered his passage easy and quick, not without
the divine intervention, as both he and his followers inter-
preted.”

3 Kock, Com. Att. Frag. iii. p. 240.

271

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λεγομένην Κλίμακα καὶ διελθεῖν ὁρμησας ἐκ

5 Φασηλίδος. διὸ καὶ πλείονας ἡμέρας ἐν τῇ πό-
λει διέτριψεν" ἐν αἷς καὶ Θεοδέκτου τεθνηκότος
(ἣν δὲ Φασηλίτης) ἰδὼν εἰκόνα ἀνακειμένην ἐν
ἀγορᾷ, μετὰ δεῖπνον ἐπεκώμασε μεθύων καὶ τῶν
στεφάνων ἐπέρριψε πολλούς, οὐκ ἄχαριν ἐν

ὧν" 3 \ \ a , Core ey ῪΣ
παιδιᾷ ἀποδιδοὺς τιμὴν τῇ γενομένῃ δι Aer
στοτέλην καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ὁμιλίᾳ πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα.
XVIII. Μετὰ ταῦτα Πισιδῶν τε τοὺς ἀντι-

’ “ ’ > a s vi
στάντας ἥρει καὶ Φρυγίαν éxetpovto: καὶ Topdiov
πόλιν, ἑστίαν Μίδου τοῦ παλαιοῦ γενέσθαι λεγο-
μένην, παραλαβών, τὴν θρυλουμένην ἅμαξαν εἶδε
φλοιῷ κρανίας ἐνδεδεμένην, καὶ λόγον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ
πιστευόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων ἤκουσεν, ὡς τῷ
λύσαντι τὸν δεσμὸν εἵμαρται βασιλεῖ γενέσθαι

n > , « \ = lg a

2 τῆς οἰκουμένης. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοί φασι, TOV
δεσμῶν τυφλὰς ἐχόντων τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ δι’ ἀλλή-
λων πολλάκις σκολιοῖς ἑλιγμοῖς ὑποφερομένων,

Ν 3 7 ? a a rn
tov ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀμηχανοῦντα λῦσαι διατεμεῖν
τῇ μαχαίρᾳ τὸ σύναμμα, καὶ πολλὰς ἐξ αὐτοῦ
κοπέντος ἀρχὰς φανῆναι. ᾿Αριστόβουλος δὲ καὶ

/ / c / > a \ 4 4
πάνυ λέγει ῥᾳδίαν αὐτῷ τὴν λύσιν γενέσθαι,
ἐξελόντι τοῦ ῥυμοῦ τὸν ἕστορα καλούμενον, ᾧ

/ \ / 3.2) “ e 4
συνείχετο τὸ ζυγόδεσμον, εἶθ᾽ οὕτως ὑφελκύσαντι
τὸν ζυγόν.

83 Ἐντεῦθεν Παφλαγόνας τε καὶ Καππαδόκας
προσαγαγόμενος, καὶ τὴν Μέμνονος ἀκούσας
τελευτήν, ὃς τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ Δαρείου στρατη-
272

ALEXANDER, xvu. 4-xvim. 3

way of the so-called Ladder, and passed through it,
setting out from Phaselis. This was the reason for
his spending several days in that city, during which
he noticed that a statue of Theodectas, a deceased
citizen of Phaselis, had been erected in the market-
place. Once, therefore, after supper and in his cups,
he led a band of revellers to the statue and crowned
it with many of their garlands, thus in pleasantry
returning no ungraceful honour for the past asso-
ciation with the man which he owed to Aristotle
and philosophy.

XVIII. After this, he overpowered such of the
Pisidians as had offered him resistance, and subdued
Phrygia ; and after he had taken the city of Gordium,}!
reputed to have been the home of the ancient Midas,
he saw the much-talked-of waggon-bound fast. to its
_-yoke with bark of the cornel-tree, and heard a story
confidently told-about_it_by.the-Barbarians,.to.the
effect that whosoever loosed the fastening was des-
_tined to become king of the whole world. Well,
then, most writers say that-since the fastenings had
their ends concealed, and were intertwined many

times in crooked salle Alexander was at a loss how
_ to proceed, and finally loosened the knot by cutting
it through with his sword, and that when it was thus
smitten many ends were to be seen. But Aristobulus
says that he undid it very easily, by simply taking
out the so-called “hestor,’ or pin, of the waggon-
pole, by which the yoke-fastening was held together,
and then drawing away the yoke.?

Setting out from there, he subdued Paphlagonia
and Cappadocia, and on hearing of the death of
Memnon, one of the commanders of Dareius on the

1 Early in 333 B.o. 2 Cf. Arrian, Anab. ii. 3.
273

ΡΙ ΤΑΒΟΗ 5 LIVES

γῶν ἐπίδοξος ἣν ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ πολλὰ πράγματα
καὶ μυρίας ἀντιλήψεις καὶ ἀσχολίας παρέξειν,
ἐπερρώσθη πρὸς τὴν ἄνω στρατείαν μᾶλλον. ἤδη
δὲ καὶ Δαρεῖος ἐκ Σούσων κατέβαινεν, ἐπαιρό-
ρ ri
, n / a / e /
μενός TE τῷ πλήθει τῆς δυνάμεως (ἑξήκοντα yap
ἦγε μυριάδας στρατοῦ), καί τινος ὀνείρου θαρρύ-
VOVTOS αὐτόν, ὃν οἱ μάγοι πρὸς χάριν ἐξηγοῦντο

cal a \ > / ΕΙΣ \ ,
μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ TO εἰκός. ἔδοξε yap πυρὶ νέμε-
σθαι πολλῷ τὴν Μακεδόνων φάλαγγα, τὸν δὲ
᾿Αλέξανδρον ἔχοντα στολὴν ἣν αὐτὸς ἐφόρει πρό-
τερον ἀστάνδης ὧν βασιλέως, ὑπηρετεῖν αὐτῷ"

, \ > \ lal f / > “
παρελθόντα δὲ εἰς τὸ τοῦ Βήλου τέμενος ἀφανῆ
γενέσθαι. διὰ τούτων, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὑπεδηλοῦτο
παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ λαμπρὰ μὲν γενήσεσθαι καὶ περι-

n al ,
φανῆ τὰ τῶν Μακεδόνων, ᾿ ᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ τῆς
μὲν ᾿Ασίας κρατήσειν, ὥσπερ ἐκράτησε Δαρεῖος
ἐξ ἀστάνδου βασιλεὺς γενόμενος, ταχὺ δὲ σὺν.
δόξῃ τὸν βίον ἀπολείψειν.

XIX. "Ere δὲ μᾶλλον ἐθάρρησε καταγνοὺς
δειλίαν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου πολὺν χρόνον ἐν Κιλικίᾳ
διατρίψαντος. ἣν δὲ ἡ διατριβὴ διὰ νόσον, ἣν οἱ
μὲν ἐκ κόπων, οἱ δὲ λουσαμένῳ ἐν τῷ τοῦ Κύδνου
ῥεύματι καταπαγέντι προσπεσεῖν λέγουσι. τῶν

\ > Μ > n > \ > 4 ,
μὲν οὖν ἄλλων ἰατρῶν οὐδεὶς ἐθάρρει βοηθήσειν,
ἀλλὰ τὸν κίνδυνον οἰόμενοι πάσης ἰσχυρότερον
εἶναι βοηθείας ἐφοβοῦντο τὴν ἐκ τοῦ σφαλῆναι
διαβολὴν πρὸς τοὺς Μακεδόνας: Φίλιππος δ᾽ ὃ

1 καταπαγέντι Bekker reads καὶ καταπαγέντι (and got chilled),

274

ALEXANDER, xvurt. 2- ΧΙΧ. 2

sea-board, who was thought likely to give Alexander
abundant trouble and infinite annoyance, he was all
the more encouraged for his expedition into the in-
terior. Moreover, Dareius was already coming down
to the coast from Susa, exalted in spirit by the magni-
tude of his forces (for he was leading an army of six
hundred thousand men), and also encouraged by a
certain dream, which the Magi interpreted in a way
to please him rather than as the probabilities de-
manded. For he dreamed that the Macedonian
phalanx was all on fire, and that Alexander, attired
in a robe which he himself formerly used to wear
when he was a royal courier, was waiting upon him,
after which service he passed into the temple of
Belus and disappeared. By this means, as it would
seem, it was suggested to Dareius from Heaven that
the exploits of the Macedonians would be conspicuous
and brilliant, that Alexander would be master of Asia,
just as Dareius became its master when he was made
king instead of royal courier, and would speedily end
his life with glory.

* XIX. Dareius was still more encouraged by Alex-
ander’s long delay in Cilicia, which he attributed to
cowardice. The delay was due, however, to a sickness,
which assailed him’ in consequence of fatigues, ac-
cording to some,! but according to others, because
he took a bath in the river Cydnus, whose waters
were icy cold. Βα that as it may, none of the other
physicians had the courage to administer remedies,
but thinking that the danger was too. great to be
overcome by any remedy whatever, they were afraid
of the charges which would be made against them
by the Macedonians in consequence of their failure ;

1 So Aristobulus (Arrian, Anab. ii. 4, 7).
275

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾿Ακαρνὰν μοχθηρὰ μὲν ἑώρα τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν ὄντα,
τῇ δὲ φιλίᾳ πιστεύων, καὶ δεινὸν ἡγούμενος εἰ
κινδυνεύοντι μὴ συγκινδυνεύσει μέχρι τῆς ἐσχά-
της πείρας βοηθῶν καὶ παραβαλλόμενος, ἐπέχεί-
pnoe φαρμακείᾳ καὶ συνέπεισεν αὐτὸν ὑπομεῖναι
καὶ πιεῖν, σπεύδοντα ῥωσθῆναι πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον.
ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ἸΠαρμενίων ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν ἀπὸ
στρατοπέδου, διακελευόμενος αὐτῷ φυλάξασθαι

Ν , ς ξ \ / / >
τὸν Φίλιππον ws ὑπὸ Δαρείου πεπεισμένον ἐπὶ

δωρεαῖς μεγάλαις καὶ γάμῳ θυγατρὸς ἀνελεῖν
᾽ / ὃ e δὲ \ ? \ > \ i
Αλέξανδρον. ὁ δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀναγνοὺς Ka
\ / n / e Ν \ /

μηδενὶ δείξας τῶν φίλων ὑπὸ τὸ προσκεφάλαιον
ὑπέθηκεν. ὡς δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ παρόντος εἰσῆλθε
μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων ὁ Φίλιππος τὸ φάρμακον ἐν
κύλικι κομίζων, ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἐπέδωκε τὴν ἐπιστο-
λήν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ φάρμακον ἐδέξατο προθύμως καὶ
ἀνυπόπτως, ὥστε θαυμαστὴν καὶ θεατρικὴν τὴν
“ fa) 7

ὄψιν εἶναι, τοῦ μὲν ἀναγινώσκοντος, τοῦ δὲ πί-

3 a

νοντος, εἶτα ἅμα πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀποβλεπόντων
> e 7 > \ “ \ > 7 lal
οὐχ ομοίως, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου φαιδρῷ
τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ διακεχυμένῳ τὴν πρὸς τὸν
Φίλιππον εὐμένειαν καὶ πίστιν ἀποφαίνοντος,
ἐκείνου δὲ πρὸς τὴν διαβολὴν ἐξισταμένου καὶ
ποτὲ μὲν θεοκλυτοῦντος καὶ πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν
ἀνατείνοντος τὰς χεῖρας, ποτὲ δὲ τῇ κλίνῃ περι-

πίπτοντος καὶ παρακαλοῦντος τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον.

εὐθυμεῖν καὶ προσέχειν αὐτῷ. τὸ γὰρ φάρμακον
ἐν ἀρχῇ κρατῆσαν τοῦ σώματος οἷον ἀπέωσε καὶ
κατέδυσεν εἰς βάθος τὴν δύναμιν, ὥστε καὶ φωνὴν
ἐπιλιπεῖν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν αἴσθησιν ἀσαφῆ καὶ
μικρὰ κομιδῆ γενέσθαι, λιποθυμίας ἐπιπεσούσης.

276

ALEXANDER, xix. 2-5

but Philip the Acarnanian, who saw that the king
was in an evil plight, put confidence in his friend-
ship, and thinking it a shameful thing not to share
his peril by exhausting the resources of art in trying
to help him even at great risk, prepared a medicine
and persuaded him to drink it boldly, if he was
anxious to regain his strength for the war. Mean-
while, however, Parmenio sent a letter to Alexander
from the camp, urging him to be on his guard against
Philip, for the reason that he had been persuaded by
Dareius, with the promise of large gifts and a marriage
with his daughter, to kill Alexander. Alexander read
the letter and placed it under his pillow, without
showing it to any one of his friends. When the time
appointed was at hand, and Philip came in with the
king’s companions, carrying the medicine in a cup,
Alexander handed him the letter, while he himself
took the medicine from him with readiness and no
sign of suspicion. It was an amazing sight, then,
and one well worthy of the stage,—the-one reading
the letter, the other drinking the medicine, and then
both together turning their eyes upon one another,
but not with the same expression; for Alexander,
by his glad and open countenance, showed his good
will towards Philip and his trust in him, while Philip
was beside himself at the calumny, now lifting up
his hands towards heaven and calling upon the gods
to wiv». his innocence, and now falling upon the
couch on which Alexander lay and beseeching him to
be of good courage and obey his physician. For at
first the medicine mastered the patient, and as it
were drove back and buried deep his bodily powers,
so that his voice failed, he fell into a swoon, and
became almost wholly unconscious. However, he

VOL. VII. K 277

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταχέως ἀναληφθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίπ-
€ mA e \ > / “ tA
που καὶ ῥαΐσας αὑτὸν ἐπέδειξε τοῖς Μακεδόσιν"
> \ > ΄ \ IN δ \ >
ov yap ἐπαύοντο πρὶν ἰδεῖν τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
ἀθυμοῦντες.

XX. Ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῷ Δαρείου στρατῷ πεφευ-
γὼς ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἀνὴρ Μακεδών, ᾿Αμύντας,
> ΝΜ “ ᾽ / 4 Φ
οὐκ ἄπειρος τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου φύσεως. οὗτος
ὡρμημένον ἰδὼν Δαρεῖον εἴσω τῶν στενῶν βαδί-

49. 093 ῇ > “-“ Ν ΄ ς /
few ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ἐδεῖτο κατὰ χώραν ὑπομέ-
νειν, ἐν πλάτος ἔχουσι πεδίοις καὶ ἀναπεπταμέ-
vows πρὸς ἐλάττονας πλήθει τοσούτῳ διαμαχού-
μενον. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ Δαρείου δεδιέναι μὴ
φθάσωσιν αὐτὸν ἀποδράντες οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ
διαφυγὼν ᾿Αλέξανδρος, “᾿Αλλὰ τούτου γε," εἶπεν,
“ὦ βασιλεῦ, χάριν θάρρει: βαδιεῖται γὰρ ἐκεῖνος
ΤΥ \ / \ \ » / ” na ,
ἐπὶ σέ, καὶ σχεδὸν ἤδη βαδίζει." ταῦτα λέγων
> 4 > 4 > > > \ > 4
Αμύντας οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀναστὰς ἐπορεύετο
Δαρεῖος εἰς Κιλικίαν, ἅμα δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος εἰς
Συρίαν ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνον. ἐν δὲ τῇ νυκτὶ διαμαρτόντες
ἀλλήλων αὖθις ἀνέστρεφον, ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν
ἡδόμενός τε τῇ συντυχίᾳ καὶ σπεύδων ἀπαντῆσαι
περὶ τὰ στενά, Δαρεῖος δὲ τὴν προτέραν ἀνα-
λαβεῖν στρατοπεδείαν καὶ τῶν στενῶν ἐξελίξαι
τὴν δύναμιν. ἤδη γὰρ ἐγνώκει παρὰ τὸ συμφέρον
> \ e \ > / θ 4 Ν δ
ἐμβεβληκὼς ἑαυτὸν εἰς χωρία θαλάττῃ καὶ ὄρεσι
καὶ ποταμῷ διὰ μέσου ῥέοντι τῷ Πινάρῳ δύσ-
“ππα, καὶ διεσπασμένα πολλαχοῦ, καὶ πρὸς
τῆς ὀλιγότητος τῶν πολεμίων ἔχοντα τὴν θέσιν.
> / 5.) ‘ \ / ς ΄ ’
Αλεξάνδρῳ δὲ τὸν μὲν τόπον ἡ τύχη παρέσχεν,

278

ALEXANDER, χιχ. ς--χχ. 4

was speedily restored to his senses by Philip, and
when he had recovered strength he showed himself
to the Macedonians, who refused to be comforted
until they had seen Alexander.

XX. Now, there was in the army of Dareius a
certain Macedonian who had fled from his country,
Amyntas by name, and he was well acquainted with
the nature of Alexander. This man, when he saw
that Dareius was eager to attack Alexander within
the narrow passes of the mountains, begged him to
remain where he was, that he might fight a decisive
battle with his vast forces against inferior numbers
in plains that were broad and spacious.. And when
Dareius replied that he was afraid the enemy would
run away before he could get at them,and Alexander
thus escape him, “ Indeed,” said Amyntas, “on this
point, O king, thou mayest be without fear; for he
will march against thee, nay, at this very moment,
probably, he is on the march.” Dareius would not
listen to these words of Amyntas, but broke camp
and marched into Cilicia, and at the same time Alex-
ander marched into Syria against him. But having
missed one another in the night, they both turned
back again, Alexander rejoicing in his good fortune,
and eager to meet his enemy in the passes, while
Dareius was as eager to extricate his forces from the
passes and regain his former camping-ground. For
he already saw that he had done wrong to throw
himself into places which were rendered unfit for
cavalry by sea and mountains and a river running
through the middie (the Pinarus), which were broken
up in many parts, and favoured the small num-
bers of his enemy. And not only was the place
for the battle a gift of Fortune to Alexander, but

279

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐστρατήγησε δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης ὑπαρχόντων
πρὸς τὸ νικῆσαι βέλτιον, ὅ ὅς γε τοσούτῳ πλήθει
τῶν βαρβάρων λειπόμενος ἐκείνοις μὲν οὐ παρ-
έσχε κύκλωσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ δεξιῷ τὸ εὐώνυμον
ὑπερβαλὼν καὶ γενόμενος ᾿κατὰ κέρας φυγὴν
ἐποίησε τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν βαρβάρων, ἐν πρώτοις
ἀγωνιξόμενος, ὥ ὥστε τρωθῆναι ξίφει τὸν μηρόν, ὡς
μὲν Χάρης φησίν, ὑπὸ Δαρείου (συμπεσεῖν γὰρ
αὐτοὺς εἰς χεῖρας), ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ περὶ τῆς
μάχης ἐπιστέλλων. τοῖς περὶ τὸν ᾿Αντίπατρον
οὐκ εἴρηκεν ὅστις ἦν ὁ τρώσας, ὅτι δὲ τρωθείη
τὸν μηρὸν ἐγχειριδίῳ, δυσχερὲς δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ
τραύματος συμβαίη γέγραφε.

Νικήσας δὲ λαμπρῶς καὶ καταβαλὼν ὑπὲρ
ἕνδεκα μυριάδας τῶν πολεμίων, Δαρεῖον μὲν οὐχ
εἷλε τέτταρας σταδίους ἢ πέντε προλαβόντα τῇ
φυγῇ, τὸ δὲ ἅρμα καὶ τὸ τόξον αὐτοῦ λαβὼν
ἐπανῆλθε" καὶ κατέλαβε τοὺς Μακεδόνας τὸν μὲν
ἄλλον πλοῦτον ἐκ τοῦ βαρβαρικοῦ στρατοπέδου
φέροντας καὶ ἄγοντας. ὑπερβάλλοντα πλήθει,
καίπερ εὐζώνων πρὸς τὴν μάχην παραγενομένων
καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς ἀποσκευῆς ἐν Δαμασκῷ
καταλιπόντων, τὴν δὲ Δαρείου σκηνὴν ἐξῃρηκότας
ἐεείκῷ, θεραπείας τε λαμπρᾶς καὶ παρασκευῆς

χρημάτων πολλῶν γέμουσαν. εὐθὺς οὖν
ἀποδυσάμενος τὰ ὅπλα πρὸς τὸ λουτρὸν ἐβάδιξεν,
εἰπών" “ Ἴωμεν ἀπολουσόμενοι τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς μά-
χης ἱδρῶτα τῷ Δαρείου λουτρῷ." καί τις τῶν
ἑταίρων “Ma τὸν Δία ef εἶπεν, “ἀλλὰ τῷ
᾿Αλεξάνδρου" τὰ γὰρ τῶν “ἡττωμένων εἶναί τε δεῖ
καὶ προσαγορεύεσθαι τοῦ κρατοῦντος." ὡς δὲ

280

670

ALEXANDER, xx. 4-8

his generalship was better than the provisions of
Fortune for his victory. For since he was so vastly
inferior in numbers to the Barbarians, he gave them
no opportunity to encircle him, but, leading his
right wing in person, extended it past the enemy’s
left, got on their flank, and routed the Barbarians
who were opposed to him, fighting among the fore-
most, so that he got a sword-wound in the thigh.
Chares says this wound was given him by Dareius,
with whom he had a hand-to-hand combat, but Alex-
ander, in a letter to Antipater about the battle, did not
say who it was that gave him the wound; he wrote
that he had been wounded in the thigh with a dagger,
but that no serious harm resulted from the wound.
Although he won a brilliant victory and destroyed
more than a hundred and ten thousand of his enemies,
he did not capture Dareius, who got a start of four
or five furlongs in his flight; but he did take the
king’s chariot, and his bow, before he came back
from the pursuit. He found his Macedonians carry-
ing off the wealth from the camp of the Barbarians,
and the wealth was of surpassing abundance, al-
though its owners had come to the battle in light
marching order and had left most of their baggage
in Damascus ; he found, too, that his men had picked
out for him the tent of Dareius, which was full to
overflowing with gorgeous servitors and furniture,
and many treasures. Straightway, then, Alexander
put off his armour and went to the bath, saying:
“ Let us go and wash off the sweat of the battle in
the bath of Dareius.” “ No, indeed,” said one of
his companions, “but rather in that of Alexander;
for the property of the conquered must belong to
the conqueror, and be called his.” And when he

281

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εἶδε μὲν ὅλκια καὶ κρωσσοὺς καὶ πυέλους καὶ
ἀλαβάστρους, πάντα χρυσοῦ, ἠσκημένα περιτ-
τῶς, ὠδώδει δὲ θεσπέσιον οἷον ὑπὸ ἀρωμάτων καὶ
μύρων ὁ οἶκος, ἐκ δὲ τούτου παρῆλθεν εἰς σκηνὴν
ὕψει τε καὶ μεγέθει καὶ τῷ περὶ τὴν στρωμνὴν
καὶ τραπέζας καὶ τὸ δεῖπνον αὐτοῦ κόσμῳ θαύμα-

»Φὡ" , Ἁ \ e / “ a
tos ἀξίαν, διαβλέψας πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους, “ Τοῦτο

co” "7 ¥ wns , ”
ἣν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἔφη, “ τὸ βασιλεύειν.

ΧΧΙ. Τρεπομένῳ δὲ πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον αὐτῷ
φράζει τις ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἀγομένας μητέρα
καὶ γυναῖκα Δαρείου καὶ θυγατέρας δύο παρθέν-
ous ἰδούσας τὸ ἅρμα καὶ τὰ τόξα κόπτεσθαι καὶ
θρηνεῖν, ὡς ἀπολωλότος ἐκείνου. συχνὸν οὖν
> \ id > ΄ ὃ \ “ > 7
ἐπισχὼν χρόνον Ἀλέξανδρος, καὶ ταῖς ἐκείνων
τύχαις μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ ἐμπαθὴς γενόμενος,
πέμπει Λεοννάτον, ἀπαγγεῖλαι κελεύσας ὡς οὔτε
Δαρεῖος τέθνηκεν οὔτε ᾿Αλέξανδρον δεδιέναι χρή"
Δαρείῳ γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας πολεμεῖν, ἐκείναις δὲ

LA ες ,ὔ Φ ’ὔ ’
πάντα ὑπάρξειν ὧν καὶ Δαρείου βασιλεύοντος
ἠξιοῦντο. τοῦ δὲ λόγου ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἡμέρου
καὶ χρηστοῦ φανέντος ἔτι μᾶλλον τὰ τῶν ἔργων
ἀπήντα φιλάνθρωπα. θάψαι γὰρ ὅσους ἐβού-
λοντο Ἰ]ερσῶν ἔδωκεν, ἐσθῆτι καὶ κόσμῳ χρησα-
μέναις ἐκ τῶν λαφύρων, θεραπείας τε καὶ τιμῆς
ἃ > 30.» © - ? / δὲ 7
ἣν εἶχον οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀφεῖλε, συντάξεις δὲ καὶ pet-
fovas ἐκαρποῦντο τῶν προτέρων. ἡ δὲ καλλίστη
καὶ βασιλικωτάτη χάρις ἣν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ γυναιξὶ
γενναίαις γενομέναις αἰχμαλώτοις καὶ σώφροσι
μήτε ἀκοῦσαί τι μήτε ὑπονοῆσαι μήτε προσδοκῆ-

282

ALEXANDER, xx. 8-ΧΧι. 3

saw the basins and pitchers and tubs and caskets, all
of gold, and curiously wrought, while the apartment
was marvellously fragrant with spices and unguents,
and when he passed from this into a tent which was
worthy of admiration for its size and height, and for
the adornment of the couch and tables and banquet
prepared for him, he turned his eyes upon his com-
panions and said: “ This, as it would seem, is to be
a king.”

XXI. As he was betaking himself to supper, some-
one told him that among the prisoners were the
mother, wife, and two unmarried daughters of Da-
reius, and that at sight of his chariot and bow they
beat their breasts and lamented, believing that he
was dead. Accordingly, after a considerable pause,
more affected by their affliction than by his own
success, he sent Leonnatus, with orders to tell
them that Dareius was not dead, and that they need
have no fear of Alexander; for it was Dareius upon
whom he was waging war for supremacy, but they
should have everything which they used to think
their due when Dareius was undisputed king. If
this message was thought by the women to be mild
and kindly, still more did the actions of Alexander
prove to be humane. For he gave them permission
to bury whom they pleased of the Persians, and to
use for this purpose raiment and adornment from the
spoils, and he abated not one jot of their honour-
able maintenance, nay, they enjoyed even larger
allowances than before. But the most honourable
and most princely favour which these noble and
chaste women received from him in their captivity
was that they neither heard, nor suspected, nor

283

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σαι TOV αἰσχρῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ οὐκ ἐν στρατοπέδῳ
πολεμίων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἱεροῖς. καὶ ἃ ἁγίοις υλαττομένας
παρθενῶσιν ἀ ἀπόρρητον ἔχειν καὶ ἀόρατον ἑτέροις
δίαιταν. καίτοι λέγεταί γε τὴν Δαρείου γυναῖκα
πολὺ πασῶν τῶν βασιλίδων εὐπρεπεστάτην γενέ-
σθαι, καθάπερ καὶ αὐτὸς Δαρεῖος ἀνδρῶν κάλ-
λιστος καὶ μέγιστος, τὰς δὲ παῖδας ἐοικέναι τοῖς
γονεῦσιν.

᾿Αλλ᾽ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ὡς ἔοικε, τοῦ νικᾶν τοὺς
πολεμίους τὸ κρατεῖν ἑαυτοῦ , βασιλικώτερον
ἡγούμενος, οὔτε τούτων ἔθιγεν οὔτε ἄλλην. ἔγνω
γυναῖκα πρὸ γάμου, πλὴν Βαρσίνης. αὕτη δέ,
μετὰ τὴν Μέμνονος τελευτὴν χήρα γενομένη, περὶ
Δαμασκὸν ἐλήφθη. πεπαιδευμένη δὲ παιδείαν
᾿Βλληνικὴν καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐπιεικὴς οὖσα καὶ
πατρὸς ᾿Αρταβάζου γεγονότος ἐκ βασιλέως θυ-
γατρύς, ἐγνώσθη, Παρμενίωνος προτρεψαμένου
τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ὥς φησιν ᾿Αριστόβουλος, κα-
λῆς καὶ γενναίας ἅψασθαι γυναικός. τὰς δὲ
ἄλλας αἰχμαλώτους ὁρῶν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος κάλλει
καὶ μεγέθει. διαφερούσας ἔλεγε παίζων ὡς εἰσὶν
ἀλγηδόνες ὀμμάτων αἱ Περσίδες. ἀντεπιδεικνύ-
μενος δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἰδέαν τὴν ἐκείνων τὸ τῆς ἰδίας
ἐγκρατείας καὶ σωφροσύνης κάλλος, ὥσπερ ἀψύ-
χους εἰκόνας ἀγαλμάτων παρέπεμψεν.

XXII. ᾿Ἐπεὶ δὲ Φιλόξενος ὁ ὁ τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ
στρατηγὸς ἔγραψεν εἶναι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ Θεόδωρόν
τινα Ταραντῖνον ἔχοντα παῖδας ὠνίους δύο τὴν
ὄψιν ὑπερφυεῖς, καὶ πυνθανόμενος εἰ πρίηται,
χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκὼν ἐβόα πολλάκις πρὸς τοὺς φί-
λους, ἐρωτῶν τί πώποτε Φιλόξενος αἰσχρὸν αὐτῷ

284

ALEXANDER, χχι. 3-xxu. τ

awaited anything that could disgrace them, but lived,
as though guarded in sacred and inviolable virgins’
chambers instead of in an enemy’s camp, apart from
the speech and sight of men. And yet it is said that
the wife of Dareius was far the most comely of all
royal women, just as Dareius himself also was hand-
somest and tallest of men, and the daughters re-
sembled their parents.

But Alexander, as it would seem, considering the
mastery of himself a more kingly thing than the
conquest of his enemies, neither laid hands upon
these women, nor did he know any other before
marriage, except Barsiné. This woman, Memnon’s
widow, was taken prisoner at Damascus. And since
she had received a Greek education, and was of an
agreeable disposition, and since her father, Arta-
bazus, was son of a king’s daughter, Alexander de-
termined (at Parmenio’s instigation, as Aristobulus
says) to attach himself to a woman of such high
birth and beauty. But as for the other captive
women, seeing that they were surpassingly stately
and beautiful, he merely said jestingly that Persian
women were torments to the eyes. And displaying
in rivalry with their fair looks the beauty of his own
sobriety and self-control, he passed them by as though
they were lifeless images for display.

XXII. Moreover, when Philoxenus, the commander
of his forces on the sea-board, wrote that there was
with him a certain Theodorus, of Tarentum, who had
two boys of surpassing beauty to sell, and enquired
whether Alexander would buy them, Alexander was
incensed, and cried out many times to his friends,
asking them what shameful thing Philoxenus had ever

1 Cf. Herod. v. 18.
285

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

συνεγνωκὼς τοιαῦτα ὀνείδη προξενῶν κάθηται.
τὸν δὲ Φιλόξενον αὐτὸν ἐν ἐπιστολῇ πολλὰ λοι-
/ b ft > an 4 \ ’
δορήσας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοῖς φορτίοις τὸν Θεόδωρον
εἰς τὸν ὄλεθρον ἀποστέλλειν. ἐπέπληξε δὲ καὶ
7 / \ » dy a ’ὔ
Αγνωνι γράψαντι πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅτε Κρωβύλον

ἠδ ῦ ἐν Κορίνθῳ βούλ id
εὐδοκιμοῦντα ἐν Κορίνθῳ βούλεται πριάμενος
᾿] “ ,
ἀγαγεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν. πυνθανόμενος δὲ μισθοφό-
ρων τινῶν γύναια διεφθαρκέναι Δάμωνα καὶ Τιμό-
θεον Μακεδόνας τῶν ὑπὸ Παρμενίωνι στρατευο-
μένων, ἔγραψε Παρμενίωνι κελεύων, ἐὰν édey-
χθῶσιν, ὡς θηρία ἐπὶ καταφθορᾷ τῶν ἀνθρώπων
γεγονότα τιμωρησάμενον ἀποκτεῖναι. καὶ περὶ
ἑαυτοῦ κατὰ λέξιν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἐπιστολῇ γέ-

ες \ \ ee ς Neem ς ,

γραῴφεν" “᾿Ἐγγὼ γὰρ οὐχ ὅτι ἑωρακὼς ἂν εὑρεθείην

a a >

τὴν Δαρείου γυναῖκα ἢ βεβουλημένος ἰδεῖν, ἀλλ

οὐδὲ τῶν λεγόντων περὶ τῆς εὐμορφίας αὐτῆς

, \ t λέν. ΄ δ

προσδεδεγμένος τὸν λόγον." ἔλεγε δὲ μάλιστα

συνιέναι θνητὸς ὧν ἐκ τοῦ καθεύδειν καὶ συνου-

σιάζειν, ὡς ἀπὸ μιᾶς ἐγγινόμενον ἀσθενείας τῇ
φύσει καὶ τὸ πονοῦν καὶ τὸ ἡδόμενον.

Ἦν δὲ καὶ γαστρὸς ἐγκρατέστατος, καὶ τοῦτο
ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς ἐδήλωσε καὶ τοῖς πρὸς “Adav
λεχθεῖσιν, ἣν ἐποιήσατο μητέρα καὶ Καρίας
βασίλισσαν ἀπέδειξεν. ὡς γὰρ ἐκείνη φιλοφρο-

, \ \ y ie oe / 2 4
νουμένη πολλὰ μὲν ὄψα καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀπέστελλεν
αὐτῷ καὶ πέμματα, τέλος δὲ τοὺς δοκοῦντας εἶναι
δεινοτάτους ὀψοποιοὺς καὶ ἀρτοποιούς, ἔφη τού-

Ἦν “ [ \ ’ \
των μηδενὸς δεῖσθαι: βελτίονας yap ὀψοποιοὺς
ἔχειν ὑπὸ τοῦ παιδαγωγοῦ Λεωνίδου δεδομένους

286

6

ALEXANDER, χχπ. 1-5

seen in him that he should spend his time in making
such disgraceful proposals. And on Philoxenus him-
self he heaped much reproach in a letter, bidding
him send Theodorus to perdition, merchandize and all.
He severely rebuked Hagnon also for writing to him
that he wanted to buy Crobylus, whose beauty was
famous in Corinth, as a present for him. Further-
more, on learning that Damon and Timotheus, two
Macedonian soldiers under Parmenio’s command, had
ruined the wives of certain mercenaries, he wrote to
Parmenio ordering him, in case the men were con-
victed, to punish them and put them to death as
wild beasts born for the destruction of mankind. In
this letter he also wrote expressly concerning him-
self: “As for me, indeed, it will be found not only
that I have not seen the wife of Dareius or desired
to see her, but that I have not even allowed people
to speak to me of her beauty.” ~And_he used to say
that sleep and sexual intercourse, more than any
thing else, made hini conscious~that he was mortal,
implying that both weariness and pleasure arise from
one and the same natural weakness. ~~ :
He had also. the-most-complete mastery over his
appetite, and showed this both in many other ways,
and especially by what he said to Ada, whom he
honoured with the title of Mother and made queen
of Caria. When, namely, in the kindness of her
heart, she used to send him day by day many viands
and sweetmeats, and finally offered him bakers and
cooks reputed to be very skilful, he said he wanted
none of them, for he had better cooks which had
been given him by his tutor, Leonidas ; for his break-

2 Cf. Arrian, Anab. i. 23, 8.
287

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

αὐτῷ, πρὸς μὲν TO ἄριστον, νυκτοπορίαν, πρὸς δὲ
\ ~ > , “Ὁ δ᾽ » A a
τὸ δεῖπνον, ὀλιγαριστίαν. αὐτὸς οὗτος
> ’ ”. wv “ec \ lal ’; é \ a >
ἀνήρ, ἔφη, “καὶ TOV στρωμάτων ἐπιὼν τὰ ἀγ-
γεῖα καὶ τῶν ἱματίων ἔλυεν, ἐπισκοπῶν μή τί
μοι τρυφερὸν ἢ περισσὸν ἡ μήτηρ ἐντέθεικεν."
XXIII. Ἦν δὲ καὶ πρὸς οἶνον ἧττον ἢ ἐδόκει
καταφερής. ἔδοξε δὲ διὰ τὸν χρόνον ὃν οὐ πίνων
μᾶλλον ἢ λαλῶν εἷλκεν ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης κύλικος, ἀεὶ
μακρόν τινα λόγον διατιθέμενος, καὶ ταῦτα πολ-
λῆς σχολῆς οὔσης. ἐπεὶ πρός γε τὰς πράξεις οὐκ
οἶνος ἐκεῖνον, οὐχ ὕπνος, οὐ παιδιά τις, οὐ γάμος,
> / 7 »Μ ’ὔ »
οὐ θέα, καθάπερ ἄλλους στρατηγούς, ἐπέσχε.
δηλοῖ δὲ ὁ βίος, ὃν βιώσας βραχὺν παντάπασι,
πλείστων καὶ μεγίστων πράξεων ἐνέπλησεν. ἐν
δὲ ταῖς σχολαῖς πρῶτον μὲν ἀναστὰς καὶ θύσας
τοῖς θεοῖς εὐθὺς ἠρίστα καθήμενος" ἔπειτα διημέ-
ρευε κυνηγῶν ἢ δικάζων ἢ συντάττων τι τῶν
a ἀπ ὦ ͵ ᾽ ΒΑ Ὁ ,
πολεμικῶν ἢ ἀναγινώσκων. εἰ δὲ ὁδὸν βαδίζοι
μὴ λίαν ἐπείγουσαν, ἐμάνθανεν ἅμα πορευόμενος
ἢ τοξεύειν ἢ ἐπιβαίνειν ἅρματος ἐλαυνομένου καὶ
> ’ὔ 4 Ν / \ > ,
ἀποβαίνειν. πολλάκις δὲ παίζων καὶ ἀλώπεκας
ἐθήρευε καὶ ὄρνιθας, ὡς ἔστι λαβεῖν ἐκ τῶν ἐφη-
μερίδων. καταλύσας δὲ καὶ τρεπόμενος πρὸς
λουτρὸν ἢ ἄλειμμα, τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν σιτοποιῶν καὶ
μαγείρων ἀνέκρινεν εἰ τὰ πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον εὐτρε-
w@s ἔχουσι. καὶ δειπνεῖν μὲν ὀψὲ καὶ σκότους
» , » \ \ 9S e
ἤδη κατακλινόμενος ἤρχετο, θαυμαστὴ δὲ ἣν ἡ
» / \ , see Ἁ ΄-“ 7ὔ σ
ἐπιμέλεια καὶ περίβλεψις ἐπὶ τῆς τραπέζης, ὅπως
ae
μηδὲν ἀνίσως μηδὲ ὀλιγώρως διανέμοιτο" τὸν δὲ
288

ALEXANDER, xxn. 5--ΧΧΠΙ. 3

fast, namely, a night march, and for his supper, a
light breakfast. ‘ And this same Leonidas,” he said,
“used to come and open my chests of bedding and
clothing, to see that my mother did not hide there
for me some luxury or superfluity.”

XXIII. To the use of wine also he was less ad-
dicted than was generally believed. The belief arose
from the time which he would spend over each cup,
more in talking than in drinking, always holding
some long discourse, and this too when he had abun-
dant leisure. For in the stress of affairs he was not
to be detained, as other commanders were, either by
wine, or sleep, or any sport, or amour, or spec-
tacle. This is proved by his life, which, though
altogether brief, he filled to overflowing with the
greatest exploits. In his times of leisure, however,
after rising and sacrificing to the gods, he immedi-
ately took breakfast sitting; then, he would spend
the day in hunting, or administering justice, or ar-
ranging his military affairs, or reading. If he were
making a march which was not very urgent, he
would practise, as he went along, either archery or
mounting and dismounting from a chariot that was
under way. Often, too, for diversion, he would hunt
foxes or birds, as may be gathered from his journals.
After he had taken quarters for the night, and while
he was enjoying bath or anointing, he would enquire
of his chief cooks and bakers whether the arrange-
ments for his supper were duly made. When it was
late and already dark, he would begin his supper,
reclining on a couch, and marvellous was his care
and circumspection at table, in order that everything
might be served impartially and without stint; but

289

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, “ ” \ ε \ > 7,
πότον, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, μακρὸν ὑπὸ ἀδολεσχίας
ἐξέτεινε. καὶ τᾶλλα πάντων ἥδιστος ὧν βα-
σιλέων συνεῖναι καὶ χάριτος οὐδεμιᾶς ἀμοιρῶν,

/ er , > \ >: AF Ἂν ,ὔ
τότε ταῖς μεγαλαυχίαις ἀηδὴς ἐγίνετο καὶ λίαν

’ \ \ lal
στρατιωτικός, AUTOS TE πρὸς TO κομπῶδες ὑπο-
lal / \
φερόμενος καὶ τοῖς κόλαξιν ἑαυτὸν ἀνεικὼς ἱππά-
σιμον, Ud ὧν οἱ χαριέστεροι τῶν παρόντων
ἐπετρίβοντο, μήτε ἁμιλλᾶσθαι τοῖς κόλαξι μήτε
λείπεσθαι βουλόμενοι τῶν αὐτῶν ἐπαίνων. τὸ

A \ > \ γὺ ἢ \ / 4
μὲν yap αἰσχρὸν ἐδόκει, τὸ δὲ κίνδυνον ἔφερε.

\ \ Ἁ / / > 10 ὃ ΄
μετὰ δὲ τὸν πότον λουσάμενος ἐκάθευδε πολλάκις
/ ” ’
μέχρι μέσης ἡμέρας" ἔστι δ᾽ ὅτε καὶ διημέρευεν
ἐν τῷ καθεύδειν.
Re ok \ s ΔΝ ᾽ \ 3 4 \

Αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν καὶ ὄψων ἐγκρατὴς ἦν, ὥστε καὶ
τὰ σπανιώτατα πολλάκις τῶν ἀπὸ θαλάττης
αὐτῷ κομιζομένων ἀκροδρύων καὶ ἰχθύων ἑκάστῳ
διαπεμπόμενος τῶν ἑταίρων ἑαυτῷ μόνῳ μηδὲν

cal \ r

καταλιπεῖν: TO μέντοι δεῖπνον ἣν ἀεὶ μεγαλο-
πρεπές, καὶ τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι τῆς δαπάνης ἅμα
συναυξομένης τέλος εἰς μυρίας δραχμὰς προῆλθεν.
ἐνταῦθα δὲ ἔστη, καὶ τοσοῦτον ὡρίσθη τελεῖν

al e / > /
τοῖς ὑποδεχομένοις ᾿Αλέξανδρον.

XXIV. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην τὴν ἐν ᾿Ισσῷ πέμ-

\ \

was εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἔλαβε τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὰς
ἀποσκευὰς καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας τῶν
Περσῶν. καὶ πλεῖστα μὲν ὠφελήθησαν οἱ τῶν
Θεσσαλῶν ἱππεῖς" τούτους γὰρ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς
διαφερόντως ἐν τῇ μάχῃ γενομένους ἔπεμψεν ἐπί-

290

678

ALEXANDER, ΧΧΠΙ. 3-xxIv. 1

over the wine, as I have said, he would sit long, for
conversation’s sake. And although in other ways he
was of all princes most agreeable in his intercourse,
and endowed with every grace, at this time his boast-
fulness would make him unpleasant and very like a
common soldier. Not only was he himself carried
away into blustering, but he suffered himself to be
ridden by his flatterers. These were a great annoy-
ance to the finer spirits in the company, who desired
neither to vie with the flatterers, nor yet to fall
behind them in praising Alexander. The one course
they thought disgraceful, the other had its perils.
After the drinking was over, he would take a bath
and sleep, frequently until midday; and sometimes
he would actually spend the entire day in sleep.

In the matter of delicacies, too, he himself, at all
events, was master of his appetite, so that often,
when the rarest fruits or fish were brought to him
from the sea-coast, he would distribute them to each
of his companions until he was the only one for
whom nothing remained. His suppers, however,
were always magnificent, and the outlay upon them
increased with his successes until it reached the sum
of ten thousand drachmas. There it stood, and that
was the prescribed limit of expenditure for those
who entertained Alexander.

XXIV. After the battle at Issus,! he sent to Da-
mascus and seized the money and baggage of the Per-
sians together with their wives and children. And
most of all did the Thessalian horsemen enrich them-
selves, for they had shown themselves surpassingly
brave in the battle, and Alexander sent them on this
expedition purposely, wishing to have them enrich

1 November, 333 B.c.

201

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τηδες ὠφεληθῆναι βουλόμενος" ἐνεπλήσθη δὲ καὶ
τὸ λοιπὸν εὐπορίας στρατόπεδον. καὶ γευσά-
μενοι τότε πρῶτον οἱ Μακεδόνες χρυσοῦ καὶ
ἀργύρου καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ διαίτης βαρβαρικῆς,
ὥσπερ κύνες ἔσπευδον ἁψάμενοι στίβου διώκειν
καὶ ἀνιχνεύειν τὸν τῶν Περσῶν πλοῦτον.

Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ πρῶτον ἐδόκει κρατύ-
νεσθαι τὰ πρὸς θαλάσσῃ. Κύπρον μὲν οὖν
εὐθὺς οἱ βασιλεῖς ἧκον ἐγχειρίζοντες αὐτῷ, καὶ
Φοινίκην πλὴν Τύρου. Τύρον δὲ πολιορκῶν ἑπτὰ
μῆνας χώμασι καὶ μηχαναῖς καὶ τριήρεσι δια-
κοσίαις ἐκ θαλάττης, ὄναρ εἶδε τὸν Ἡρακλέα
δεξιούμενον αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους καὶ καλοῦντα.
τῶν δὲ Τυρίων πολλοῖς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἔδοξεν
ὁ ᾿Απόλλων λέγειν ὡς ἄπεισι πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον"
οὐ γὰρ ἀρέσκειν αὐτῷ τὰ πρασσόμενα κατὰ τὴν
πόλιν. GAN αὐτοὶ μὲν ὥσπερ ἄνθρωπον αὐτο-
μολοῦντα πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ
τὸν θεὸν εἰληφότες σειράς τε τῷ κολοσσῷ περιέ-
βαλλον αὐτοῦ καὶ καθήλουν πρὸς τὴν βάσιν,
᾿Αλεξανδριστὴν καλοῦντες. ἑτέραν δὲ ὄψιν
᾿Αλέξανδρος εἶδε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους. Σάτυρος
αὐτῷ φανεὶς ἐδόκει προσπαίζειν πόρρωθεν, εἶτα
βουλομένου λαβεῖν ὑπεξέφευγε' τέλος δὲ πολλὰ
λιπαρήσαντος καὶ περιδραμόντος ἦλθεν εἰς χεῖ-
pas. οἱ δὲ μάντεις τοὔνομα διαιροῦντες οὐκ ἀπι-
θάνως ἔφασαν αὐτῷ: “Σὴ γενήσεται Τύρος."
καὶ κρήνην δέ τινα δεικνύουσι, πρὸς ἣν κατὰ τοὺς
ὕπνους ἰδεῖν ἔδοξε τὸν Σάτυρον.

Διὰ μέσου δὲ τῆς πολιορκίας ἐπὶ τοὺς "Ἄραβας
τοὺς προσοικοῦντας τῷ ᾿Αντιλιβάνῳ στρατεύσας

292

ALEXANDER, xxiv. 1-6

themselves. But the rest of the army also was filled
with wealth. Then for the first time the Macedo-
nians got a taste of gold and silver and women and
barbaric luxury of life, and now that they had struck
the trail, they were like dogs in their eagerness to
pursue and track down the wealth of the Persians.

However, Alexander determined first to make him-
self master of the sea-coasts. As for Cyprus, then,
its kings came at once and put the island in his
hands, together with Phoenicia, with the exception
of Tyre. But Tyre he besieged for seven months,!
with moles, and engines-of-war, and two hundred
triremes by sea. During this siege he had a dream
in which he saw Heracles stretching out his hand to
him from the wall and calling him. And many of
the Tyrians dreamed that Apollo told them he was
going away to Alexander, since he was displeased at
what was going on in the city. Whereupon, as if
the god had been a common deserter caught in
the act of going over to the enemy, they en-
circled his colossal figure with cords and nailed
it down to its pedestal, calling him an Alex-
andrist. In another dream, too, Alexander thought
he saw a satyr who mocked him at a distance, and
eluded his grasp when he tried to catch him, but
finally, after much coaxing and chasing, surrendered.
The seers, dividing the word “satyros” into two
parts, said to him, plausibly enough, “Tyre is to be
thine.” And a spring is pointed out, near which
Alexander dreamed he saw the satyr.

While the siege of the city was in progress, he
made an expedition against the Arabians who dwelt
in the neighbourhood of Mount Antilibanus. On

1 January—August, 332 B.c.

293

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

: ,
ἐκινδύνευσε διὰ τὸν παιδαγωγὸν Λυσίμαχον" é&n-
3. cal nr Ν

κολούθησε γὰρ αὐτῷ λέγων τοῦ Φοίνικος οὐκ
-. 7, > \ 4 > \ \

εἶναι χείρων οὐδὲ πρεσβύτερος. ἐπεὶ δὲ πλη-
σιάσας τοῖς ὀρεινοῖς καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἀπολιπὼν
πεζὸς ἐβάδιζεν, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πολὺ προῆλθον,

3. ἐἷνϊν \ \ / ε / ΝΜ
αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν Λυσίμαχον, ἑσπέρας ἤδη καταλαμ-
βανούσης καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐγγὺς ὄντων, ἀπα-

ορεύοντα καὶ βαρυνόμενον οὐχ ὑπομένων ἀπολι-
Ὕ :

n > > "4 \ /
πεῖν, ἀλλ ἀνακαλούμενος Kal παρακομίζων,
ἔλαθε τοῦ στρατεύματος ἀποσπασθεὶς μετ᾽ ὀλίγων

’ fal
Kal σκότους ἅμα Kal plyovs σφοδροῦ νυκτερεύων
a /
ἐν χωρίοις χαλεποῖς. εἶδεν οὖν πόρρω πυρὰ
\ / , an ,
πολλὰ καιόμενα σποράδην τῶν πολεμίων. Oap-
ρῶν δὲ τοῦ σώματος τῇ κουφότητι, καὶ τῷ πονεῖν
αὐτὸς ἀεὶ παραμυθούμενος τὴν ἀπορίαν τῶν Μακε-
/ ral fal
δόνων, προσέδραμε τοῖς ἔγγιστα πῦρ καίουσι" καὶ
7 a lal
περικαθημένους τῇ πυρᾷ δύο βαρβάρους πατάξας

n \

τῷ ἐγχειριδίῳ καὶ δαλὸν ἁρπάσας ἧκε πρὸς τοὺς
rn / lal
ἑαυτοῦ κομίζων. ἐγκαύσαντες δὲ πῦρ πολὺ τοὺς

\ ᾽ \ > ‘ id a \ 2 Ws /

μὲν εὐθὺς ἐφόβησαν ὥστε φυγεῖν, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπιόν-

3 / \ 7 3 4
Tas ἐτρέψαντο, καὶ κατηυλίσθησαν ἀκινδύνως.
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Χάρης ἱστόρηκεν.

XXV. Ἢ δὲ πολιορκία τοιοῦτον ἔσχε πέρας.
᾿Αλεξάνδρου τὴν μὲν πολλὴν τῆς δυνάμεως ἀνα-
παύοντος ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἀγώνων τῶν ἔμπροσθεν,
2 ’ / ες \ / e /
ὀλίγους δέ τινας, ὡς μὴ σχολάζοιεν οἱ πολέμιοι,
τοῖς τείχεσι προσάγοντος, ᾿Αρίστανδρος ὁ μάντις
ἐσφαγιάζετο' καὶ τὰ σημεῖα κατιδὼν θρασύτερον
264

ALEXANDER, xxiv. 6—xxv. 1

this expedition he risked his life to save his tutor,
Lysimachus, who insisted on following him, declaring
himself to be neither older nor weaker than Phoenix.}
But when the force drew near the mountains, they
abandoned their horses and proceeded on foot, and
most of them got far on in advance. Alexander
himself, however, would not consent to abandon the
worn and weary Lysimachus, since evening was al-
ready coming on and the enemy were near, but sought
to encourage him and carry him along. Before he
was aware of it, therefore, he was separated from his
army with a few followers, and had to spend a night
of darkness and intense cold in a region that was
rough and difficult. In this plight, he saw far off a
number of scattered fires which the enemy were
burning. So, since he was confident in his own
agility, and was ever wont to cheer the Macedonians
in their perplexities by sharing their toils, he ran to
the nearest camp-fire. Two Barbarians who were
sitting at the fire he despatched with his dagger, and
snatching up a fire-brand, brought it to his own party.
These kindled a great fire and at once frightened
some of the enemy into flight, routed others who
came up against them, and spent the night without
further peril. Such, then, is the account we have
from Chares.

XXV. The siege of the city had the following
issue. While Alexander was giving the greater part
of his forces a rest from the many struggles which
they had undergone, and was leading up only a few
men to attack the walls, in order that the enemy might
have no respite, Aristander the seer made a sacrifice,
and after taking the omens, declared very confidently

1 Cf. chapter v. 5.
295

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

διωρίσατο πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ἐν ἐκείνῳ TO μηνὶ
΄ ς , \ , /

2 πάντως ἁλώσεσθαι τὴν πόλιν. γενομένου δὲ
χλευασμοῦ καὶ γέλωτος (ἣν γὰρ ἡ τελευταία τοῦ
μηνὸς ἡμέρα), διηπορημένον αὐτὸν ἰδὼν ὁ βασι-
λεὺς καὶ συμφιλοτιμούμενος ἀεὶ τοῖς μαντεύμασιν
ἐκέλευε μηκέτι τριακάδα τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην,
ἀλλὰ τρίτην φθίνοντος ἀριθμεῖν: καὶ τῇ σάλ-
πιγγι σημήνας ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῶν τειχῶν ἐρρωμενέ-
στερον ἤπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς διενοήθη. γενομένης δὲ

lal > a \ \ a 5 τι /
λαμπρᾶς ἐπιβολῆς καὶ μηδὲ τῶν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου
καρτερούντων, ἀλλὰ συντρεχόντων καὶ προσβοη-
θούντων, ἀπεῖπον οἱ Τύριοι" καὶ τὴν πόλιν εἷλε
κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν.

8 Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πολιορκοῦντι Γάζαν αὐτῷ, τῆς
Συρίας μεγίστην πόλιν, ἐμπίπτει βῶλος εἰς τὸν
= » \ A e \ + ς ᾿. ἂν 37?
ὦμον ἀφεθεὶς ἄνωθεν ὑπὸ ὄρνιθος. ὁ δὲ ὄρνις ἐφ
A a 4 / of. >
ἕν τῶν μηχανημάτων καθίσας ἔλαθεν ἐνσχεθεὶς
τοῖς νευρίνοις κεκρυφάλοις, οἷς πρὸς τὰς ἐπιστρο-

4 φὰς τῶν σχοινίων ἐχρῶντο. καὶ τὸ σημεῖον
> / \ \ ᾽ / ¢ > ,
ἀπέβη κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αριστάνδρου πρόρρησιν: ἐτρώθη
μὲν γὰρ ᾿Αλέξανδρος εἰς τὸν ὦμον, ἔλαβε δὲ τὴν
πόλιν. ἀποστέλλων δὲ πολλὰ τῶν λαφύρων
᾿Ολυμπιάδι καὶ Κλεοπάτρᾳ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις, κατέ-
πεμψε καὶ Λεωνίδῃ τῷ παιδαγωγῷ τάλαντα
λιβανωτοῦ πεντακόσια καὶ σμύρνης ἑκατόν, ἀνα-

ὅ μνησθεὶς παιδικῆς ἐλπίδος. ὁ γὰρ Λεωνίδης, ὡς
Ψ 2 / \ \ \ ; 7 b]
ἔοικεν, ἐν θυσίᾳ ποτὲ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐπι-
δραξάμενον ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς χερσὶ καὶ καθαγί-

a θ / «ες “' » ” ες -“
σαντα τοῦ θυμιάματος, ταν, ἔφη, “Tis

296

ALEXANDER, xxv. 1-5

to the bystanders that the city would certainly be
captured during that month. His words produced
laughter and jesting, since it was then the last day
of the month, and the king, seeing that he was per-
plexed, and being always eager to support his pro-
phecies, gave orders to reckon that day, not as the
thirtieth of the month, but as the twenty-eighth ;
and then, after the trumpet had sounded the signal,
he attacked the walls with greater vigour than he
had at first intended. The assault became fierce,
and even those troops which had been left in camp
could not restrain themselves, but ran in throngs to
help the assailants, and the Tyrians gave up the
fight. So Alexander took the city on that day.
After this, as he was giving siege to Gaza,! the
principal city of Syria, a clod of earth, which had
been dropped from on high by a bird, struck him on
the shoulder. The bird alighted on one of the bat-
tering-engines, and was at once caught in the network
of sinews which were used to give a twist to the
ropes.2, And the omen was fulfilled as Aristander
predicted; for though Alexander was wounded in
the shoulder, he took the city. Moreover, as he
was dispatching great quantities of the spoils home
to Olympias and Cleopatra and his friends, he
sent. also. to Leonidas his tutor five hundred talents’
weight of frankincense and a hundred of myrrh,
_-in=-remembrance of the hope with which that
_-teacher had inspired his boyhood. It would seem,
namely, that Leonidas, as Alexander was one day
sacrificing and taking incense with both hands _ to
throw upon the altar-fire, said to him :-—“ Alexander,

1 During September and October of 332 8.0, “© .
3 Cf. Curtius, Hist, Alex. iv. 6, 11 £.

297

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀρωματοφόρου κρατήσῃς, ᾿Αλέξανδρε, πλουσίως

οὕτως ἐπιθυμιάσεις" νῦν δὲ φειδομένως χρῶ τοῖς
“ >

παροῦσι. τότε οὖν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἔγραψε πρὸς

> / «cc? / / \ Μ
αὐτὸν" “᾿Απεστάλκαμέν σοι λιβανωτὸν ἄφθονον
καὶ σμύρναν, ὅπως παύσῃ πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς μικρο-
λογούμενος."

XXVI. Κιβωτίου δέ τινος αὐτῷ προσενεχθέν-
τος, οὗ πολυτελέστερον οὐδὲν ἐφάνη τοῖς τὰ
Δαρείου χρήματα καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς Tapadap-

/ » , \ / “ / /
βάνουσιν, ἠρώτα τοὺς φίλους 6 τι δοκοίη μάλιστα
τῶν ἀξίων σπουδῆς εἰς αὐτὸ καταθέσθαι: πολλὰ
δὲ πολλῶν λεγόντων αὐτὸς ἔφη τὴν Ἰλιάδα
φρουρήσειν ἐνταῦθα καταθέμενος. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν
οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν ἀξιοπίστων μεμαρτυρήκασιν. εἰ
δ᾽, ὅ ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς λέ ἫἩρακλείδ

, ὅπερ εξανὸρεῖς λέγουσιν Ἡρακλείδῃ πι-

,ὔ \
στεύοντες, ἀληθές ἐστιν, οὔκουν ἀργὸς οὐδὲ ἀσύμ-
βολος αὐτῷ συστρατεύειν ἔοικεν Ὅμηρος. λέγουσι
γὰρ ὅτι τῆς Αἰγύπτου κρατήσας ἐβούλετο πόλιν

’ \ / ¢. / /
μεγάλην καὶ πολυάνθρωπον ᾿Ελληνίδα συνοικίσας
ἐπώνυμον ἑαυτοῦ καταλιπεῖν, καί τινα τόπον
γνώμῃ τῶν ἀρχιτεκτόνων ὅσον οὐδέπω διεμετρεῖτο.
καὶ περιέβαλλεν. εἶτα νύκτωρ κοιμώμενος ὄψιν
3 7 > \ \ 2 7 \ /
εἶδε θαυμαστήν: ἀνὴρ πολιὸς εὖ μάλα THY κόμην
καὶ γεραρὸς πὸ εἶδος ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ παραστὰς
λέγειν τὰ ἔπη τάδε:

Νῆσος ἔπειτά τις ἔστι πολυκλύστῳ ἐνὶ πόντῳ,

Αὐγύπτου προπάροιθε: Φάρον δέ ἑ κικλήσκουσιν.

εὐθὺς οὖν ἐξαναστὰς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν Φάρον, ἣ

τότε μὲν ἔτι νῆσος ἦν, τοῦ Κανωβικοῦ μικρὸν
Le “

ἀνωτέρω στόματος, νῦν δὲ διὰ χώματος ἀνείλη-
-

298

ALEXANDER, xxv. 5—xxvi. 3

when thou hast conquered the spice-bearing re-
gions thou canst be thus lavish with thine incense ;
now, however, use sparingly what thou hast.” Ac-
cordingly, Alexander now wrote him: “I have sent
thee myrrh and frankincense in abundance, that thou
mayest stop dealing parsimoniously with the gods.”

XXVI. When a small coffer was brought to him,
which those in charge of the baggage and wealth of
Dareius thought the most precious thing there, he
asked his friends what valuable object they thought
would most fittingly be deposited in it. And when
many answered and there were many opinions, Alex-
ander himself said he was going to deposit the Iliad
there for safe keeping.1 This is attested by many
trustworthy authorities. And if what the Alexan-
drians tell us on the authority of Heracleides is true,
then it would seem that Homer was no idle or un-
profitable companion for him in his expedition. They
say, namely, that after his conquest of Egypt he
wished to found a large and populous Greek city
which should bear his name, and by the advice of
his architects was on the point of measuring off and
enclosing a certain site for it. Then, in the night,
as he lay asleep, he saw a wonderful vision. A man
with very hoary locks and of a venerable aspect
appeared to stand by his side and recite these
verses :—

“ Now, there is an island in the much-dashing sea,
In front of Egypt; Pharos is what men call it.’ 2

Accordingly, he rose up at once and went to Pharos,
which at that time was still an island, a little above
the Canobie mouth of the Nile, but now it has been

1 Cf. chapter viii. 2, 2 Odyssey, iv. 354 f.
299

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Ν \ » e > s , Ξ
4 Tat πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον. ὡς οὖν εἶδε τόπον
> = / / 4 > > “
εὐφυΐᾳ διαφέροντα (ταινία γάρ ἐστιν ἰσθμῷ
πλάτος ἔχοντι σύμμετρον ἐπιεικῶς διείργουσα
λίμνην τε πολλὴν καὶ θάλασσαν ἐν λιμένε
Δ a δ ἢ Ὡς ΠΝ 9 ”
μεγάλῳ τελευτῶσαν), εἰπὼν ὡς “Ὅμηρος ἦν ἄρα
, »” Ν [4 > /
τά τε ἄλλα θαυμαστὸς Kal σοφώτατος ἀρχιτέ-
κτων, ἐκέλευσε διαγράψαι τὸ σχῆμα τῆς πόλεως
ὅ τῷ τόπῳ συναρμόττοντας. καὶ γῆ μὲν οὐ παρῆν
λευκή, τῶν δὲ ἀλφίτων λαμβάνοντες ἐν πεδίῳ
μελαγγείῳ κυκλοτερῆ κόλπον ἦγον, οὗ τὴν ἐντὸς
περιφέρειαν εὐθεῖαι βάσεις ὥσπερ ἀπὸ κρασπέδων
> n 4 ς 7 3 ΝΜ /
εἰς σχῆμα χλαμύδος ὑπελάμβανον, ἐξ ἴσου συνά-
Ν Ul ς / \ a , a
γουσαι TO μέγεθος. ἡσθέντος δὲ τῇ διαθέσει τοῦ 680
βασιλέως αἰφνίδιον ὄρνιθες ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ
τῆς λίμνης, πλήθει τε ἄπειροι καὶ κατὰ γένος
παντοδαποὶ καὶ μέγεθος, ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον καταίρον-
τες νέφεσιν ἐοικότες οὐδὲ μικρὸν ὑπέλιπον τῶν
ἀλφίτων, ὥστε καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον διαταρα-
a ,
χθῆναι πρὸς τὸν οἰωνόν.
6 Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν μάντεων θαρρεῖν παραινούν-
͵ Ν cal / ς »
των (πολυαρκεστάτην γὰρ οἰκίζεσθαι πόλιν ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ, καὶ παντοδαπῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐσομένην τρο-
φόν) ἔργου κελεύσας ἔχεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιμελητὰς
αὐτὸς ὥρμησεν εἰς "Ἄμμωνος, ὁδὸν μακρὰν καὶ
\ \ ΝΜ > ΄ \ / ,ὔ
πολλὰ μὲν ἔχουσαν ἐργώδη καὶ ταλαίπωρα, κινδύ-
\ 4 Ν \ > , » A » / >
vous δὲ Ovo, Tov μὲν avudpias, δι᾿ ἣν ἔρημός ἐστιν
> 3, κα e a \ , > / > bla
οὐκ ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν, τὸν δέ, εἰ λάβρος ἐν ἄμμῳ
βαθείᾳ καὶ ἀχανεῖ πορευομένοις ἐπιπέσοι νότος,

300

ALEXANDER, xxvi. 4-6

joined to the mainland by a causeway. And when
he saw a site of surpassing natural advantages (for
it is a strip of land like enough to a broad isthmus,
extending between a great lagoon and a stretch of
sea which terminates in a large harbour), he said he
saw now that Homer was not only admirable in other
ways, but also a very wise architect, and ordered the
plan of the city to be drawn in conformity with this
site. There was no chalk at hand, so they took
barley-meal! and marked out with it on the dark
soil a rounded area, to whose inner arc straight lines
extended so as to produce the figure of a chlamys,
or military cloak, the lines beginning from the skirts
(as one may say), and narrowing the breadth of the
area uniformly.2 The king was delighted with the
design; but suddenly birds from the river and the
lagoon, infinite in number and of every sort and
size, settled down upon the place like clouds and
devoured every particle of the barley-meal, so that
even Alexander was greatly disturbed at the omen.
However, the seers exhorted him to be of good
cheer, since the city here founded by him would
have most abundant and helpful resources and be a
nursing mother for men of every nation, and so he
ordered those in charge of the work to proceed with
it, while he himself set out for the temple of Ammon.
The journey thither was long, full of toils and hard-
ships, and had two perils. One is the dearth of
water, which leaves the traveller destitute of it for
many days; the other arises when a fierce south wind
smites men travelling in sand of boundless depth,

1 Cf. Arrian, Anqab. iii. 2, 1.
3 See Tarbell, ‘‘The Form of the Chlamys,” Classical
Philology, 1906, p. 285.

301

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὥς που καὶ πάλαι λέγεται περὶ τὸν Καμβύσου
στρατόν, ἀναστήσας θῖνα μεγάλην καὶ κυματώσας
τὸ πεδίον μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων πέντε καταχῶσαι
1 καὶ διαφθεῖραι. ταῦτα πάντα σχεδὸν πάντες
ἐλογίζοντο, χαλεπὸν δὲ ἣν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀποτρέ-
Wat πρὸς ὁτιοῦν ὡρμημένον. ἥ τε γὰρ τύχη ταῖς
ἐπιβολαῖς ὑπείκουσα τὴν γνώμην ἰσχυρὰν ἐποίει,
καὶ τὸ θυμοειδὲς ἄχρι τῶν πραγμάτων ὑπεξέφερε
τὴν φιλονεικίαν ἀήττητον, οὐ μόνον πολεμίους,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τόπους καὶ καιροὺς καταβιαζομένην.
XXVII. Ἔν γοῦν τῇ τότε πορείᾳ τὰ συντυ-
χόντα ταῖς ἀπορίαις παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθήματα
τῶν ὑστέρων χρησμῶν ἐπιστεύθη μᾶλλον: τρόπον
δέ τινα καὶ τοῖς χρησμοῖς ἡ πίστις ἐκ τούτων.
ὑπῆρξε. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐκ Διὸς ὕδωρ πολὺ
καὶ διαρκεῖς ὑετοὶ γενόμενοι τόν τε τῆς δίψης
φόβον ἔλυσαν, καὶ τὴν ξηρότητα κατασβέσαντες
τῆς ἄμμου, νοτερᾶς γενομένης καὶ πρὸς αὑτὴν
ξυμπεσούσης, εὔπνουν τὸν ἀέρα καὶ καθαρώτερον
2 παρέσχον. ἔπειτα τῶν ὅρων, οἵπερ ἦσαν τοῖς
ὁδηγοῖς, συγχυθέντων καὶ πλάνης οὔσης καὶ
διασπασμοῦ τῶν βαδιζόντων διὰ τὴν ἄγνοιαν,
κόρακες ἐκφανέντες ὑπελάμβανον τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
τῆς πορείας, ἑπομένων μὲν ἔμπροσθεν πετόμενοι
καὶ σπεύδοντες, ὑστεροῦντας δὲ καὶ βραδύνοντας
8 ἀναμένοντες" ὃ δὲ ἣν θαυμασιώτατον, ὡς Καλλι-
σθένης φησί, ταῖς φωναῖς ἀνακαλούμενοι τοὺς

1 Cf. Herod. iii. 26.

2 According to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, two serpents served
Alexander's army as guides to the oracle and back again.
‘‘But Aristobulus, whose account is generally admitted to

302

ALEXANDER, xxvi. 6-xxvu. 3

as is said to have been the case with the army of
Cambyses, long ago; the wind raised great billows
of sand all over the plain and buried up fifty thousand
men, to their utter destruction.1 Almost all of Alex-
ander’s followers took all these things into consider-
ation, but it was difficult to turn him aside from any
course so ever when he had once set out upon it.
For Fortune, by yielding to his onsets, was making
his purpose obstinate, and the high spirit which he
carried into his undertakings rendered his ambition
finally invincible, so that it subdued not only enemies,
but even times and places.

XXVII. At all events, during the journey which
he made at this time, the assistance rendered him by
Heaven in his perplexities met with more credence
than the oracles which he afterwards received, nay,
in a way, the oracles obtained credence in conse-
quence of such assistance. For, to begin with, much
rain from heaven and persistent showers removed
all fear of thirst, quenched the dryness of the sand,
so that it became moist and compact, and made
the air purer and good to breathe. Again, when the
marks for the guides became confused, and the
travellers were separated and wandered about in
ignorance of the route, ravens appeared and as-
sumed direction of their march,? flying swiftly on
in front of them when they followed, and waiting
for them when they marched slowly and lagged
behind. Moreover, what was most astonishing of
all, Callisthenes tells us that the birds by their cries
called back those who straggled away in the night,
be correct, says that two ravens flew in front of the army
ris os as Alexander’s guides” (Arrian, Anab. iii

393

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πλανωμένους νύκτωρ Kal κλάζοντες εἰς ἴχνος
καθίστασαν τῆς πορείας.

"Emel δὲ διεξελθὼν τὴν ἔρημον ἧκεν εἰς τὸν
τόπον, ὁ μὲν προφήτης αὐτὸν ὁ ἼΑΔμμωνος ἀπὸ
τοῦ θεοῦ χαίρειν, ὡς ἀπὸ πατρός, προσεῖπεν" ὁ
δὲ ἐπήρετο μή τις αὐτὸν εἴη διαπεφευγὼς τῶν τοῦ
πατρὸς φονέων. εὐφημεῖν δὲ τοῦ προφήτου
κελεύσαντος, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι πατέρα θνητὸν αὐτῷ,
μεταβαλὼν ἐπυνθάνετο, τοὺς Φιλίππου φονεῖς εἰ
πάντας εἴη τετιμωρημένος" εἶτα περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς,
εἰ πάντων αὐτῷ δίδωσιν ἀνθρώπων κυρίῳ γενέ-
σθαι. χρήσαντος δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοῦτο διδόναι
καὶ Φίλιππον ἀπέχειν ἔκπλεω τὴν δίκην, ἐδωρεῖτο
τὸν θεὸν ἀναθήμασι λαμπροῖς καὶ χρήμασι τοὺς
ἀνθρώπους.

Ταῦτα περὶ τῶν χρησμῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι γρά-
φουσιν" αὐτὸς δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐν ἐπιστολῇ πρὸς
τὴν μητέρα φησὶ γεγονέναι τινὰς αὐτῷ μαντείας
ἀπορρήτους, ἃς αὐτὸς ἐπανελθὼν φράσει πρὸς
μόνην ἐκείνην. ἔνιοι δέ φασι τὸν μὲν προφήτην
Ἑλληνιστὶ βουλόμενον προσειπεῖν μετά τινος
φιλοφροσύνης “ἾὮΩ παιδίον," ἐν τῷ τελευταίῳ τῶν
φθόγγων ὑπὸ βαρβαρισμοῦ πρὸς τὸ σίγμα ἐξενε-
'χθῆναι καὶ εἰπεῖν, “ἾΩ, παιδίος, ἀντὶ τοῦ vd τῷ
σίγμα χρησάμενον, ἀσμένῳ δὲ τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ τὸ
σφάλμα τῆς φωνῆς γενέσθαι καὶ διαδοθῆναι ro-
γον ὡς παῖδα Διὸς αὐτὸν τοῦ θεοῦ προσειπόντος.
λέγεται δὲ καὶ Ψάμμωνος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τοῦ φιλο-
σόφου διακούσας ἀποδέξασθαι μάλιστα τῶν
λεχθέντων, ὅτι πάντες οἱ ἄνθρωποι βασιλεύονται
ὑπὸ θεοῦ" τὸ γὰρ ἄρχον ἐν ἑκάστῳ καὶ κρατοῦν

304

ALEXANDER, xxvu. 3-6

and cawed until they had set them in the track of
the march.

When Alexander had passed through the desert
and was come to the place of the oracle, the prophet
of Ammon gave him salutation from the god as from
a father; whereupon Alexander asked him whether
any of the murderers of his father had escaped him.
To this the prophet answered by bidding him be
guarded in his speech, since his was not a mortal
father. Alexander therefore changed the form of
his question, and asked whether the murderers of
Philip had all been punished; and then, regarding
his own empire, he asked whether it was given to
him to become lord and master of all mankind. The
god gave answer that this was given to him, and that
Philip was fully avenged. Then Alexander made
splendid offerings to the god and gave his priests
large gifts of money.

This is what most writers state regarding the
oracular responses; but Alexander himself, in a
letter to his mother, says that he received certain
secret responses, which he would tell to her, and to
her alone, on his return. And some say that the
prophet, wishing to show his friendliness by address-
ing him with “O paidion,” or O my son, in his foreign
pronunciation ended the words with “s”’ instead of
“n,” and said, “O paidios,” and that Alexander was
pleased at the slip in pronunciation, and a story
became current that the god had addressed him
with “O pai Dios,” or O son of Zeus. We are told,) ἡ
also, that he listened to the teachings of Psammon
the philosopher in Egypt, and-accepted most readily
“this utterance of his, namely, that all mankind are
under the kingship of God, since in every case that

305.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θεῖόν ἐστιν: Ett δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτὸς περὶ τούτων 68
φιλοσοφώτερον δοξάζειν καὶ λέγειν, ὡς πάντων
μὲν ὄντα κοινὸν ἀνθρώπων πατέρα τὸν θεόν, ἰδί-
ous δὲ ποιούμενον ἑαυτοῦ τοὺς ἀρίστους.
XXVIII. Καθόλου δὲ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς βαρβά-
Ν /
ρους σοβαρὸς ἣν καὶ σφόδρα πεπεισμένῳ περὶ
τῆς ἐκ θεοῦ γενέσεως καὶ τεκνώσεως ὅμοιος, τοῖς
\@ / ‘ ς 7 € \
δὲ “Ἑλλησι μετρίως καὶ ὑποφειδομένως ἑαυτὸν
ἐξεθείαζε: πλὴν περὶ Σάμου γράφων ᾿Αθηναίοις,
cc? \ Ἁ > » ” /, ‘ec « lal > , ,
Ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ av, φησίν, “ὑμῖν ἐλευθέραν πό-
λιν ἔδωκα καὶ ἔνδοξον" ἔχετε δὲ αὐτὴν λαβόντες
παρὰ τοῦ τότε κυρίου καὶ πατρὸς ἐμοῦ προσαγο-
, 3») / \ Di ef δὲ
ρευομένου,᾽ λέγων τὸν Φίλιππον. ὕστερον
a A ,
πληγῇ περιπεσὼν ὑπὸ τοξεύματος καὶ περιαλγὴς
, ς lal 4... 3 3 ἐς 2 / Εν ,
γενόμενος, “Τοῦτο μέν," εἶπεν, “ὦ φίλοι, τὸ ῥέον
αἷμα, καὶ οὐκ
> , / / ΕΥ̓, / a ΕΣ
ἰχώρ, οἷός πέρ τε ῥέει μακάρεσσι θεοῖσιν.

\ a
ἐπεὶ δὲ μεγάλης ποτὲ βροντῆς γενομένης καὶ
/ >
πάντων ἐκπλαγέντων ᾿Ανάξαρχος ὁ σοφιστὴς
a
παρὼν ἔφη πρὸς αὐτόν, “Μή τι σὺ τοιοῦτον ὁ
τοῦ Διός; ᾿ γελάσας ἐκεῖνος, “Οὐ βούλομαι γάρ,"
53 ἐξ \ 3 5 , “Ψ ΄
εἶπε, “φοβερὸς εἶναι τοῖς φίλοις, ὥσπερ σύ με
/ lal ει cal
κελεύεις ὁ καταφαυλίζων μου τὸ δεῖπνον, ὅτι ταῖς
€ n
τραπέζαις ἰχθύας ὁρᾷς ἐπικειμένους, οὐ σατρα-
al Pepe n A. ” / Ν > ΄
πῶν κεφαλάς. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι λέγεται τὸν ᾿Ανά-
> / ¢ ’ ig x
ἕαρχον ἰχθυδίων Ἡφαιστίωνι πεμφθέντων ὑπὸ
rn / \ / 2 /
τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν προειρημένον ἐπιφθέγξασθαι
/
λόγον, οἷον ἐξευτελίζοντα καὶ κατειρωνευόμενον

306

ALEXANDER, xxvul. 6--ΧΧΥΠΙ. 3

which gets the. mastery and rules is divine. Still
more of Moaphical: however, was his own opinion
and utterance on this head, namely that although
God was indeed a common father of all mankind,
still, He made peculiarly His own the noblest and
best of them.

XXVIII. In general, he bore himself haughtily
towards the Barbarians, and like one fully persuaded
of his divine birth and parentage, but with the Greeks
it was within limits and somewhat rarely that he
assumed his own divinity. However, in writing to
the Athenians concerning Samos, he said: “ I cannot
have given you that free and illustrious city; for ye
received it from him who was then your master and
was called my father,” meaning Philip. At a later

time, however, when he had been hit by an arrow ἡ

and was suffering great pain, he said: “This, my
friends, that flows here, is blood, and not

‘Ichor, such as flows from the veins of the blessed
gods.’ ’’}

Once, too, there came a great peal of thunder, and
all were terrified at it; whereupon Anaxarchus the
sophist who was present said to Alexander : “ Couldst
thou, the son of Zeus, thunder like that?” At this,
Alexander laughed and said: “ Nay, I do not wish to
cause fear in my friends, as thou wouldst have me
do, thou who despisest my suppers because, as thou
sayest, thou seest the tables furnished with fish, and
not with satraps’ heads.” For, in fact, we are told
that Anaxarchus, on seeing a present of small fish
which the king had sent to Hephaestion, had uttered
the speech above mentioned, as though he were dis-

1 Jliad, v. 340. 2 Cf. Athenaeus, pp. 250 f.
397

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τοὺς Ta περίβλεπτα μεγάλοις πόνοις καὶ κινδύ-
νοις διώκοντας, ὡς οὐδὲν ἢ μικρὸν ἐν ἡδοναῖς καὶ
> , , » a ov © oe 4
ἀπολαύσεσι πλέον ἔχοντας τῶν ἄλλων. ὁ δ᾽ οὖν
᾿Αλέξανδρος καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν εἰρημένων δῆλός ἐστιν
αὐτὸς οὐδὲν πεπονθὼς οὐδὲ τετυφωμένος, ἀλλὰ
τοὺς ἄλλους καταδουλούμενος τῇ δόξῃ τῆς θειό-
τητος.

XXIX. Eis δὲ Φοινίκην ἐπανελθὼν ἐξ Αἰγύ-
πτου θυσίας τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ πομπὰς ἐπετέλει καὶ
χορῶν κυκλίων καὶ τραγικῶν ἀγῶνας, οὐ μόνον
ταῖς παρασκευαῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς ἁμίλλαις χαμ-
προὺς γενομένους. ἐχορήγουν γὰρ οἱ βασιλεῖς
τῶν Κυπρίων, ὥσπερ ᾿Αθήνησιν οἱ κληρούμενοι
τὰς φυλάς, καὶ ἠγωνίζοντο θαυμαστῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ

ἤ
πρὸς ἀλλήλους. μάλιστα δὲ Νικοκρέων ὁ Σαλα-
μίνιος καὶ ΠΠασικράτης ὁ Σόλιος διεφιλονείκησαν.
οὗτοι γὰρ ἔλαχον τοῖς ἐνδοξοτάτοις ὑποκριταῖς
nr ai f \ "AG ὃ / N
χορηγεῖν, Ἰ]Πασικράτης μὲν ηνοδόρῳ, Νικο-

, \ a λὰ > / > 1%
κρέων δὲ Θεσσαλῷ, περὶ ὃν ἐσπουδάκει Kal αὐτὸς
> / > \ / ‘ A ,
AnréEavdpos. οὐ μὴν διέφηνε τὴν σπουδὴν πρό-
τερον ἢ ταῖς ψήφοις ἀναγορευθῆναι νικῶντα τὸν
9 , ͵ ee ae, ῃ \ » ι
AOnvodwpov. τότε δέ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀπιὼν ἔφη τοὺς
μὲν κριτὰς ἐπαινεῖν, αὐτὸς μέντοι μέρος ἂν ἡδέως

7 nr / 3 A “ \ \
προέσθαι τῆς βασιλείας ἐπὶ TH μὴ Θεσσαλὸν
3 “ la b \ \? ὃ [ Ν a
ἰδεῖν νενικημένον. ἐπεὶ δὲ “A@nvodwpos ὑπὸ τῶν
> , / Ὁ \ \ > lal “
Αθηναίων ζημιωθείς, ὅτε πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν
Διονυσίων οὐκ ἀπήντησεν, ἠξίου γράψαι περὶ

308

ALEXANDER, xxvi. 2-ΧΧΙΧ. 3

paraging and ridiculing those who undergo great
toils and dangers in the pursuit of eminence and
power, since in the way of enjoyments and pleasures

they have little or nothing more than other men...

From what has been said, then, it is clear that_Alex-
andér_ himself was not foolishly affected or puffed —
up by the belief in his divinity, Dat use sed it for the
ubjugation of-tthers “ᾳ««Ἰπαὐὐνασσππασανο

~-XXIX. When he had returned from Egypt into
Phoenicia,! he honoured the gods with sacrifices and
solemn processions, and held contests of dithyrambic
choruses and tragedies which were made brilliant,
not only by their furnishings, but also by the com-
petitors who exhibited them. For the kings of
Cyprus were the choregi, or exhibitors, just like, at
Athens, those chosen by lot from the tribes, and
they competed against each other with amazing
ambition. Most eager of all was the contention
between Nicocreon of Salamis and Pasicrates of Soli.
For the lot assigned to these exhibitors the most
celebrated actors, to Pasicrates Athenodorus, and to
Nicocreon Thessalus, in whose success Alexander
himself was interested. He did not reveal this in-
. terest, however, until, by the votes of the judges,
Athenodorus had been proclaimed victor. But then,
as it would appear, on leaving the theatre, he said
that he approved the decision of the judges, but
would gladly have given up a part of his kingdom
rather than to have seen Thessalus vanquished. And
yet, when Athenodorus, who had been fined by the
Athenians for not keeping his engagement in the
dramatic contest of their Dionysiac festival, asked
-the king to write a letter to them in his behalf,

1 Karly in 331 B.o.

VOL, VII. L 399

Ἢ

=>

-ταῦ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> a \ β a \ > 2 , ‘
αὐτοῦ τὸν βασιλέα, τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἐποίησε, τὴν
\ , > / > e al /
δὲ ζημίαν ἀπέστειλε παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ. Λύκωνος δὲ
τοῦ Σκαρφέως εὐημεροῦντος ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ καὶ
στίχον εἰς τὴν κωμῳδίαν ἐμβαλόντος αἴτησιν
περιέχοντα δέκα ταλάντων, γελάσας ἔδωκε.

Δαρείου δὲ πέμψαντος ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν

\ , / / \ ε Ν “Ὁ e
καὶ φίλους δεομένους μύρια μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἑαλω-
κότων λαβεῖν τάλαντα, τὴν δὲ ἐντὸς Εὐφράτου
πᾶσαν ἔχοντα καὶ γήμαντα μίαν τῶν θυγατέρων
φίλον εἶναι καὶ σύμμαχον, ἐκοινοῦτο τοῖς ἑταί-

\ / ea ἢ εἰ ᾽ \ ΕΗ ΠῚ
ροις" καὶ Παρμενίωνος εἰπόντος “᾿Εγὼ μέν, εἰ
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἤμην, ἔλαβον ἂν ταῦτα," “ Κἀγώ,
νὴ Δία, εἶπεν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, “ εἰ Παρμενίων.

Ν \ \ a 4 e > Ν > 4
πρὸς δὲ τὸν Δαρεῖον ἔγραψεν, ὡς οὐδενὸς ἀτυχή-

nr , > \ \ > , > /
cet τῶν φιλανθρώπων ἐλθὼν πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ δὲ μή,
αὐτὸς ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἤδη πορεύεσθαι.

ΧΧΧ, Ταχὺ μέντοι μετεμελήθη τῆς Δαρείου
γυναικὸς ἀποθανούσης ἐν ὠδῖσι" καὶ φανερὸς ἣν
ἀνιώμενος ὡς ἐπίδειξιν οὐ μικρὰν ἀφηρημένος
χρηστότητος. ἔθαψεν οὖν τὴν ἄνθρωπον οὐ-
δεμιᾶς πολυτελείας φειδόμενος. τῶν δὲ θαλαμη-
πόλων τις εὐνούχων, οἱ συνεαλώκεισαν ταῖς γυ-
ναιξίν, ἀποδρὰς ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ πρὸς
Δαρεῖον ἀφιππασάμενος, Τείρεως ὄνομα, φράξει
τὸν θάνατον αὐτῷ τῆς γυναικός. ὡς δὲ πληξά-

\ \ \ , / ‘ec Φ a -“
μενος τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ ἀνακλαύσας εὖ τοῦ
Περσῶν ᾽᾿ ἔφη “ δαίμονος, εἰ τὴν βασιλέως γυναῖ-

er \ > , > , ,
κα Kal ἀδελφὴν ov μόνον αἰχμάλωτον γενέσθαι

310

θ8:

ALEXANDER, xxrx. 3- ΧΧχ. 2

though he would not do this, he sent them the
amount of the fine from his own purse. Furthermore,
when Lycon of Scarpheia, who was acting success-
fully before Alexander, inserted into the comedy a
verse containing a request for ten talents, Alexander
laughed and gave them to him.!

When Dareius sent to him a letter and friends,” -
begging him to accept ten thousand talents as ransom
for the captives, to hold all the territory this side
of the Euphrates, to take one of his daughters in
matriage, and on these terms to be his ally and
friend, Alexander imparted the matter to his com-
panions. “If I were Alexander,” said Parmenio, “I
would accept these terms.”’ “And so indeed would
I,” said Alexander, “were I Parmenio.” But to
Dareius he wrote: “Come to me, and thou shalt
receive every courtesy ; but otherwise I shall march
at once against thee.” 8

XXX. Soon, however, he repented him of this
answer, when the wife of Dareius died in child-
birth, and it was evident that he was distressed at
this loss of opportunity to show great kindness.
Accordingly, he gave the woman a sumptuous burial.
One of the eunuchs of the bed-chamber who had
been captured with the women, Teireos by name,
ran away from the camp, made his way on horseback
to Dareius, and told him of the death of his wife.
Then the king, beating upon his head and bursting
into lamentation, said: “ Alas for the evil genius of
the Persians, if the sister and wife of their king
ΟἽ ΟΣ Morals, pp. 334 f.

? This was during the siege of Tyre, according to Arrian
(Anab. ii, 25. 1).

8 This was but the conclusion of an arrogant letter. Cf.
Arrian, Anab. ii. 25, 3.

211

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ζῶσαν, ἀλλὰ Kal τελευτήσασαν ἄμοιρον κεῖσθαι
ταφῆς βασιλικῆς," ὑπολαβὼν ὁ θαλαμηπόλος,
“᾿Αλλὰ ταφῆς γε χάριν, εἶπεν, “ὦ βασιλεῦ,
καὶ τιμῆς ἁπάσης καὶ τοῦ πρέποντος οὐδὲν ἔχεις
αἰτιάσασθαι τὸν πονηρὸν δαίμονα Περσῶν. οὔτε
γὰρ ζώσῃ τῇ δεσποίνῃ Στατείρᾳ καὶ μητρὶ σῇ καὶ
τέκνοις ἐνέδει τῶν πρόσθεν ἀγαθῶν καὶ καλῶν ἢ
\ Ν ΞΕ ΝΣ lal A / > ‘ \
TO σὸν opav φῶς, ὃ πάλιν ἀναλάμψει λαμπρὸν
ὁ κύριος ᾿Ωρομάσδης, οὔτε ἀποθανοῦσα κόσμου
\ Ν / > \ \ , ΄
τινὸς ἄμοιρος γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολεμίων TETI-
μηται δάκρυσιν. οὕτω γὰρ ἔστε χρηστὸς κρατή-
> / ς Χ , ΕΣ]
σας ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ὡς δεινὸς μαχόμενος.
Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντα Δαρεῖον ἡ ταραχὴ καὶ τὸ
,ὕ ies \ ε , > 7 \
πάθος ἐξέφερε πρὸς ὑποψίας ἀτόπους" καὶ τὸν
εὐνοῦχον ἐνδοτέρω τῆς σκηνῆς ἀπαγαγών, “Ἐπ
μὴ καὶ σὺ μετὰ τῆς Περσῶν, ἔφη, “τύχης μακε-
δονίζεις, GAN ἔτι σοι δεσπότης ἐγὼ Δαρεῖος, εἰπέ
μοι σεβόμενος Μίθρου τε φῶς μέγα καὶ δεξιὰν
βασίλειον, ἄρα μὴ τὰ μικρότατα τῶν Στατείρας
κλαίω κακῶν, οἰκτρότερα δὲ ζώσης ἐπάσχομεν,
καὶ μᾶλλον ἂν κατ᾽ ἀξίαν ἐδυστυχοῦμεν ὠμῷ καὶ
σκυθρωπῷ περιπεσόντες ἐχθρῷ; τί γὰρ εὐπρεπὲς
ἀνδρὶ νέῳ πρὸς ἐχθροῦ γυναῖκα μέχριϊ τιμῆς
τοσαύτης συμβόλαιον; ᾿ ἔτι λέγοντος αὐτοῦ
\ ? \ , , eae. 4
καταβαλὼν ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας Τείρεως αὑτὸν ixé-
> - \ / > / > Lal
τευεν εὐφημεῖν καὶ μήτε ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀδικεῖν
μήτε τὴν τεθνεῶσαν ἀδελφὴν καὶ γυναῖκα καται-
σχῦναι, μήτε αὑτοῦ τὴν μεγίστην ὧν ἔπταικεν
1 μέχρι Coraés and Bekker: καὶ μέχρι.
312

ALEXANDER, xxx. 2-5

must not only become a captive in her life, but also
in her death be deprived of royal burial,” “ Nay,
O King,” answered the chamberlain, “as regards her
burial, and her receiving every fitting honour, thou
hast no charge to make against the evil genius of
the Persians. For neither did my mistress Stateira,
while she lived, or thy mother or thy children, lack
any of their former great blessings except the light
of thy countenance, which Lord Oromazdes. will
cause to shine again with lustre; nor after her death
was she deprived of any funeral adornment, nay,
she was honoured with the tears of enemies. For
Alexander is as gentle after victory as he is terrible
in battle.”

When Dareius heard this, his agitation and grief
swept him into absurd suspicions, and leading the
eunuch away into a more secluded part of his tent,
he said: “1 thou also, together with the fortune
of the Persians, dost not side with the Macedonians,
and if I, Dareius, am still thy lord and master, tell
me, as thou reverest the great light of Mithras and
the right hand of thy king, is it not the least of
Stateira’s misfortunes that I am now lamenting?
While she was alive did I not suffer more pitiful
evils? And would not my wretched fortune have
been more compatible with my honour if I had met
with an angry and savage enemy? For what inter-
course that is proper can a young man have with
an enemy’s wife when it leads to such marks of
honour?” While the king was still speaking, Tei-
reos threw himself down at his feet and besought
him to hold his peace, and neither to wrong Alex-
ander, nor shame his dead sister and wife, nor rob
himself of the greatest consolation for his disasters,

313

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀφαιρεῖσθαι παραμυθίαν, τὸ δοκεῖν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς
ἡττῆσθαι κρείττονος ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην φύ-
σιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ θαυμάζειν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ὡς πλείονα
ταῖς. Περσῶν γυναιξὶ σωφροσύνην ἢ Πέρσαις
ἀνδρείαν ἐπιδεδευγμένον. ἅμα δὲ ὅρκους τε φρι-
κώδεις τοῦ θαλαμηπόλου κινοῦντος ὑπὲρ τούτων,
καὶ περὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐγκρατείας καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας
τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου λέγοντος, ἐξελθὼν πρὸς τοὺς
ἑταίρους ὁ Δαρεῖος καὶ χεῖρας ἀνατείνας πρὸς τὸν
οὐρανὸν ἐπεύξατο" “ Θεοὶ γενέθλιοι καὶ βασίλειοι,
μάλιστα μὲν ἐμοὶ διδοίητε τὴν Περσῶν τύχην εἰς
ὀρθὸν αὖθις σταθεῖσαν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐδεξάμην ἀγαθοῖς
ἀπολιπεῖν, ἵνα κρατήσας ἀμείψωμαι τὰς ᾿Αλεξάν-
δρου χάριτας ὧν εἰς τὰ φίλτατα πταίσας ἔτυχον'
εἰ δ᾽ ἄρα τις οὗτος εἱμαρτὸς ἥκει χρόνος, ὀφειλό-
μενος νεμέσει καὶ μεταβολῇ, παύσασθαι τὰ ΠΕερ-
σῶν, μηδεὶς ἄλλος ἀνθρώπων καθίσειεν᾽ εἰς τὸν
Κύρου θρόνον πλὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου. ταῦτα μὲν
οὕτω γενέσθαι τε καὶ λεχθῆναί φασιν οἱ πλεῖστοι
τῶν συγγραφέων.
XXXI. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ τὴν ἐντὸς τοῦ Evdpa-
του πᾶσαν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ ποιησάμενος ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ
Δαρεῖον ἑκατὸν μυριάσι στρατοῦ καταβαίνοντα.
Kat τις αὐτῷ φράζει τῶν ἑταίρων, ὡς δὴ γέλωτος
ἄξιον πρᾶγμα, τοὺς ἀκολούθους παίζοντας εἰς
δύο μέρη διῃρηκέναι σφᾶς αὐτούς, ὧν ἑκατέρου
στρατηγὸν εἶναι καὶ ἡγεμόνα, τὸν μὲν ᾿Αλέξαν-
δῥον, τὸν δὲ Δαρεῖον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν προσαγορευό-
μενον" ἀρξαμένους δὲ βώλοις ἀκροβολίζεσθαι
πρὸς ἀλλήλους, εἶτα πυγμαῖς, τέλος ἐκκεκαῦσθαι
τῇ φιλονεικίᾳ καὶ μέχρε λίθων καὶ ξύλων, TOA-

314

ALEXANDER, xxx. 5—xxxI. 2

namely, the belief that he had been conquered by a
man who was superior to human nature; nay, he
should even admire Alexander for having shown
greater self-restraint in dealing with Persian women
than valour against Persian men. Then, while the
eunuch was confirming his testimony with the most
solemn oaths, and discoursing on the general self-
mastery and magnanimity of Alexander, Dareius
went out to his companions, and lifting his hands
towards heaven, prayed: “O ye gods of my race and
kingdom, above all things else grant that 1 may leave
the fortune of Persia reéstablished in the prosperity
wherein I found it, in order that my victory may
enable me to requite Alexander for the favours which
I received at his hands when I had lost my dearest
possessions ; but if, then, a fated time has now come,
due to divine jealousy and the vicissitudes of things,
and the sway of the Persians must cease, grant that
no other man may sit upon the throne of Cyrus but
Alexander.” That these things were thus done and
said is the testimony of most historians.!

XXXI. But to return to Alexander, when he had
subdued all the country on this side of the Euphrates,
he marched against Dareius,? who was coming down
to meet him with a million men. On this march
one of his companions told him, as a matter worth
laughing at, that the camp-followers, in sport, had
divided themselves into two bands, and set a general
and commander over each of them, one of whom
they called Alexander, and the other Dareius; and
that they had begun by pelting one another with
clods of earth, then had fought with their fists, and
finally, heated with the desire of battle, had taken

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iv. 20. * In June or July of 331 B.c.
315

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

λοὺς καὶ δυσκαταπαύστους γεγονότας. ταῦτα 6§
ἀκούσας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς μονομαχῆσαι τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας" καὶ τὸν μὲν ᾿Αλέξανδρον αὐτὸς ὥπλισε,
τὸν δὲ Δαρεῖον Φιλώτας. ἐθεᾶτο δὲ ὁ στρατύς,

ἐν οἰωνῷ τινὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος τιθέμενος τὸ γιγνό-
μενον. ἰσχυρᾶς δὲ τῆς μάχης γενομένης ἐνίκησεν

ὁ καλούμενος ᾿Αλέξανδρος, καὶ δωρεὰν ἔλαβε
δώδεκα κώμας καὶ στολῇ Ἱ]ερσικῇ χρῆσθαι.
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ᾿Ιϑρατοσθένης ἱ ἱστόρηκε.

Τὴν δὲ μεγάλην μάχην πρὸς Δαρεῖον οὐκ ἐν
᾿Αρβήλοις, ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ γράφουσιν, ἀλλὰ ἐν
Ταυγαμήλοις γενέσθαι συνέπεσε. σημαίνειν δέ
φασιν οἶκον καμήλου τὴν διάλεκτον, ἐπεὶ τῶν
πάλαι τις βασιλέων ἐκφυγὼν πολεμίους ἐπὶ
καμήλου δρομάδος ἐνταῦθα καθίδρυσεν αὐτήν,
ἀποτάξας τινὰς κώμας καὶ προσόδους εἰς τὴν
ἐπιμέλειαν. ἡ μὲν οὖν σελήνη τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος
ἐξέλιπε περὶ τὴν τῶν “μυστηρίων τῶν ᾿Αθήνησιν
ἀρχήν, ἑνδεκάτῃ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκλείψεως νυκτὶ
τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐ ἐν ὄψει γεγονότων, “Δαρεῖος μὲν
ἐν ὅπλοις συνεῖχε τὴν δύναμιν, ὑπὸ λαμπάδων
ἐπιπορευόμενος τὰς τάξεις, ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ τῶν
Μακεδόνων ἀναπανομένων αὐτὸς πρὸ τῆς σκη-
νῆς μετὰ τοῦ “μάντεως ᾿Αριστάνδρου διέτριβεν,
ἱερουργίας τινὰς ἀπορρήτους ἱ ἱερουργούμενος καὶ
τῷ Φόβῳ σφαγιαζόμενος. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι
τῶν ἑταίρων, καὶ μάλιστα Παρμενίων, ὡς τὸ μὲν
πεδίον τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ «Νιφάτου καὶ τῶν ὀρῶν
τῶν Τορδυαίων ἅπαν ἑωρᾶτο καταλαμπόμενον
τοῖς βαρβαρικοῖς φέγγεσιν, ἀτέκμαρτος δέ τις
φωνὴ συμμεμιγμένη καὶ θόρυβος ἐκ τοῦ στρατο-

316

ALEXANDER, ΧΧΧΙ. 2-5

to stones and sticks, being now many and hard to
quell. When he heard this, Alexander ordered the
leaders themselves to fight in single combat; to the
one called Alexander he himself gave armour, and
to the one called Dareius, Philotas. The army were
spectators of the combat, counting the issue as in
some measure an omen of the future. After a
strenuous battle, the one called Alexander was vic-
torious, and received as a reward twelve villages and
the right to wear Persian dress. This, at any rate,
is what we are told by Eratosthenes.

Now, the great battle against Dareius was not \ ”

fought at Arbela,.as most writers state,..but at Gau-
_ gamela.!_The word signifies, we are told, “camel's
house,” since one of the ancient kings of the country,
after escaping from his enemies on a swift camel,
gave the animal a home here, assigning certain vil-
lages and revenues for its maintenance. It so hap-
pened that in the month Boédromion the moon
suffered an eclipse,? about the beginning of the
Mysteries at Athens, and on the eleventh night
after the eclipse, the armies being now in sight of
one another, Dareius kept his forces under arms, and _
held a review of them by torch-light; but Alex-

ander, while his Macedonians slept, himself passed |
the night in front of his tent with his seer Aristander,
celebrating certain mysterious sacred rites and sacri-
ficing to the god Fear. Meanwhile the older of his
companions, and particularly Parmenio, when they
saw the plain between the Niphates and the Gor-
dyaean mountains all lighted up with the barbarian
fires, while an indistinguishably mingled and _ tu-
multuous sound of voices arose from their camp as

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iii. 8,7. |? September 20, 331 B.c.
317

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πέδου καθάπερ ἐξ ἀχανοῦς προσήχει πελάγους,
θαυμάσαντες τὸ πλῆθος καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους
διαλεχθέντες ὡς μέγα καὶ χαλεπὸν ἔργον εἴη
συμπεσόντας, ἐκ προφανοῦς τοσοῦτον ὦσασθαι
πόλεμον, ἀπὸ τῶν ἱερῶν γενομένῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ
προσελθόντες ἔπειθον αὐτὸν ἐπιχειρῆσαι νύκτωρ
τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ τῷ σκότῳ τὸ φοβερώτατον
συγκαλύψαι τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀγῶνος. ὁ δὲ τὸ
μνημονευόμενον εἰπών, “Οὐ κλέπτω τὴν “νίκην,
ἐνίοις μὲν ἔδοξε μειρακιώδη καὶ κενὴν ἀπόκρισιν
πεποιῆσθαι, παίζων πρὸς τοσοῦτον κίνδυνον,
ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ τῷ παρόντι θαρρεῖν καὶ στοχάζεσθαι
τοῦ μέλλοντος ὀρθῶς, μ μὴ διδοὺς πρόφασιν ἡττη-
θέντι Δαρείῳ πρὸς ἄλλην αὖθις ἀναθαρρῆσαι
πεῖραν, αἰτιωμένῳ τούτων νύκτα καὶ σκότος,
ὡς ὄρη καὶ στενὰ καὶ θάλασσαν τῶν προτέρων.
οὐ γὰρ ὅπλων οὐδὲ σωμάτων ἀπορίᾳ παύσεσθαι
πολεμοῦντα Δαρεῖον ἀπὸ τηλικαύτης, δυνάμεως
καὶ χώρας τοσαύτης, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἀφῇ τὸ φρόνημα
καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα, δι’ ἐμφανοῦς ἥττης κατὰ κράτος
ἐξελεγχθείς.

XXXII. ᾿Απελθόντων δὲ τούτων κατακλιθεὶς
ὑπὸ σκηνὴν λέγεται τὸ λοιπὸν μέρος τῆς νυκτὸς
ὕπνῳ βαθεῖ κρατηθῆναι παρὰ τὸ εἰωθός, ὥστε
θαυμάζειν ἐπελθόντας ὄρθρου τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ
Tap αὑτῶν ἐξενεγκεῖν παράγγελμα πρῶτον
ἀριστοποιεῖσθαι τοὺς στρατιώτας: ἔπειτα τοῦ
καιροῦ κατεπείγοντος εἰσελθόντα Παρμενίωνα
καὶ παραστάντα τῇ κλίνῃ δὶς ἢ τρὶς αὐτοῦ φθέγ-
ξασθαι τοὔνομα' καὶ διεγερθέντος οὕτως ἐρωτᾶν

ALEXANDER, χχχι. 5- ΧΧΧΙΙ. I

if from a vast ocean, were astonished at their multi-
tude and argued with one another that it was.a great
and grievous task to repel such a tide of war by
engaging in broad day-light. They therefore waited
upon the king when he had finished his sacrifices,
and tried to persuade him to attack the enemy by
night, and so to cover up with darkness the most
fearful aspect of the coming struggle. But he gave
them the celebrated answer, “I will not steal my
victory”; whereupon some thought that he had
made a vainglorious reply, and was jesting in the
presence of so great a peril. Others, however,
thought that he had confidence in the present situ-
ation and estimated the future correctly, not offering
Dareius in case of defeat an excuse to pluck up
courage again for another attempt, by laying the
blame this time upon darkness and night, as he had
before upon mountains, defiles, and sea.!_ For Dareius
would not give up the war for lack of arms or men
when he could draw from so great a host and so
vast a territory, but only when he had lost courage
and hope, under the conviction brought by a down-
right defeat in broad day-light.

XXXII. After the men were gone, Alexander lay
down in his tent, and is said to have passed the rest
of the night in a deeper sleep than usual, so that
when his officers came to him in the early morning
they were amazed, and on their own authority issued
orders that the soldiers should first take breakfast.
Then, since the occasion was urgent, Parmenio
entered the tent, and standing by his couch called
Alexander twice or thrice by name; and when he

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iii. 10, where it is Parmenio who
advises a night attack.

319

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὅ τι δὴ πεπονθὼς ὕπνον καθεύδοι νενικηκότος,
οὐχὶ μέλλοντος ἀγωνιεῖσθαι τὸν μέγιστον τῶν
ἀγώνων. τὸν γοῦν ᾿Αλέξανδρον εἰπεῖν διαμειδιά-
σαντα “Τί γάρ; οὐκ ἤδη σοι νενικηκέναι δοκοῦ-
μεν ἀπηλλαγμένοι τοῦ πλανᾶσθαι καὶ διώκειν
ἐν πολλῇ καὶ κατεφθα μένῃ φυγομαχοῦντα χώρᾳ
Δαρεῖον;" ” ov μόνον δὲ πρὸ τῆς μάχης, ἀλλὰ καὶ
παρ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν κίνδυνον ἐπεδείξατο μέγαν καὶ
συνεστηκότα τῷ λογίξεσθαι. καὶ θαρρεῖν ἑαυτόν.
ἔσχε “γὰρ ὁ ἀγὼν ὑποτροπὴν καὶ σάλον ἐν τῷ
εὐωνύμῳ κέρατι κατὰ Tlappeviova, τῆς Baxtpt-
avis ἵππου ῥόθῳ πολλῷ καὶ μετὰ βίας παρεμ-
πεσούσης εἰς τοὺς Μακεδόνας, Μαζαίου δὲ
περιπέμψαντος ἔξω τῆς φάλαγγος ἱππεῖς τοῖς
σκευοφυλακοῦσι προσβαλοῦντας. διὸ καὶ θορυ-
βούμενος ὑ ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ὁ Παρμενίων ἀπέστειλε
πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀγγέλους φράξοντας οἴχεσθαι
τὸν χάρακα καὶ τὰς a ἀποσκευάς, εἰ μὴ κατὰ τάχος
βοήθειαν ὁ ὀχυρὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος πέμψειε τοῖς
ὄπισθεν. ἔτυχε μὲν οὖν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ τοῖς
περὶ αὐτὸν ἐφόδου διδοὺς σημεῖον" ὡς δὲ ἤ ἤκουσε
τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Παρμενίωνος, οὐκ ἔφη σωφ ονεῖν
αὐτὸν οὐδὲ ἐντὸς εἶναι τῶν λογισμῶν, ἀλλ ἐπι-
λελῆσθαι ταραττόμενον ὅτι νικῶντες μὲν προσκτή-
σονται καὶ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων, ἡττωμένοις δὲ
φροντιστέον οὐ χρημάτων οὐδὲ ἀνδραπόδων, ἀλλ᾽
ὅπως ἀποθανοῦνται καλῶς καὶ λαμπρῶς ἀγωνι-
ζόμενοι.

Ταῦτα ἐπιστείλας Παρμενίωνι τὸ κράνος περι-
ἔθετο, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον ὁπλισμὸν εὐθὺς ἀπὸ σκηνῆς

320

684.

ALEXANDER, xxxn. 1-5

had thus roused him, he asked him how he could
possibly sleep as if he were victorious, instead of
being about to fight the greatest of all his battles.
Then Alexander said with a smile: ‘What, pray?
Dost thou not think that we are already victorious,
now that we are relieved from wandering about in a
vast and desolated country in pursuit of a Dareius
who avoids a battle?’”’ And not only before the
battle, but also in the very thick of the struggle did
he show himself great, and firm in his confident
calculations. For in the battle the left wing under
Parmenio was thrown back and in distress, when the
Bactrian cavalry fell upon the Macedonians with
great impetuosity and violence, and when Mazaeus
sent horsemen round outside the line of battle to
attack those who were guarding the Macedonian
baggage. Therefore, too, Parmenio, much disturbed
by both occurrences, sent messengers to Alexander
telling him that camp and baggage were gone, unless
he speedily sent strong reinforcements from front to
rear! Now, it chanced that at that instant Alex-
ander was about to give the signal for the onset to
those under his command ; but when he heard Par-
menio’s message, he declared that Parmenio was
beside himself and had lost the use of his reason,
and had forgotten in his distress that victors add the
baggage of the enemy to their own, and that those
who are vanquished must not think about their
wealth or their slaves, but only how they may fight
gloriously and die with honour.

After sending this message to Parmenio, he put on
his helmet, but the rest of his armour he had on as

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iii. 15, 1, where Parmenio’s message
recalls Alexander from the pursuit of Dareius.

321

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εἶχεν, ὑπένδυμα τῶν Σικελικῶν ζωστόν, ἐπὶ δὲ
τούτῳ θώρακα διπλοῦν λινοῦν ἐκ τῶν ληφθέντων
> ᾽ a \ \ / \ a Μ
ἐν ᾿Ισσῷ. τὸ δὲ κράνος ἣν μὲν σιδηροῦν, ἔστιλβε
δὲ ὥσπερ ἄργυρος καθαρός, ἔργον Θεοφίλου,
συνήρμοστο δὲ αὐτῷ περιτραχήλιον ὁμοίως σιδη-
, / \ A
ροῦν, λιθοκόλλητον: μάχαιραν δὲ θαυμαστὴν
βαφῇ καὶ κουφότητι, δωρησαμένου τοῦ Κιτιέων
/ > > , \ a
βασίλέως, εἶχεν, ἡσκημένος τὰ πολλὰ χρῆσθαι
μαχαίρᾳ παρὰ τὰς μάχας. ἐπιπόρπωμα δὲ ἐφόρει
τῇ μὲν ἐργασίᾳ σοβαρώτερον ἢ κατὰ τὸν ἄλλον
ὁπλισμόν: ἦν γὰρ ἔργον “EXtK@vos τοῦ παλαιοῦ,
τιμὴ δὲ τῆς Ῥοδίων πόλεως, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἐδόθη δῶρον'
ἐχρῆτο δὲ καὶ τούτῳ πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας. ἄχρι
μὲν οὖν συντάττων TL τῆς φάλαγγος ἢ παρα-
/ a / xX > a /
κελευόμενος ἢ διδάσκων ἢ ἐφορῶν παρεξήλαυνεν,
ἄλλον ἵππον εἶχε, τοῦ Βουκεφάλα φειδόμενος ἤδη
παρήλικος ὄντος" χωροῦντι δὲ πρὸς ἔργον ἐκεῖνος
/ \ \ ὑθὺ Φ Σ᾽
προσήγετο, καὶ μεταβὰς εὐθὺς ἦρχεν ἐφόδου.
XXXIII. Τότε δὲ τοῖς Θετταλοῖς πλεῖστα
διαλεχθεὶς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἑλλησιν, ws ἐπέρρω-
φι'Ἕ ᾿ς “ BA 9. τὰ \ / Ν
σαν αὐτὸν βοῶντες ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους, τὸ
ξυστὸν εἰς τὴν ἀριστερὰν μεταβαλὼν τῇ δεξιᾷ
παρεκάλει τοὺς θεούς, ὡς Καλλισθένης φησίν,
ἐπευχόμενος, εἴπερ ὄντως Διόθεν ἐστὶ γεγονώς,
by “ \ n \ iv ς
ἀμῦναι καὶ συνεπιρρῶσαι τοὺς “EXXnvas. ὁ δὲ
Ψ a 7 ΄ \ os \
μάντις ᾿Αρίστανδρος χλανίδα λευκὴν ἔχων καὶ
χρυσοῦν στέφανον ἐπεδείκνυτο παριππεύων ἀετὸν

322

ALEXANDER, χχχτι. ς-ΧΧΧΗΠΙ. 2

he came from his tent, namely, a vest of Sicilian
make girt about him, and over this a breastplate of
two-ply linen from the spoils taken at Issus. His
helmet was of iron, but gleamed like polished silver,
a work of Theophilus; and there was fitted to this
a gorget, likewise of iron, set with precious stones.
He had a sword, too, of astonishing temper and
lightness, a gift from the king of the Citieans, and
he had trained himself to use a sword for the most
part in his battles. He wore a belt also, which was
too elaborate for the rest of his armour; for it was
a work of Helicon the ancient, and a mark of honour
from the city of Rhodes, which had given it to him ;
this also he was wont to wear in his battles. As
long, then, as he was riding about and marshalling
some part of his phalanx, or exhorting or instructing
or reviewing his men, he spared Bucephalas, who
was now past his prime, and used another horse;
but whenever he was going into action, Bucephalas
would be led up, and he would mount him and at
once begin the attack.

XXXIII. On this occasion, he made a very long
speech to the Thessalians and the other Greeks,!
and when he saw that they encouraged him with
shouts to lead them against the Barbarians, he shifted
his lance into his left hand, and with his right ap-
pealed to the gods, as Callisthenes tells us, praying
them, if he was really sprung from Zeus, to defend
and strengthen the Greeks. Aristander the seer,.too,
wearing a white mantle. and having a crown of gold
“upon his head, rode along the ranks pointing out to

1 Sometimes the term ‘‘ Hellenes” excludes, and some-
times it includes, the Macedonians. The context must
decide. Cf. xlvii. 5.

323

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a >
ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου συνεπαιωρούμενον καὶ
κατευθύνοντα τῇ πτήσει ὄρθιον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολε-
, \ a
μίους, ὥστε πολὺ μὲν θάρσος ἐγγενέσθαι τοῖς
e a > δὲ la a \ a > la
ὁρῶσιν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ θαρρεῖν καὶ παρακαλεῖν ἀλλή-
λους δρόμῳ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἱεμένοις ἐπὶ τοὺς
/ > ’ ‘ / \
3 πολεμίους ἐπικυμαίΐίνειν τὴν φάλαγγα. πρὶν δὲ
val \ , 2s e /
συμμῖξαι τοὺς πρώτους ἐξέκλιναν οἱ βάρβαροι,
καὶ διωγμὸς ἣν πολύς, εἰς τὰ μέσα συνελαύνοντος
᾿Αλεξάνδρου τὸ νικώμενον, ὅπου Δαρεῖος ἣν.
πόρρωθεν γὰρ αὐτὸν κατεῖδε διὰ τῶν προτεταγ-
μένων ἐν βάθει τῆς βασιλικῆς ἴλης ἐκφανέντα,
καλὸν ἄνδρα καὶ μέγαν ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος ὑψηλοῦ
βεβῶτα, πολλοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ λαμπροῖς κατα-
πεφραγμένον εὖ μάλα συνεσπειραμένοις περὶ τὸ
ἅρμα καὶ παρατεταγμένοις δέχεσθαι τοὺς πολε-
4 μίους. ἀλλὰ δεινὸς ὀφθεὶς ἐγγύθεν ᾿Αλέξανδρος
καὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας ἐμβαλὼν εἰς τοὺς μένοντας
ἐξέπληξε καὶ διεσκέδασε τὸ πλεῖστον. οἱ δὲ
ἄριστοι καὶ γενναιότατοι πρὸ τοῦ βασιλέως
, \ > 3 / /, > \
φονευόμενοι καὶ κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων πίπτοντες ἐμποδὼν
τῆς διώξεως ἦσαν, ἐμπλεκόμενοι καὶ περισπαΐί-
ροντες αὐτοῖς καὶ ἵπποις.
ὅδ Δαρεῖος δέ, τῶν δεινῶν ἁπάντων ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς
ὄντων καὶ τῶν προτεταγμένων δυνάμεων ἐρειπο-
μένων εἰς αὐτόν, ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἀποστρέψαι τὸ ἅρμα καὶ
«διεξελάσαι ῥάδιον, adr’ οἵ τε τροχοὶ συνείχοντο
πτώμασι πεφυρμένοι τοσούτοις οἵ τε ἵπποι κατα-

324

ALEXANDER, χχχπι. 2-5

them an eagle which soared above the head of. Alex-
ander and directed his--flight~straight_against-the
enemy, at which sight great courage filled the be-
holders, and after mutual encouragement and _exhor-
tation the cavalry charged at full spééd-upon the
enemy and the phalanx rolled on after them like a
flood. But before the foremost ranks were engaged
the Barbarians gave way, and were hotly pursued,
Alexander driving the conquered foe towards the
centre of their array, where Dareius was.! For from
afar he was seen by Alexander through the deep
ranks of the royal squadron of horse drawn up in
front of him, towering conspicuous, a fine-looking
man and tall, standing on a lofty chariot, fenced
about by a numerous and brilliant array of horse-
men, who were densely massed around the chariot
and drawn up to receive the enemy. But when they
saw Alexander close at hand and terrible, and driving
those who fled before him upon those who held their
ground, they were smitten with fear and scattered,
for the most part. The bravest and noblest of them,
however, slain in front of their king and falling in
heaps upon one another, obstructed the Macedonians
in their pursuit, weaving and twining themselves in
their last agonies about riders and horses.

But Dareius, now that all the terrors of the struggle
were before his eyes, and now that the forces drawn
up to protect him were crowded back upon him,
since it was not an easy matter to turn his chariot
about and drive it away, seeing that the wheels were
obstructed and entangled in the great numbers of
the fallen, while the horses, surrounded and hidden

1 Alexander’s tactics are minutely described by Arrian
(Anab. iii. 14, 1-3).

325

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λαμβανόμενοι Kal ἀποκρυπτόμενοι τῷ πλήθει TOV
νεκρῶν ἐξήλλοντο καὶ συνετάραττον τὸν ἡνίοχον,
> / \ 1 Ψ \ \ eo / as ,
ἀπολείπει μὲν TO ἅρμα Kal τὰ ὅπλα, θήλειαν δέ,
Ὁ 7 \ » > \

ὥς φασι, νεοτόκον ἵππον περιβὰς ἔφυγεν. οὐ μὴν

/ a »Ὸ 7 a > \ / Ka 4
τότε ἂν ἐδόκει διαφυγεῖν, εἰ μὴ πάλιν ἧκον ἕτε-
pot παρὰ τοῦ Ilappeviwvos ἱππεῖς μετακαλοῦντες
᾿Αλέξανδρον, ὡς συνεστώσης ἔτι πολλῆς δυνάμεως
ghcta \ a ΄ - > , “
ἐκεῖ καὶ τῶν πολεμίων οὐκ ἐνδιδόντων. ὅλως γὰρ
αἰτιῶνται Ilappeviova κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν μάχην
νωθρὸν γενέσθαι καὶ δύσεργον, εἴτε τοῦ γήρως
ἤδη τι παραλύοντος τῆς τόλμης, εἴτε τὴν ἐξουσίαν
καὶ τὸν ὄγκον, ὡς Καλλισθένης φησί, τῆς ᾿Αλε-
ξάνδρου δυνάμεως βαρυνόμενον καὶ προσφθο-

a , ᾽ - ς \ 934 \ A
voovta. τότε δ᾽ οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀκιαθεὶς TH
μεταπέμψει τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις οὐκ ἔφρασε τὸ
> , > vi > / fal 4 \ /
ἀληθές, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀνέχων τοῦ φονεύειν Kal σκότους
ὄντος ἀνάκλησιν ἐσήμανεν: ἐλαύνων δὲ πρὸς τὸ

a > n
κινδυνεῦον μέρος ἤκουσε Kal ὁδὸν ἡττῆσθαι
παντάπασι καὶ φεύγειν τοὺς πολεμίους.

XXXIV. Τοῦτο τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης λαβούσης
τὸ πέρας, ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ παντάπασιν ἡ Περσῶν
ἐδόκει καταλελύσθαι, βασιλεὺς δὲ τῆς ᾿Ασίας
> / > / Ν a a
Αλέξανδρος ἀνηγορευμένος ἔθυε τοῖς θεοῖς peya-
λοπρεπῶς καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἐδωρεῖτο πλούτους καὶ
οἴκους καὶ ἡγεμονίας. φιλοτιμούμενος δὲ πρὸς
τοὺς “Ἕλληνας ἔγραψε τὰς τυραννίδας πάσας

a \ ΄ > t 207 \
καταλυθῆναι καὶ πολιτεύειν αὐτονόμους, ἰδίᾳ δὲ
Πλαταιεῦσι τὴν πόλιν ἀνοικοδομεῖν, ὅτε τὴν
χώραν οἱ πατέρες αὐτῶν ἐναγωνίσασθαι τοῖς

326

685

ALEXANDER, ΧΧΧΙΙ. 5—xxxiv. r

away by the multitude of dead bodies, were rearing
up and frightening the charioteer, forsook his chariot
and his armour, mounted a mare which, as they say,
had newly foaled, and took to flight. However, it is
thought that he would not then have made his
escape, had not fresh horsemen come from Par-
menio! summoning Alexander to his aid, on the
ground that a large force of the enemy still held
together there and would not give ground. For
there is general complaint that in that battle Par-
menio was sluggish and ineflicient, either because old
age was now impairing somewhat his courage, or
because he was made envious and resentful by the
arrogance and pomp, to use the words of Callis-
thenes, of Alexander’s power. At the time, then,
although he was annoyed by the summons, the king
did not tell his soldiers the truth about it, but on
the ground that it was dark and he would therefore
remit further slaughter, sounded a recall; and as he
rode towards the endangered portion of his army, he
heard by the way that the enemy had been utterly
defeated and was in flight. |

XXXIV. The battle having had this issue, the
empire of the Persians was thought.to be utterly
dissolved, and Alexander,-proclaimed king οἵ Asia,
made magnificent sacrifices to the gods and rewarded
his" friends with wealth, estates, and provinces: And
being desirous of honour among-the Greeks, he wrote
them that all their tyrannies were abolished and
they might live under their own laws; moreover, he
wrote the Plataeans specially that he would rebuild
their city, because their ancestors had furnished their

1 Arrian makes no mention of a second appeal for aid from
Parmenio,

327

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 Ἕλλησιν ὑ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας παρέσχον. ἔπεμψε
δὲ καὶ Κροτωνιάταις εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν μέρος τῶν
λαφύρων, τὴν Φαύὔλλου τοῦ ἀθλητοῦ τιμῶν προ-
θυμίαν καὶ ἀρετήν, ὃς περὶ τὰ Μηδικὰ τῶν ἄλλων
᾿Ιταλιωτῶν ἀ ἀπεγνωκότων τοὺς “Ἕλληνας ἰδιόστο-
λον ἔχων ναῦν ἔπλευσεν εἰς Σαλαμῖνα, τοῦ κιν-
δύνου τί μεθέξων. οὕτω TLS εὐμενὴς ἣν πρὸς
ἅπασαν ἀρετὴν καὶ καλῶν ἔργων φύλαξ καὶ
οἰκεῖος.

ΧΧΧΥ, ᾿Επιὼν δὲ τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν ἅπασαν
εὐθὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ γενομένην ἐθαύμασε μάλιστα τό
τε χάσμα τοῦ πυρὸς ὥσπερ ἐκ πηγῆς συνεχῶς
ἀναφερομένου, καὶ τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦ νάφθα λιμνά-
ζοντος διὰ τὸ πλῆθος οὐ πόρρω τοῦ χάσματος, ὃς
τἄλλα μὲν ἀσφάλτῳ προσέοικεν, οὕτω δὲ εὐπαθὴς
πρὸς τὸ πῦρ ἐστιν ὥστε, πρὶν ἢ θιγεῖν τὴν φλόγα,
δι᾿ αὐτῆς τῆς περὶ τὸ “φῶς ἐξαπτόμενος αὐγῆς τὸν

2 μεταξὺ πολλάκις ἀέρα συνεκκαίειν. ἐπιδεικνύ-
μενοι. δὲ τὴν φύσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ δύναμιν οἱ i βάρβαροι
τὸν ἄγοντα πρὸς τὴν κατάλυσιν τοῦ βασιλέως
στενωπὸν ἐλαφρῷ τῷ φαρμάκῳ κατεψέκασαν'
εἶτα στάντες ἐπ᾿ ἄκρῳ τοὺς λαμπτῆρας τοῖς
βεβρεγμένοις προσέθηκαν" ἤδη γὰρ συνεσκόταξξ.
τῶν é πρώτων εὐθὺς ἁψαμένων. οὐκ ἔσχεν ἡ νομὴ
χρόνον αἰσθητόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἅμα νοήματι διῖκτο πρὸς
θάτερον πέρας καὶ πῦρ ἐγεγόνει συνεχὲς ὁ στενω-

3 TOS. ἦν δέ tis ᾿Αθηνοφάνης ᾿Αθηναῖος τῶν
περὶ ἄλειμμα καὶ λουτρὸν εἰωθότων τὸ σῶμα
θεραπεύειν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν ἐμ-
μελῶς ἀπάγειν ἐπὶ τὸ ῥάθυμον. οὗτος ἐν τῷ
λουτρῶνι τότε παιδαρίου τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ παρε-

328

ALEXANDER, xxxiv. 2-ΧΧΧΥ, 3

territory to the Greeks for the struggle in behalf of
their freedom.' He sent also to the people of Croton
in Italy a portion of the spoils, honouring the zeal
and valour of their athlete Phajllus, who, in the
Median wars, when the rest of the Greeks in Italy
refused to help their brother Greeks, fitted out a
ship at his own cost and sailed with it to Salamis,
that he might have some share in the peril there.?
So considerate was Alexander towards every form ot
valour, and such a friend and guardian of noble deeds.

XXXYV. As he traversed all Babylonia, which at
once submitted to him, he was most of all amazed
αὖ the chasm from which fire continually streamed
forth as from a spring, and at the stream of naphtha,
so abundant as to form a lake, not far from the
chasm. This naphthais in other ways like asphaltum,
but is so sensitive to fire that, before the flame touches
it, it is kindled by the very radiance about the flame
and often sets fire also to the intervening air. To
show its nature and power, the Barbarians sprinkled
the street leading to Alexander’s quarters with small
quantities of the liquid ; then, standing at the farther
end of the street, they applied their torches to the
moistened spots; for it was now getting dark. The
first spots at once caught fire, and without an ap-
preciable interval of time, but with the speed of
thought, the flame darted to the other end, and the
street was one continuous fire. Now, there was a
certain Athenophanes, an Athenian, one of those
who were accustomed to minister to the person of
the king when he bathed and anointed himself, and
to furnish suitable diversion for his thoughts. This
man, one time when there was standing by Alexander

Δ In 479 8.6. 2 Cf. Herodotus, viii. 47.
329

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

'στῶτος εὐτελοῦς σφόδρα καὶ γελοίου τὴν ὄψιν,
ἄδοντος δὲ χαριέντως, Στέφανος ἐκαλεῖτο, “ Βού-
: 27 γι 6g 9 a ͵ 2 7
λει, φησίν, “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, διάπειραν ἐν Στεφάνῳ
a / / aN a “ 4
Tov φαρμάκου λάβωμεν; ἂν yap ἅψηται τούτου
καὶ μὴ κατασβεσθῇ, παντάπασιν ἂν φαίην ἄμα-
χον καὶ δεινὴν αὐτοῦ τὴν δύναμιν εἶναι." προ-
θύμως δέ πως καὶ τοῦ παιδαρίου διδόντος ἑαυτὸν
πρὸς τὴν πεῖραν, ἅμα τῷ περιαλεῖψαι καὶ θυγεῖν
ἐξήνθησε φλόγα τοσαύτην τὸ σῶμα καὶ πυρὶ
/ Ν a Φ \ > / 5. >’ a
κατεσχέθη τὸ πᾶν ὥστε τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον eis πᾶν
> / \ / a > \ \ \ ΄
ἀπορίας καὶ δέους ἐλθεῖν: εἰ δὲ μὴ κατὰ τύχην
πολλοὶ παρῆσαν ἀγγεῖα πρὸς τὸ λουτρὸν ὕδατος
\ n ” > a δ ε ΄
διὰ χειρῶν ἔχοντες, οὐκ ἂν ἔφθασεν ἡ βοήθεια
\ 5 / > \ ‘ , /
τὴν ἐπινομήν. ἀλλὰ Kal τότε μόγις κατέσβεσαν 686
τὸ σῶμα τοῦ παιδὸς δι’ ὅλου πῦρ γενόμενον, καὶ :
μετὰ ταῦτα χαλεπῶς ἔσχεν.
> , Ss Μ \ la) > /
Εἰκότως οὖν ἔνιοι τὸν μῦθον ἀνασώζοντες πρὸς
Ν > / ey s ε an ,
τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῦτό φασιν εἶναι TO τῆς Μηδείας
\
φάρμακον, ᾧ τὸν τραγῳδούμενον στέφανον καὶ
τὸν πέπλον ἔχρισεν. οὐ γὰρ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων
οὐδὲ ἀπ᾿ αὐτομάτου λάμψαι τὸ πῦρ, ἀλλὰ φλο-
'γὸς ἐγγύθεν παρατεθείσης ὀξεῖαν ὁλκὴν καὶ συνα-
φὴν ἄδηλον αἰσθήσει γενέσθαι. τὰς γὰρ ἀκτῖνας
καὶ τὰ ῥεύματα τοῦ πυρὸς ἄπωθεν ἐπερχόμενα
τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις σώμασι φῶς καὶ θερμότητα προσ-
; ῇ \ a ϊ
βάλλειν μόνον, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ξηρότητα πνευματικὴν
ἢ νοτίδα λιπαρὰν καὶ διαρκῆ κεκτημένοις ἀθροι-
ζόμενα καὶ πυριμανοῦντα μεταβάλλειν ὀξέως τὴν
ὕλην. παρεῖχε δὲ ἀπορίαν ἡ γένεσις... εἴτε

339

ALEXANDER, xxxv. 3-6

in the bath-room a youth who had a ridiculously
plain countenance, but was a graceful singer (his
name was Stephanus), said, “ Wilt thou, O King, that
we make a trial of the liquid upon Stephanus? For
if it should lay hold of him and not be extinguished,
I would certainly say that its power was invincible
and terrible.’ The youth also, strangely enough,
offered himself for the experiment, and as soon as
he touched the liquid and began to anoint himself
with it, his body broke out into so great a flame
and was so wholly possessed by fire that Alexander
fell into extreme perplexity and fear; and had it
not been by chance that many were standing by
holding vessels of water for the bath, the youth
would have been consumed before aid reached him.
Even as it was, they had great difficulty in put-
ting out the fire, for it covered the. boy’s whole
body, and after they had done so, he was in a sorry
plight. | 2

It is natural, then, that some who wish to bring
fable into conformity with truth should say that.this
naphtha is the drug which Medeia used, when, inthe
tragedies, she anoints the crown and the robe, For
it was not from these objects themselves, they say,
nor of its-own accord, that the fire shot up, but a
flame—was placed near them, which was then so
swiftly drawn into conjunction with them that the
senses could not take cognisance of it. For the rays
and emanations of fire which come from a distance
impart to some bodies merely light and warmth; but
in those which are dry and porous, or which have
sufficiently rich moisture, they collect themselves
together, break into fierce flame, and transform the
material. There has been much discussion about

331

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μᾶλλον ὑπέκκαυμα τῆς φλογὸς ὑπορρεῖ τὸ ὑγρὸν
ἐκ τῆς γῆς φύσιν λιπαρὰν καὶ πυριγόνον ἐχούσης.
καὶ γάρ ἐστιν ἡ Βαβυλωνία σφόδρα πυρώδης,
ὥστε τὰς μὲν κριθὰς χαμόθεν ἐκπηδᾶν καὶ ἀπο-
πάλλεσθαι πολλάκις, οἷον ὑπὸ φλεγμονῆς τῶν
τόπων σφυγμοὺς ἐχόντων, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἐν
τοῖς καύμασιν ἐπ᾽ ἀσκῶν πεπληρωμένων ὕδατος
καθεύδειν. ἽΔρπαλος δὲ τῆς χώρας ἀπολειφθεὶς
ἐπιμελητὴς καὶ φιλοκαλῶν Ἑλληνικαῖς φυτείαις
διακοσμῆσαι τὰ βασίλεια καὶ τοὺς περιπάτους,
τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐκράτησε, τὸν δὲ κιττὸν οὐκ
ἔστεξεν ἡ γῆ μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ διέφθειρεν. οὐ φέρον-
τα τὴν κρᾶσιν" ἡ μὲν γὰρ πυρώδης, ὁ δὲ φιλό-
Wuypos. τῶν μὲν οὖν τοιούτων παρεκβάσεων,
ἂν μέτρον ἔχωσιν, ἧττον ἴσως οἱ δύσκολοι κατη-
ἡγορήσουσιν.

XXXVI. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ Σούσων κυριεύσας
παρέλαβεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις τετρακισμύρια
τάλαντα νομίσματος, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην κατασκευὴν
καὶ πολυτέλειαν ἀδιήγητον. ὅπου φασὶ καὶ
πορφύρας ᾿Ερμιονικῆς εὑρεθῆναι τάλαντα πεντα-
κισχίλια, συγκειμένης μὲν ἐξ ἐτῶν δέκα δεόντων
διακοσίων, πρόσφατον δὲ τὸ ἄνθος ἔτι καὶ νεαρὸν
φυλαττούσης. αἴτιον δὲ τούτου φασὶν εἶναι τὸ
τὴν βαφὴν διὰ μέλιτος γίνεσθαι τῶν ἁλουργῶν,
δι᾿ ἐλαίου δὲ λευκοῦ τῶν λευκῶν" καὶ γὰρ τούτων
τὸν ἴσον χρόνον ἐχόντων τὴν λαμπρότητα καθα-
ρὰν καὶ στίλβουσαν ὁρᾶσθαι. Δείνων δέ φησι
καὶ ὕδωρ ἀπό τε τοῦ Νείλου καὶ τοῦ Ἴστρου

332

ALEXANDER, xxxv. 6-xxxvi. 2

the origin of! .. . . or whether rather the liquid sub-
stance that feeds the flame flows out from a soil
which is rich and productive of fire. For the soil of
Babylonia is very fiery, so that grains of barley often
leap out of the ground and bound away, as if its in-
flammation made the ground throb; and the inhabit-
ants, during the hot season, sleep on skins filled
with water. Harpalus, moreover, when he was left
as overseer of the country and was eager to adorn
the royal gardens and walks with Hellenic plants,
succeeded with all except ivy; this the soil would
not support, but always killed it. The plant could
not endure the temper of the soil, for,the soil was
fiery, while the plant was fond of coolness. How-
ever, if such digressions are kept within bounds,
perhaps my impatient readers will find less fault with
them.

XXXVI. On making himself master of Susa, Alex-
ander came into possession of forty thousand talents
of coined money in the palace, and of untold furni-
ture and wealth besides.2, Among this they say was
found five thousand talents’ weight of purple from
Hermione, which, although it had been stored there
for a hundred and ninety years, still kept its colours
fresh and lively. The reason for this, they say, is
that honey was used in the purple dyes, and white
olive oil in the white dyes; for these substances,
after the like space of time, are seen to have a
brilliancy that is pure and lustrous. Moreover,
Deinon says that the Persian kings had water also
brought from the Nile and the Danube and stored

1 “This naphtha,” and the first ‘‘ whether ”-clause, have
fallen out of the text.

2 Cf. Arrian, Anab. 111. 16, 7. A talent’s weight was
something over fifty pounds,

333

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

lal »” / > \ /
μετὰ TOV ἄλλων μεταπεμπομένους εἰς τὴν γάξαν
ἀποτίθεσθαι τοὺς βασιλεῖς, οἷον ἐκβεβαιουμένους
τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τὸ κυριεύειν ἁπάντων.

ΧΧΧΥΤΙ. Τῆς δὲ Περσίδος οὔσης διὰ τρα-

/ / \ / ig \
χύτητα δυσεμβόλου καὶ φυλαττομένης ὑπὸ yev-
ναιοτάτων Ἰ]ερσῶν (Δαρεῖος μὲν γὰρ ἐπεφεύγει)
γίγνεταί τινος περιόδου κύκλον ἐχούσης οὐ πολὺν
ἡγεμὼν αὐτῷ δίγλωσσος ἄνθρωπος, ἐκ πατρὸς
Λυκίου, μητρὸς δὲ Περσίδος γεγονώς: ὅν φασιν,
ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, τὴν Πυθίαν προει-

a“ id 4 ») Ν > 2 n
πεῖν, ὡς λύκος ἔσται καθηγεμὼν ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ τῆς
ἐπὶ Πέρσας πορείας. φόνον μὲν οὖν ἐνταῦθα
πολὺν τῶν ἁλισκομένων γενέσθαι συνέπεσε: γρά-
pet γὰρ αὐτὸς ὡς νομίζων αὐτῷ τοῦτο λυσιτελεῖν
ἐκέλευεν ἀποσφάττεσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους" νομί-

\ ε a a “ > 4 \ \
σματος δὲ εὑρεῖν πλῆθος ὅσον ἐν Σούσοις, τὴ» δὲ
ἄλλην κατασκευὴν καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐκκομισθῆναί
φασι μυρίοις ὀρικοῖς ζεύγεσι καὶ πεντακισχιλίαις
καμήλοις.

Ξέρξου δὲ ἀνδριάντα μέγαν θεασάμενος ὑπὸ
πλήθους τῶν ὠθουμένων εἰς τὰ βασίλεια πλημ-
μελῶς ἀνατετραμμένον ἐπέστη, καὶ καθάπερ ἔμ-
ψυχον προσαγορεύσας, “ Πότερόν oe,” εἶπε, “ διὰ

\ ΨΥ, \ ed / ,ὔ
τὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς “Ελληνας στρατείαν κείμενον παρ-
ἔλθωμεν ἢ διὰ τὴν ἄλλην μεγαλοφροσύνην καὶ
ΕΣ \ > / ” / \ \ ld \
ἀρετὴν ἐγείρωμεν; ᾿ τέλος δὲ πολὺν χρόνον πρὸς
« a / / n ,
ἑαυτῷ γενόμενος Kal σιωπήσας παρῆλθε. βουλό-
μενος δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαβεῖν (καὶ γὰρ ἣν

334

ALEXANDER, xxxvi. 2-xxxvu. 3

up among their treasures, as a sort of confirmation
of the greatness of their empire and the universality
of their sway.

~ XXXVII. Persis was difficult of access, owing to
the roughness of the country, and was guarded by
the noblest of the Persians (for Dareius had taken
to flight); but Alexander found a guide to conduct
him thither by a circuit of no great extent. The
man spoke two languages, since his father was a
Lycian and his mother a Persian; and it was he,
they say, whom the Pythian priestess had in mind
when she prophesied, Alexander being yet a boy, that
a “lycus,” or wolf, would be Alexander’s guide on his
march against the Persians.!. In this country, then,
as it turned out, there was a great slaughter of the
prisoners taken; for Alexander himself writes that
he gave orders to have the inhabitants butchered,
thinking that this would be to his advantage; and
they say that as much coined money was found
there? as at Susa, and that it took ten thousand
pairs of mules and five thousand camels to carry
away the other furniture and wealth there.

On beholding a great statue of Xerxes which had
been carelessly overthrown by a throng that forced
its way into the palace, Alexander stopped before
it, and accosting it as if it had been alive, said:
“ Shall I pass on and leave thee lying there, because
of thine expedition against the Hellenes, or, because
of thy magnanimity and virtue in other ways, shall
I set thee up again?”’ But finally, after communing
with himself a long time in silence, he passed on.
Wishing to refresh his soldiers (for it was winter

1 Arrian (Anab. iii. 18, 11.) speaks only of a forced march
through the mountains. 2 In Persepolis.

335

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

n a Ld
χειμῶνος ὥρα) τέσσαρας μῆνας αὐτόθι διήγαγε.
/ \ 4 > “ \ Lal is > \
4 λέγεται δὲ καθίσαντος αὐτοῦ TO πρῶτον ὑπὸ τὸν 687
χρυσοῦν οὐρανίσκον ἐν τῷ βασιλικῷ θρόνῳ τὸν
Κορίνθιον Δημάρατον εὔνουν ὄντα ἄνδρα καὶ
πατρῷον φίλον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου πρεσβυτικῶς ἐπε-
δακρῦσαι, καὶ εἰπεῖν ὡς μεγάλης ἡδονῆς στεροῖντο
τῶν Ἑλλήνων οἱ τεθνηκότες πρὶν ἰδεῖν ᾿Αλέξαν-
Spov ἐν τῷ Δαρείου θρόνῳ καθήμενον.
᾿ 7 / 7 >
XXXVIIU. Ἔκ τούτου μέλλων ἐξελαύνειν ἐπὶ
Δαρεῖον ἔτυχε μὲν εἰς μέθην τινὰ καὶ παιδιὰν
τοῖς ἑταίροις ἑαυτὸν δεδωκώς, ὥστε καὶ γύναια
συμπίνειν ἐπὶ κῶμον ἥκοντα πρὸς τοὺς ἐραστάς.
ἐν δὲ τούτοις εὐδοκιμοῦσα μάλιστα Bais ἡ Πτο-
λεμαίου τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος ὕστερον ἑταίρα, γένος
᾿Αττική, τὰ μὲν ἐμμελῶς ἐπαινοῦσα, τὰ δὲ παΐί-
\ \ > l4 tod a 7 /
ζουσα πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, dua τῇ μέθῃ λόγον
εἰπεῖν προήχθη τῷ μὲν τῆς πατρίδος ἤθει πρέ-
/ δὲ x > > / 4 \ >.
2 ποντα, μείζονα δὲ ἢ Kat αὐτήν. ἔφη yap ὧν
΄ / \ > , > [4
πεπόνηκε πεπλανημένη τὴν Ασίαν ἀπολαμβάνειν
χάριν ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἐντρυφῶσα τοῖς ὑπερη-
͵ nan / » > KA isd e
φάνοις ἸΠερσῶν βασιλείοις: ἔτι δ᾽ ἂν ἥδιον ὑπο-
πρῆσαι κωμάσασα τὸν Ἐέρξου τοῦ κατακαύ-
\ >? / 3 > \ \ “ Ὁ
σαντος τὰς ᾿Αθήνας οἶκον, αὐτὴ τὸ πῦρ ἅψασα
τοῦ βασιλέως ὁρῶντος, ὡς ἂν λόγος ἔχῃ πρὸς
ἀνθρώπους ὅτι τῶν ναυμάχων καὶ πεζομάχων
ἐκείνων στρατηγῶν τὰ μετὰ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου γύναια
μείζονα δίκην ἐπέθηκε Πέρσαις ὑπὲρ τῆς “Ελλά-
8 δος. ἅμα δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ κρότου καὶ θορύβου
γενομένου καὶ παρακελεύσεως τῶν ἑταίρων καὶ

336

ALEXANDER, xxxvit. 3—xxxvill. 3

time), he spent four months in that place. And it
is said that when he took his seat for the first time
under the golden canopy on the royal throne, De-
maratus the Corinthian, a well-meaning man and a
friend of Alexander’s, as he had been of Alexander’s
father, burst into tears, as old men will, and declared
that those Hellenes were deprived of great pleasure
who had died before seeing Alexander seated on the
throne of Dareius.

XXXVIII. After this, as he was about to march
forth against Dareius, it chanced that he consented
to take part in a merry drinking bout of his com-
panions, at which women also came to meet their
lovers and shared in their wine and revelry. The
most famous among these women was Thais, an
Athenian, the mistress of Ptolemy, who was after-
wards king. She, partly in graceful praise of Alex-
ander, and partly to make sport for him, as the
drinking went on, was moved to utter a speech
which befitted the character of her native country,
but was too lofty for one of her kind. She said,
namely, that for all her hardships in wandering over
Asia she was being requited that day by thus revel-
ling luxuriously in the splendid palace of the Per-
sians; but it would be a still greater pleasure to go
in revel rout and set fire to the house of the Xerxes
who burned Athens, she herself kindling the fire
under the eyes of Alexander, in order that a tradition
might prevail among men that the women in the
train of Alexander inflicted a greater punishment
upon the Persians in behalf of Hellas than all her
famous commanders by sea and land. As soon as
she had thus spoken, tumultuous applause arose, and
the companions of the king eagerly urged him on,

337

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φιλοτιμίας, ἐπισπασθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἀναπη-
/ ») 7 \ , ol e
4 δήσας ἔχων στέφανον καὶ λαμπάδα προῆγεν. οἱ
δὲ ἑπόμενοι κώμῳ καὶ βοῇ περιΐσταντο τὰ βασί-
ela, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Μακεδόνων οἱ πυνθανόμενοι
συνέτρεχον μετὰ λαμπάδων χαίροντες. ἤλπιζον
\ fal “-“
γὰρ ὅτι τοῖς οἴκοι προσέχοντός ἐστι τὸν νοῦν καὶ
Ἁ / >’ / > a \ /
μὴ μέλλοντος ἐν βαρβάροις οἰκεῖν TO πιμπράναι
\ , \ / e \ “ a
τὰ βασίλεια καὶ διαφθείρειν. οἱ μὲν οὕτω ταῦτα
’ , e \ > \ , “ ᾽ Φ
γενέσθαι φασίν, οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ γνώμης" ὅτι δ᾽ οὖν
,
μετενόησε ταχὺ Kal κατασβέσαι προσέταξεν
ὁμολογεῖται.
XXXIX. Φύσει δὲ ὧν μεγαλοδωρότατος ἔτι
μᾶλλον ἐπέδωκεν εἰς τοῦτο τῶν πραγμάτων αὐ-
/ an ς 4 el 2
ξομένων: καὶ προσῆν ἡ φιλοφροσύνη, μεθ᾽ ἧς
Ul « > ἴω « / /
μόνης ὡς ἀληθῶς οἱ διδόντες χαρίξονται. μνη-
σθήσομαι δὲ ὀλίγων. ᾿Αρίστων ὁ τῶν Παιόνων
ἡγούμενος ἀποκτείνας πολέμιον ἄνδρα καὶ τὴν
\ > / > n “ n ” s
κεφαλὴν ἐπιδειξάμενος αὐτῷ, “ Τοῦτο, εἶπεν,
“@ βασιλεῦ, TEP ἡμῖν ἐκπώματος χρυσοῦ τιμᾶ-
ῶ2 ται τὸ δῶρον." ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος γελάσας,
ἐς a » 4 a 28 Ὧν x > ΄
Κενοῦ ye, εἶπεν, “ ἐγὼ δέ σοι μεστὸν ἀκράτου
/ 3 fal \ lal “
προπίομαι.᾽ τῶν δὲ πολλῶν τις Μακεδόνων
ΝΜ e , \ ΄ ΄
ἤλαυνεν ἡμίονον βασιλικὸν χρυσίον κομίζοντα:
κάμνοντος δὲ τοῦ κτήνους αὐτὸς ἀράμενος ἐκόμιζε
ε
τὸ φορτίον. ἰδὼν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς θλιβόμενον
3 Ν 5 \ θό Ἁ lal /
avTov opodpa καὶ πυθόμενος TO πρᾶγμα, μέλ-
λοντος κατατίθεσθαι, “ Μὴ κάμῃς," εἶπεν, “ ἀλλὰ

338

ALEXANDER, xxxvuil. 3- ΧΧΧΙΧ. 2

so that he yielded to their desires, and leaping to his
feet, with a garland on his head and a torch in his
hand, led them the way. The company followed
with shouts and revelry and surrounded the palace,
while the rest of the Macedonians who learned about
it ran thither with torches and were full of joy. For
they hoped that the burning and destruction of the
palace was the act of one who had fixed his thoughts
on home, and did not intend to dwell among Bar-
barians. Thisis the way the deed was done, according
to some writers; but others say it was premeditated.}
However, it is agreed that Alexander speedily re-
pented and gave orders to put out the fire.
XXXIX. Alexander was naturally munificent, and
became still more so as his wealth increased. His
ifts, too; were.accompanied. by a kindly spirit, with
«which alone, to tell the truth, a giver confers a
favour. I will mention a few instances. Ariston,
the captain of the Paeonians, having slain an enemy,
brought his head and showed it to Alexander, saying :
“In my country, O King, such a gift as this is re-
warded with a golden beaker.” ‘“‘ Yes,” said Alex-
ander with a laugh, “δὴ empty one; but I will
pledge thy health with one which is full of pure
wine.” Again,a common Macedonian was driving
a mule laden with some of the royal gold, and
when the beast gave out, took the load on his
own shoulders and tried to carry it. The king,
then, seeing the man in great distress and learn-
ing the facts of the case, said, as the man was
about to lay his burden down, “Don’t give out,

1So Arrian, Anab. iii. 18. 11 ἢν, where there is none of
Plutarch’s romance. For this, ef. Diodorus, xvii. 72;
Curtius, v. 7, 1-7.

339

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ ” \ \ τον ease \ \ e
πρόσθες ἔτι τὴν λοιπὴν ὁδὸν ἐπὶ THY σκηνὴν ἑαυ-
“1 rn / » ¢ δὲ » θ a \
T®* τοῦτο κομίσας. ὅλως ἤχθετο τοῖς μὴ
λαμβάνουσι μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς αἰτοῦσι. καὶ Φωκί-
ωὠνι μὲν ἔγραψεν ἐπιστολὴν ὡς οὐ χρησόμενος
> a / Ν / > a oe /
αὐτῷ φίλῳ τὸ λοιπόν, εἰ διωθοῖτο Tas χάριτας,
Σεραπίωνι δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ σφαίρας τινὶ νεανίσκων
» \ 0. \ \ \ > a ς > > \
οὐδὲν ἐδίδου διὰ τὸ μηδὲν αἰτεῖν. ὡς οὖν eis TO
, , ς / ΝΜ
σφαιρίζειν παραγενόμενος ὁ Σεραπίων ἄλλοις
ἔβαλλε τὴν σφαῖραν, εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως,
“Ἐμοὶ δὲ οὐ δίδως; ᾿ “Οὐ yap αἰτεῖς," εἶπε,
τούτῳ μὲν δὴ γελάσας πολλὰ ἔδωκε. Lpwréa δέ
τινι τῶν περὶ σκώμματα καὶ πότον οὐκ ἀμούσων
ΝΜ 4 > ie / nr \ / /
ἔδοξε δι᾿’ ὀργῆς γεγονέναι: τῶν δὲ φίλων δεομένων
> i ΄ Ν / > a
κἀκείνου Saxpvovtos ἔφη διαλλάττεσθαι" κἀκεῖ-
νος, “ Οὐκοῦν, εἶπεν, “ὦ βασιλεῦ, δός τί μοι
πιστὸν πρῶτον." ἐκέλευσεν οὖν αὐτῷ πέντε τά-
λαντα δοθῆναι. περὶ δὲ τῶν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ τοῖς
4 / 7 ς- / “
σωματοφύλαξι νεμομένων πλούτων, ἡλίκον εἶχον
v > / » > rn > A
ὄγκον, ἐμφαίνει δι’ ἐπιστολῆς Ολυμπιάς, ἣν
>
ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτόν. ‘Ads, φησίν, “ed
4 \ / > U4 » fal Φ 9
ποίει τοὺς φίλους καὶ ἐνδόξους aye νῦν δ᾽ ἰσο-
/ / a \ /
βασίλέας πάντας ποιεῖς Kal πολυφιλίας παρα-
i > a e Ν . 3 mn ΥΣΣΥ /
σκευάζεις αὐτοῖς, ἑαυτὸν δὲ ἐρημοῖς. πολλάκις
δὲ τοιαῦτα THs ᾿Ολυμπιάδος γραφούσης ἐφύλατ-
> , \ / \ “ «ς
τεν ἀπόρρητα τὰ γράμματα, πλὴν ἅπαξ ᾿Ηφαι-
στίωνος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, χυθεῖσαν ἐπιστολὴν αὐτῷ
’ > > / > Χ
συναναγινώσκοντος οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν, ἀλχὰ τὸν δα-

1 ἑαυτῷ Sint., with the best MSS.; Coraés and Bekker
have σεαυτῷ. Cf. ὃ 5.

340

688)

ALEXANDER, χχχιχ. 2-5

but finish your journey by taking this load to your
own tent.’ Furthermore, he was generally more
displeased with those who would not take his gifts
than with those who asked for them. And so he
wrote to Phocion in a letter that he would not treat
him as a friend in future if he rejected his favours.
Again, to Serapion, one of the youths who played
at ball with him, he used to give nothing because he
asked for nothing. Accordingly, whenever Serapion
had the ball, he would throw it to others, until the
king said: “Won't you give it tome?” No,” said
Serapion, “ because you don’t ask for it,’’ whereat the
king burst out laughing and made him many pre-
sents. With Proteas, however, a clever wag and
boon companion, he appeared to be angry; but
when the man’s friends begged his forgiveness, as
did Proteas himself with tears, the king said that he
was his friend again, whereat Proteas said: “In that
case, O King, give me something to prove it first.”
Accordingly, the king ordered that five talents
should be given him. What lofty airs his friends
and bodyguards were wont to display over the
wealth bestowed by him, is plain from a letter which
Olympias wrote to him. She says: “I beg thee
to find other ways of conferring favours on those
thou lovest and holdest in honour; as it is, thou
makest them all the equals of kings and providest
them with an abundance of friends, whilst thyself
thou strippest bare.” Olympias often wrote him
in like vein, but Alexander kept her writings secret,
except once when Hephaestion, as was his wont,
read with him a letter which had been opened ;
the king did not prevent him, but took the ring

VOL. VII. mM v4!

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

KTUALOV ἀφελόμενος τὸν αὑτοῦ προσέθηκε τῷ ἐκεί-
νου στόματι τὴν σφραγῖδα. Μαζαίου δὲ τοῦ
μεγίστου παρὰ Δαρείῳ γενομένου παιδὶ σατρα-
πείαν ἔχοντι δευτέραν προσετίθει μείζονα. παρ-
αἰτούμενος δὲ ἐκεῖνος εἶπεν: “ὮΙ βασιλεῦ, τότε
μὲν ἦν εἷς Δαρεῖος, νῦν δὲ σὺ πολλοὺς πεποίηκας
᾿Αλεξάνδρους.᾽ Παρμενίωνι μὲν οὖν τὸν Βαγώου
ἔδωκεν οἶκον τὸν περὶ Σοῦσα," ἐν ᾧ λέγεται χιλίων
ταλάντων εὑρεθῆναι ἱματισμόν. πρὸς δ᾽ ᾿Αντί-
πατρον ἔγραψε κελεύων ἔχειν φύλακας τοῦ σώ-
ματος ὡς ἐπιβουλευόμενον. τῇ δὲ μητρὶ πολλὰ
μὲν ἐδωρεῖτο καὶ κατέπεμπεν, οὐκ εἴα δὲ πολυ-
πραγμονεῖν οὐδὲ παραστρατηγεῖν" ἐγκαλούσης δὲ
πράως ἔφερε τὴν χαλεπότητα. πλὴν ἅπαξ ποτὲ
᾿Αντιπάτρου μακρὰν κατ᾽ αὐτῆς γράψαντος ἐπι-
στολὴν ἀναγνοὺς ἀγνοεῖν εἶπεν ᾿Αντίπατρον ὅτι
μυρίας ἐπιστολὰς ἕν δάκρυον ἀπαλείφει μητρός.
XL. Ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἑώρα παντά-
πασιν ἐκτετρυφηκότας καὶ φορτικοὺς ταῖς διαί-
Tals καὶ πολυτελείαις ὄντας, ὥστε “Ayvwva μὲν
τὸν Τήϊον ἀργυροῦς ἐν ταῖς κρηπῖσιν ἥλους
φορεῖν, Λεοννάτῳ δὲ πολλαῖς καμήλοις am Αἰ-
γύπτου κόνιν εἰς τὰ γυμνάσια παρακομίξεσθαι,
Φιλώτᾳ δὲ πρὸς θήρας σταδίων ἑκατὸν αὐλαίας
γεγονέναι, μύρῳ δὲ χρωμένους ἰέναι πρὸς ἄλειμμα
καὶ λουτρὸν ὅσους οὐδὲ ἐλαίῳ, τρίπτας δὲ καὶ
>
κατευναστὰς περιαγομένους, ἐπετίμησε πρᾷάως
καὶ φιλοσόφως, θαυμάζειν φάμενος εἰ τοσούτους
ἠγωνισμένοι καὶ τηλικούτους ἀγῶνας οὐ μνη-
μονεύουσιν ὅτι τῶν καταπονηθέντων οἱ καταπονή-

1 οἶκον. τὸν περὶ Σοῦσα, Coraés and Bekker: οἶκον, ἐν
ᾧ λέγεται τῶν περὶ Σοῦσα κ.τ.λ.

342

ALEXANDER, ΧΧΧΙΧ. 5—XxL. 2

from his own finger and applied its seal to the lips
of Hephaestion. Again, though the son of Mazaeus,
the most influential man at the court of Dareius,
already had a province, Alexander gave him a second
and a larger one. He, however, declined it, say-
ing: “O King, formerly there was one Dareius,
but now thou hast made many Alexanders.” To
Parmenio, moreover, Alexander gave the house of
Bagoas at Susa, in which it is said there was found
apparel worth a thousand talents. Again, he wrote
to Antipater bidding him keep guards about his
person, since plots were being laid against him. To
his mother, also, he sent many presents, but would
not suffer her to meddle in affairs nor interfere in
his campaigns ; and when she chided him for this, he
bore her harshness patiently. Once, however, after
reading a long letter which Antipater had written in
denunciation of her, he said Antipater knew not that
one tear of a mother effaced ten thousand letters.
XL. He saw that his favourites had grown alto-
gether luxurious, and were vulgar in the extravagance
of their ways of living. For instance, Hagnon the
Teian used to wear silver nails in his boots; Leon-
natus had dust for his gymnastic exercises brought
to him on many camels from Egypt; Philotas had
hunting-nets a hundred furlongs long; when they
took their exercise and their baths, more of them
actually used myrrh than olive oil, and they had
in their train rubbers and chamberlains. Alex-
ander therefore chided them in gentle and reason-
able fashion. \He was amazed, he said,.that after
they had undergone so many and so great contests
they did not remember that those who conquer by
toil sleep more sweetly than those who are con-

343

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σαντες ἥδιον “καθεύδουσιν, οὐδὲ ὁρῶσι τοῖς Περ-
σῶν βίοις τοὺς ἑαυτῶν παραβάλλοντες, ὅτε δου-
λικώτατον μέν ἐστι τὸ τρυφᾶν, βασιλικώτατον
δὲ τὸ πονεῖν. “ Καίτοι πῶς ἄν τις," ἔφη, ὑπ δὲ
ἑαυτοῦ θεραπεύσειεν ἵππον ἢ λόγχην ἀσκήσειεν
ἢ κράνος, ἀπειθικὼς τοῦ φιλτάτου σώματος ἅπτε-
σθαι τὰς χεῖρας; " “Οὐκ! ἴστε; εἶπεν, “ὅτι τοῦ
κρατεῖν πέρας ἡμῖν ἐστι τὸ μὴ ταὐτὰ ποιεῖν τοῖς
κεκρατημένοις; ἐπέτεινεν οὖν ἔτι “μᾶλλον: αὐτὸς
ἑαυτὸν ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις καὶ τοῖς κυνηγεσίοις,
κακοπαθῶν καὶ παραβαλλόμενος, ὥστε καὶ Λά-
Kova πρεσβευτὴν παραγενόμενον αὐτῷ λέοντα
καταβάλλοντι μέγαν εἰπεῖν: “Καλῶς γε, ᾿Αλέ-
Eavdpe, πρὸς τὸν λέοντα ἠγώνισαι περὶ τᾶς Bact-
λείας." τοῦτο τὸ κυνήγιον Κρατερὸς εἰς Δελφοὺς
ἀνέθηκεν, εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς ποιησάμενος τοῦ λέ-
οντος καὶ τῶν κυνῶν καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ λέοντι
συνεστῶτος καὶ αὑτοῦ προσβοηθοῦντος, ὧν τὰ
μὲν Λύσιππος ἔπλασε, τὰ δὲ Λεωχάρης.

XI. ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν ἑαυτὸν ἀσκῶν ἅμα
καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους παροξύνων πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἐκινδύ-
νευεν" οἱ δὲ φίλοι διὰ πλοῦτον καὶ ὄγκον ἤδη
τρυφᾶν βουλόμενοι καὶ σχολάξειν ἐβαρύνοντο τὰς
πλάνας καὶ τὰς στρατείας, καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν οὕτω
προῆλθον εἰς τὸ βλασφημεῖν καὶ κακῶς λέγειν
αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ καὶ πάνυ πράως ἐν ἀρχῇ πρὸς
ταῦτα διέκειτο, φάσκων βασιλικὸν εἶναι τὸ
κακῶς ἀκούειν εὖ ποιοῦντα. καίτοι τὰ μικρό-
TaTa τῶν γενομένων τοῖς συνήθεσι “παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ
σημεῖα μεγάλης ὑπῆρχεν εὐνοίας καὶ τιμῆς" ὧν
ὀλίγα παραθήσομαι.

344

ALEXANDER, xt. 2—-x.1. 2

quered by their toil, and did not see, from_a..com-
~~ parison-of theirown Tives-with ‘thosé of the Persians,
that~it~is~a~very servilé thing to be luxurious, but
a very royal thing to toil. “ And yet,” said he,
ΠΟΥ can a man take care of his own horse or
furbish up his spear and helmet, if he is unaccus-
tomed to using his hands on his own dear person ἢ
Know ye not,” said he, “that the end and object of
conquest is to avoid doing the same thing as the
conquered?” Accordingly, he exerted himself yet
more strenuously in military and hunting expeditions,
suffering distress and risking his life, so that a
Spartan ambassador who came up with him as he was
bringing down a great lion, said:*‘ Nobly, indeed,
Alexander, hast thou struggled with the lion to see
which should be king.’”’ This hunting-scene Craterus
dedicated at Delphi, with bronze figures of the lion,
the dogs, the king engaged with the lion, and him-
self coming to his assistance; some of the figures
were moulded by Lysippus, and some by Leochares.
XLI. Alexander, then, in exercising himself and
at the same time inciting others to deeds of valour,
was wont to court danger; but his friends, whose
wealth and magnificence now gave them a desire to
live in luxury and idleness, were impatient of his long
wanderings and military expeditions, and gradually
went so far as to abuse him and speak ill of him.
He, however, was very mildly disposed at first toward
this treatment of himself, and used to say that it
was the lot of a king to confer favours and be ill-
spoken of therefor, And yet in the most trifling
attentions which he paid his familiar friends there
were marks of great good-will and esteem. I will
instance a few of these.

345

oe

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

Πευκέστᾳ μὲν ἔγραψε μεμφόμενος ὅτε δηχθεὶς
ὑπ᾽ ἄρκτου τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἔγραψεν, αὐτῷ δὲ οὐκ

ἐδήλωσεν. “᾿Αλλὰ νῦν ye,” φησί, “ γράψον πῶς 689

ἔχεις, καὶ μή τινές σε τῶν συγκυνηγετούντων
> σ 7 “ ΕΣ] “- \ \
ἐγκατέλιπον, ἵνα δίκην δῶσι. τοῖς δὲ περὶ
A n
Ἡφαιστίωνα διὰ πράξεις τινὰς ἀποῦσιν ἔγραψεν
ὅτι παιζόντων αὐτῶν πρὸς ἰχνεύμονα τῷ Περδίκ-
\
κου δορατίῳ περιπεσὼν Κρατερὸς τοὺς μηροὺς
΄ 40 Tl / δὲ θέ a > θ
ἐτρώθη. Tlevxécta δὲ σωθέντος ἔκ τινος ἀσθεν-
/ ΝΜ \ > / \ > \ >
elas ἔγραψε πρὸς ᾿Αλέξιππον τὸν ἰατρὸν evyapt-
στῶν. Κρατεροῦ δὲ νοσοῦντος ὄψιν ἰδὼν κα
ὕπνον αὐτός τέ Ἶινας θυσίας ἔθυσεν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ
κἀκεῖνον θῦσαι ἐκέλευσεν. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ Ilav-
a a \
cavia τῷ ἰατρῷ βουλομένῳ τὸν Κρατερὸν ἐλλε-.
> “Ὁ \ n [τς
βορίσαι, τὰ μὲν ἀγωνιῶν, τὰ δὲ παραινῶν ὅπως
χρήσεται τῇ φαρμακείᾳ. τοὺς δὲ πρώτους τὴν
“Αρπάλου φυγὴν καὶ ἀπόδρασιν ἀπαγγείλαντας
ἔδησεν, ᾿Εφιάλτην καὶ Κίσσον, ὡς καταψευδο-
μένους τοῦ ἀνδρός. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς ἀσθενοῦντας
> n \ ld > 3 3 / >
αὐτοῦ καὶ γέροντας εἰς οἶκον ἀποστέλλοντος Ev-
7, > a 2 7 ε 7 > \
puroxos Atyatos ἐνέγραψεν eavTov εἰς τοὺς
νοσοῦντας, εἶτα φωραθεὶς ἔχων οὐδὲν κακὸν ὧμο-
λόγησε Τελεσίππας ἐρᾶν καὶ συνεπακολουθεῖν
ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἀπιούσης ἐκείνης, ἠρώτησε τίνων
ἀνθρώπων ἐστὶ τὸ γύναιον. ἀκούσας δὲ ὅτι τῶν
fal ¢ a
ἐλευθέρων ἑταιρῶν, “ “Huds pév,” εἶπεν, “ὦ Ev-
a \
ρύλοχε, συνερῶντας ἔχεις" ὅρα δὲ ὅπως πείθωμεν
ἢ λόγοις ἢ δώροις τὴν Τελεσίππαν, ἐπειδήπερ ἐξ.
ΕΣ]
ἐλευθέρας ἐστί.

346

β

ALEXANDER, χα. 2-5

He found fault with Peucestas by letter because,
after being bitten by a bear, he wrote about it to the
rest of his friends but did not tell him. ‘“ Now, how-
ever,” said he, ‘‘ write me how you are, and tell me
whether any of your fellow-huntsmen left you in the
lurch, that I may punish them.” To Hephaestion,
who was absent on some business, he wrote that
while they were diverting themselves with hunting
an ichneumon, Craterus encountered the lance of
Perdiccas and was wounded in the thighs. After
Peucestas had safely recovered from an illness, Alex-
ander wrote to the physician, Alexippus, expressing
his thanks. While Craterus was sick, Alexander had
a vision in his sleep, whereupon he offered certain
sacrifices himself for the recovery of his friend, and
bade him also sacrifice. He wrote also to Pausanias,
the physician, who wished to administer hellebore to
Craterus, partly expressing distress, and partly advis-
ing him how to use the medicine. Those who first
brought word to him that Harpalus had absconded,
namely, Ephialtes and Cissus, he put in fetters, on
the ground that they were falsely accusing the man.
When he was sending home his aged and infirm
soldiers, Eurylochus of Aegae got himself enrolled
among the sick, and then, when it was discovered
that he had nothing the matter with him, confessed
that he was in love with Telesippa, and was bent on
following along with her on her journey to the
sea-board. Alexander asked of what parentage the
girl was, and on hearing that she was a free-born
courtezan, said: “I will help you, O Eurylochus, in
your amour; but see to it that we try to persuade
Telesippa either by arguments or by gifts, since she
is free-born.”

347

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XLIL. Θαυμάσαι δὲ αὐτὸν ἔστιν ὅτι καὶ μέχρι
4 ? a a“ , ? 4

τοιούτων ἐπιστολῶν τοῖς φίλοις ἐσχόλαζεν, ola
γράφει παῖδα Σελεύκου εἰς Κιλικίαν ἀποδεδρα-
κότα κελεύων ἀναζητῆσαι, καὶ Πευκέσταν ἐπαι-
νῶν ὅτε Νίκωνα, Κρατεροῦ δοῦλον, συνέλαβε, καὶ
/ \ ἴω / lal > lal e -“
Μεγαβύξῳ περὶ τοῦ θεράποντος τοῦ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ
καθεζομένου, κελεύων αὐτόν, ἂν δύνηται, συλλα-
βεῖν ἔξω τοῦ ἱεροῦ προκαλεσάμενος, ἐν δὲ τῷ
ἱερῷ μὴ προσάπτεσθαι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὰς δίκας
διακρίνων ἐ ἐν ἀρχῇ τὰς θανατικὰς τὴν χεῖρα τῶν
ὦτων τῷ ἑτέρῳ προστιθέναι τοῦ κατηγόρου λέγον-
τος, ὅπως τῷ κινδυνεύοντι καθαρὸν φυλάττηται

. 2 ͵ > γ ὦ , me 2 Ἅ
καὶ ἀδιάβλητον. ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερόν γε αὐτὸν ἐξετρά-

/ n a
χυναν ai πολλαὶ διαβολαί, διὰ τῶν ἀληθῶν πάρ-
οδον ἐπὶ τὰ ψευδῆ λαβοῦσαι. καὶ μάλιστα
κακῶς ἀκούων ἐξίστατο τοῦ φρονεῖν καὶ χαλεπὸς

a
ἣν καὶ ἀπαραίτητος, ἅτε δὴ τὴν δόξαν ἀντὶ τοῦ
ζῆν καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἠγαπηκώς.

Τότε δὲ ἐξήλαυνεν ἐπὶ Δαρεῖον ὡς πάλιν
μαχούμενος" ἀκούσας δὲ τὴν ὑπὸ Βήσσου γενο-
μένην αὐτοῦ σύλληψιν ἀπέλυσε τοὺς Θεσσαλοὺς
οἴκαδε, δισχίκεα τάλαντα δωρεὰν ἐπιμετρήσας

- al XN \ \ ’ > /
ταῖς μισθοφοραῖς. πρὸς δὲ τὴν δίωξιν ἀργαλέαν
καὶ μακρὰν γινομένην (ἕνδεκα γὰρ ἡ μέραις ὑἱππά-
σατο τρισχιλίους καὶ τριακοσίους σταδίους)
ἀπηγόρευσαν μὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι, καὶ μάλιστα κατὰ

\ > ὃ 4 \ Qe > 4
τὴν ἀνυδρίαν. ἔνθα δὴ Μακεδόνες ἀπήντησαν
αὐτῷ τινες ὕδωρ ἐν ἀσκοῖς ἐφ᾽ ἡμιόνων κομίζοντες
3 Ν fal “ / Ν > /
ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ" Kal θεασάμενοι Tov ᾿Αλέξαν-.

348

ALEXANDER, xuu. 1-4

XLII. And it is astonishing that he had time to
write so many letters for his friends. For instance,
he wrote one giving orders to seek out a slave of
Seleucus who had run away into Cilicia; and one in
commendation of Peucestas for arresting Nicon, a
servant of Craterus; and one to Megabyzus about an
attendant who had taken refuge in a sanctuary, bid-
ding him, if possible, entice the slave outside the
sanctuary and then arrest him, but not to lay hands
upon him in the sanctuary. It is said, too, that at
first, when he was trying capital cases, he would put
his hand over one of his ears while the-accuser was
speaking, that he might keep it free and unpreju-
diced for the accused. But afterwards the multitude
of accusations which he heard rendered him harsh,
and led him to believe the false because so many
were true. And particularly when he was maligned
he lost discretion and was cruel and inexorable, since
he loved his reputation more than his life or his
kingdom.

Now, however, he marched out against Dareius,!
expecting to fight another battle ; but when he heard
that Dareius had been seized by Bessus, he sent his
Thessalians home, after distributing among them a
largess of two thousand talents over and above their
pay. In consequence of the pursuit of Dareius, which \ |
was long and arduous (for in eleven days he rode
thirty-three hundred furlongs), most of his horsemen Ὁ
gave out, and chiefly for lack of water. At this point
some Macedonians met him who were carrying water
from the river in skins upon their mules. And when
they beheld Alexander, it being now midday, in a

1 In the spring of 330 B.o, |
349

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Spov ἤδη μεσημβρίας οὔσης κακῶς ὑπὸ ,δύψους
ἔχοντα ταχὺ πλησάμενοι κράνος προσήνεγκαν.
πυθομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ τίσι κομίζοιεν, “* Tiois,”
ἔφασαν, “ ἰδίοις" ἀλλὰ σοῦ ζῶντος ἑτέρους ποιη-
σόμεθα, κἂν ἐκείνους ἀπολέσωμεν." ταῦτα ἀκού-
σας ἔλαβεν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τὸ κράνος" περιβλέψας
δὲ καὶ θεασάμενος τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἱππεῖς ἅπαντας
ἐγκεκλικότας ταῖς κεφαλαῖς καὶ πρὸς τὸ ποτὸν
βλέποντας ἀπέδωκεν οὐ TOY, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαινέσας
τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, “Αν γὰρ αὐτός, ἔφη, “ πίω
μόνος, ἀθυμήσουσιν οὗτοι." θεασάμενοι δὲ τὴν
ἐγκράτειαν αὐτοῦ καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν. οἱ ἱππεῖς
ἄγειν ἀνέκραγον θαρροῦντα καὶ τοὺς ἵππους
ἐμάστιζον" οὔτε γὰρ κάμνειν οὔτε διψᾶν, οὔθ᾽
ὅλως θνητοὺς εἶναι νομίζειν αὑτούς, ἕως ἂν ἔχωσι,
βασιλέα τοιοῦτον.

XLII. Ἢ μὲν οὖν προθυμία πάντων ἦν ὁμοία". 690

μόνους δέ φασιν ἑξήκοντα συνεισπεσεῖν εἰς τὰ
στρατόπεδα τῶν πολεμίων. ἔνθα δὴ πολὺν μὲν
ἄργυρον καὶ χρυσὸν ἐρριμμένον ὑπερβαίνοντες,
πολλὰς δὲ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἁρμαμάξας.
ἡνιόχων ᾿ ἐρήμους διαφερομένας παρερχόμενοι,
τοὺς πρώτους ἐδίωκον, ὡς ἐν ἐκείνοις Δαρεῖον
ὄντα. μόλις δὲ εὑρίσκεται πολλῶν ἀκοντισμάτων
κατάπλεως τὸ σῶμα, κείμενος ἐν ἁρμαμάξῃ,
μικρὸν ἀπολείπων τοῦ τελευτᾶν. ὅμως δὲ καὶ
πιεῖν ἤτησε, καὶ πιὼν ὕδωρ ψυχρὸν εἶπε πρὸς
τὸν δόντα Πολύστρατον' "0 ἄνθρωπε, τοῦτό
μοι πέρας γέγονε δυστυχίας ἁπάσης, εὖ παθεῖν
ἀμείψασθαι μὴ δυνάμενον" ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αλέξανδρος
ἀποδώσει σοι τὴν χάριν, ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ δὲ οἱ θεοὶ

359

ALEXANDER, xi. 4—x.i1. 2

wretched plight from thirst, they quickly filled a
helmet and brought it to him. To his enquiry for
whom they were carrying the water, they replied:
“For our-own sons; but if thou livest, we can get
other sons, even if we lose these.”” On hearing this
he took the helmet into his hands, but when he
stretching out their heads and gazing at the water,
he handed it back without drinking any, but with
praises for the men who had brought it; “For,” said
he, “if I should drink of it alone, these horsemen of
mine will be out of heart.” But when they beheld
his self-control and loftiness of spirit, they shouted
out to him to lead them forward boldly, and began
to goad their horses on, declaring that they would
not regard themselves as weary, or thirsty, or as mor-
tals at all, so long as they had such a king.

XLIII. So, then, all were alike ready and willing ;
but only sixty, they say, were with Alexander when
he burst into the camp of the enemy. There, in-
deed, they rode over much gold and silver that was
thrown away, passed by many waggons full of women
and children which were coursing hither and thither
without their drivers, and pursued those who were
foremost in flight, thinking that Dareius was among
them. But at last they found him lying in a waggon,
his body all full of javelins, at the point of death.
Nevertheless, he asked for something to drink, and
when he had drunk some cold water which Polystra-
tus gave him, he said to him: “ My man, this is the
extremity of all my ill-fortune, that I receive good
at thy hands and am not able to return it; but
Alexander will requite thee for thy good offices, and
the gods will reward Alexander for his kindness to

351

ie)

PLUTARCH’S LIVES .

τῆς εἰς μητέρα καὶ γυναῖκα καὶ παῖδας τοὺς ἐμοὺς.
ἐπιεικείας, ὦ ταύτην δίδωμι τὴν δεξιὰν διὰ σοῦ.
ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ λαβόμενος τῆς τοῦ Πολυστράτου
χειρὸς ἐξέλιπεν. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ ὡς “ἐπῆλθεν,
ἀλγῶν τε τῷ πάθει φανερὸς ἣν καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ.
χλαμύδα λύσας ἐπέβαλε τῷ σώματι, καὶ περιέ-
στεῖλε. καὶ Βῆσσον μὲν ὕστερον εὑρὼν διεσφεν-
δόνησεν, ὀρθίων δένδρων εἰς ταὐτὸ καμφθέντων
ἑκατέρῳ μέρος προσαρτήσας τοῦ σώματος, εἶτα.
μεθεὶς ἑκάτερον, ὡς ὥρμητο ῥύμῃ φερόμενον, τὸ.
προσῆκον αὐτῷ μέρος νείμασθαι. τότε δὲ τοῦ
Δαρείου. τὸ μὲν σῶμα κεκοσμημένον. βασιλικῶς
πρὸς τὴν “μητέρα, ἀπέστειλε, τὸν δὲ ἀδελφὸν
᾿Εξάθρην εἰς τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀνέλαβεν.

XLIV. Αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς ἀκμαιοτάτης Sinnk
pews εἰς Ὑρκανίαν κατέβαινε" καὶ πέλάγους ἰδὼν
κόλπον οὐκ ἐλάττονα μὲν τοῦ Πόντου φανέντα,

4 \ lol » 7 Ν Ν
γλυκύτερον δὲ τῆς ἄλλης θαλάττης, σαφὲς μὲν
οὐδὲν ἔσχε πυθέσθαι περὶ αὐτοῦ, μάλιστα δὲ
εἴκασε τῆς Μαιώτιδος λίμνης ἀνακοπὴν εἶναι.
καίτοι τούς γε φυσικοὺς ἄνδρας οὐκ ἔλαθε Ta-
ληθές, ἀλλὰ πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς ᾿Άλε-
ξάνδρου στρατείας ἱστορήκασιν ὅτε τεσσάρων
κόλπων εἰσεχόντων ἀπὸ τῆς ἔξω θαλάσσης
βορειότατος οὗτός ἐστι, τὸ Ὑρκάνιον πέλαγος
καὶ Κάσπιον ὁ ὁμοῦ προσαγορευόμενον.

᾿Ενταῦθα τῶν βαρβάρων τινὲς ἀπροσδοκήτως
περιτυχόντες τοῖς ἄγουσι τὸν ἵππον αὐτοῦ τὸν
Βουκεφάλαν λαμβάνουσιν. ὃ δὲ ἤνεγκεν οὐ με-

1 These details of the death of Dareius are not to be found
in Arrian (Anab. iii. 21 jin.), but in Curtius (v. 13, 28) and
Diodorus (xvii. 73).

352

ALEXANDER, xuim. 2—-x1iv. 3

my mother, wife, and children; to him, through
thee, I give this right hand.”’. With these words he
took the hand of Polystratus and then expired.}
When Alexander came up, he was manifestly dis-
tressed by what had happened, and unfastening his
own cloak threw it upon the body and covered it.

admitted his brother, Exathres, into the number of
his companions. '
XLIV. He himself, however, with the flower of
his army, marched on into Hyrcania. Here he saw
a gulf of the open sea which appeared to be as large
as the Euxine, but was sweeter than the Mediter-
ranean. He could get no clear information about it,
but conjectured that in all probability it was a stag-
nant overflow from the Palus Maeotis. And yet
naturalists were well aware of the truth, and many
years before Alexander’s expedition they had set
forth that this was the most northerly of four gulfs
which stretch inland from the outer sea, and was
ealled indifferently the Hyrcanian or Caspian Sea.
Here some Barbarians unexpectedly fell in with
those who. were leading Alexander’s horse, Buce-
phalas, and captured him. Alexander was angry

2 In the spring of 329 Β.σ. Cf. Arriin, Anab. iii. 30, 5;
iv..7, 3 ff.

% «To Persepolis, with orders that it should be buried in
the royal sepulchre ” (Arrian, Anab. iii. 22, 1).

333

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Tpiws, ἀλλὰ κήρυκα πέμψας ἠπείλησε πάντας
ἀποκτενεῖν μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν, εἰ τὸν
7 > οἱ \ > / 3 \
ἵππον αὐτῷ μὴ ἀναπέμψειαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὸν
cA ,
ἵππον ἄγοντες ἧκον Kal τὰς πόλεις ἐγχειρίζοντες,
ἐχρήσατο φιλανθρώπως πᾶσι καὶ τοῦ ἵππου
λύτρα τοῖς λαβοῦσιν ἔδωκεν.
XLY. ᾿Εντεῦθεν εἰς τὴν ἸΠαρθικὴν ἀναζεύξας
7 al > / \ \
καὶ σχολάζων πρῶτον ἐνεδύσατο τὴν βαρβαρικὴν
στολήν, εἴτε βουλόμενος αὑτὸν συνοικειοῦν τοῖς
ἐπιχωρίοις νόμοις, ὡς μέγα πρὸς ἐξημέρωσιν
> ΄ Ν 4 \ ε ‘ wv? > /
ἀνθρώπων τὸ σύνηθες καὶ ὁμόφυλον, εἴτ᾽ ἀπό-
πειρά τις ὑφεῖτο τῆς προσκυνήσεως αὕτη τοῖς
Μακεδόσι, κατὰ μικρὸν ἀνασχέσθαι τὴν ἐκδιαί-
> a“ \ \ > ΄ > \
2 τησιν αὐτοῦ καὶ μεταβολὴν ἐθιζομένοις. ov μὴν
τήν γε Μηδικὴν ἐκείνην προσήκατο παντάπασι
βαρβαρικὴν καὶ ἀλλόκοτον οὗσαν, οὐδὲ ἀναξυρί-
δας οὐδὲ κάνδυν οὐδὲ τιάραν ἔλαβεν, ἀλλὰ ἐν
, \ n an Ν a an /
μέσῳ τινὰ τῆς Περσικῆς καὶ τῆς Μηδικῆς μιξά-
μενος εὖ πως, ἀτυφοτέραν μὲν ἐκείνης, ταύτης δὲ
σοβαρωτέραν οὗσαν. ἐχρῆτο δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον
ἐντυγχάνων τοῖς βαρβάροις καὶ τοῖς ἑταίροις κατ᾽
3 “ a Ὁ ef > 7 \
οἶκον, εἶτα τοῖς πολλοῖς οὕτως ἐξελαύνων καὶ
8 χρηματίζων ἑωρᾶτο. καὶ λυπηρὸν μὲν Hv τοῖς
Μακεδόσι τὸ θέαμα, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην αὐτοῦ θαυμά-
Covtes ἀρετὴν @ovto δεῖν ἔνια τῶν πρὸς ἡδονὴν
αὐτῷ καὶ δόξαν ἐπιχωρεῖν: ὅς γε πρὸς ἅπασι τοῖς
ἄλλοις ἔναγχος τόξευμα μὲν εἰς τὴν κνήμην

354

ALEXANDER, xxiv. 3-xLv. 3

beyond measure, and sent a herald threatening to put
them all to the sword, together with their wives and
children, if they did not send him back his horse.
But when they came with the horse and also put
their cities into his hands, he treated them all kindly,
and gave a ransom for his horse to those who had
captured him.

~XLY. From thence he marched into Parthia,}

where, during ἃ respite from fighting, he first put on

the barbaric dress,.either from a desire to adapt him- ,

self to the native-eustoms, believing that community
of race and custom goes far towards softening the
hearts of men; or else this was an attempt to intro-

ἐν

ἢ

duce the~obeisance? among the Macedonians, by |

accustoming them little by little to put up with
changes and alterations. in his-mode--of-life.”- How-

ever, he did not adopt the famous Median fashion of ~

dress, which was altogether barbaric and strange,

nor did he assume trousers, or sleeved vest, or tiara, -

but carefully devised a fashion which was midway
between the Persian and the Median, more modest
than the one and more stately than the other. At
first he wore this only in intercourse with the Bar-
barians and with his companions at home, then people
generally saw him riding forth or giving audience in
this attire. The sight was offensive to the Mace-
donians, but they admired his other high qualities
and thought they ought to yield to him in some
things which made for his pleasure or his fame. For,
in addition to all his other hardships, he had recently
been shot by an arrow in the leg below the knee, so

1 In the early autumn of 330 B.c.
3 Prostration on the ground before a great personage, a
peculiarly Persian custom,

355

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λαβών, ὑφ᾽ οὗ TO τῆς κερκίδος ὀστέον ἀποθραυ-
σθὲν ἐξέπεσε, λίθῳ δὲ “πληγεὶς πάλιν εἰς τὸν
τράχηλον ὥστε καὶ ταῖς ὄψεσιν, ἀχλὺν ὑπο-
δραμεῖν παραμείνασαν οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον, ὅμως
οὐκ ἐπαύετο P tale ἑαυτῷ πρὸς τοὺς κινδύνους
ἀφειδῶς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Ὀρεξάρτην διαβὰς ποτα-
μόν, ὃν αὐτὸς weto Τάναϊν εἶναι, καὶ τοὺς Σκύθας
τρεψάμενος ἐδίωξεν ἐπὶ σταδίους ἑκατόν, ἐνο-
χλούμενος ὑπὸ διαρροίας..

XLVI. ᾿Ενταῦθα δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι τὴν
‘A patova οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσιν, ὧν καὶ Κλείταρχός
ἐστι καὶ Πολύκλειτος καὶ ᾿Ονησίκριτος καὶ
᾿Αντιγένης καὶ Ἴστρος: ᾿Αριστόβουλος, δὲ καὶ
Χάρης ὁ εἰσαγγελεὺς καὶ Πτολεμαῖος καὶ ᾿Αντι-
κλείδης. καὶ Φίλων ὁ Θηβαῖος καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ
Θεαγγελεύς, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Ἑκαταῖος ὁ Ερε-
aeRO καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ Χαλκιδεὺς καὶ Δοῦρις δ
Σάμιος πλάσμα φασὶ γεγονέναι τοῦτο. καὶ
μαρτυρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἔοικεν ᾿Αλέξανδρος. ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ
γὰρ ἅπαντα γράφων ἀκριβῶς τὸν μὲν Σκύθην
αὐτῷ φησι διδόναι τὴν ,θυγατέρα πρὸς γάμον,
᾿Αμαξόνος δὲ οὐ μνημονεύει. λέγεται δὲ πολλοῖς
χρόνοις ᾿Ονησίκριτος ὕστερον ἤδη βασιλεύοντι
Λυσιμάχῳ. τῶν βιβλίων τὸ τέταρτον ἀναγινώ-
σκειν, ἐν ᾧ γέγραπται περὶ τῆς ᾿Αμαζόνος: τὸν
οὗν Λυσίμαχον, ἀτρέμα μειδιάσαντα Ψ Καὶ που,"
φάναι, “ “πότε ἤμην ἐγώ;" ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἄν τις
οὔτε ἀπιστῶν ἧττον οὔτε πιστεύων μᾶλλον
᾿Αλέξανδρον θαυμάσειε.

XLVIL. Φοβούμενος δὲ τοὺς Μακεδόνας, μὴ εἰς
τὰ ὑπόλοιπα τῆς στρατείας ἀπαγορεύσωσι, τὸ
μὲν ἄλλο πλῆθος εἴασε κατὰ χώραν, τοὺς δὲ

356

69]

ALEXANDER, xty. 3-xtvu. i

that splinters of the larger bone came out; and at
another time he was smitten in the neck with a
stone so severely that his eye-sight was clouded and
remained so for some time. Nevertheless, he did
not cease exposing himself to dangers without stint,
nay, he actually crossed the river Orexartes (which
he himself supposed to be the Tanais), put the
Scythians to rout, and pursued them for a hundred
furlongs, although he was suffering all the while from
a diarrhoea.

XLVI. Here the queen of the Amazons came to
see him, as most writers say, among whom are
Cleitarchus, Polycleitus, Onesicritus, . Antigenes,
and Ister; but Aristobulus, Chares the royal usher,
Ptolemy, Anticleides, Philo the Theban, and Philip
of Theangela, besides Hecataeus of Eretria, Philip
the Chalcidian, and Duris of Samos, say that this is
a fiction. And it would seem that Alexander’s testi-
mony is in favour of their statement. For in a letter
to Antipater which gives all the details minutely he
says that the Scythian king offered him his daughter in
marriage, but he makes no mention of the Amazon.
And the story is told that many years afterwards
Onesicritus was reading aloud to Lysimachus, who
was now king, the fourth book of his history, in
which was the tale of the Amazon, at which Lysi-
machus smiled gently and said: ‘“‘ And where was I
at the time?”’ However, our belief or disbelief ot
this story will neither increase nor diminish our
admiration for Alexander.

XLVII. Fearing that his Macedonians might tire
of the rest of his expedition, he left the greater part
of them in quarters, and while he had the best of

357

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ipl ἔγων ἐν “Tpxavia μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, δισμυρί-
ἀρίστους ἔχων ἐν Ὑρκανίᾳ pe ὑτοῦ, δισμυρ
A \ a
ous πεζοὺς καὶ τρισχιλίους ἱππεῖς, προσέβαλε,
λέγων ὡς νῦν μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐνύπνιον τῶν βαρβάρων
, , \ ? /
ὁρώντων, ἂν δὲ μόνον ταράξαντες τὴν Aciav
Ὁ
ἀπίωσιν, ἐπιθησομένων εὐθὺς ὥσπερ γυναιξίν.
/ wi
οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἀπιέναι ye τοὺς βουλομένους ἐφῆκε,
μαρτυράμενος ὅτι τὴν οἰκουμένην τοῖς Μακεδόσι
κτώμενος ἐγκαταλέλειπται μετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ
a ’ a a
τῶν ἐθελόντων στρατεύειν. ταῦτα σχεδὸν αὐτοῖς
a \ > / a
ὀνόμασιν ἐν τῇ πρὸς ᾿Αντίπατρον ἐπιστολῇ
“- > / a
γέγραπται, καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα εἰπόντος αὐτοῦ πάντες
ἐξέκραγον ὅποι βούλεται τῆς οἰκουμένης ἄγειν.
\ a
δεξαμένων δὲ τούτων τὴν πεῖραν οὐκέτε ἣν
χαλεπὸν προαχθῆιαι τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ ῥᾳδίως
ἐπηκολούθησεν.
, al :
Οὕτω δὴ καὶ τὴν δίαιταν ἔτι μᾶλλον ὡμοίου τε
a / ῇ a an -
τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἑαυτόν, ἐκεῖνά τε προσῆγε τοῖς
Μακεδονικοῖς ἔθεσιν, ἀνακράσει καὶ κοινωνίᾳ
“ ὃ > > ͵ / θ ὰ / .
μᾶλλον OL εὐνοίας καταστήσεσθαι τὰ πραγματα
\ ’ nr
νομίζων ἢ βίᾳ, μακρὰν ἀπαίροντος αὐτοῦ. διὸ
a 2 / ,
καὶ τρισμυρίους παῖδας ἐπιλεξάμενος ἐκέλευσε
γράμματά τε μανθάνειν “Ἑλληνικὰ καὶ Μακεδονι-
al “ > / ᾿ \ » /
κοῖς ὅπλοις ἐντρέφεσθαι, πολλοὺς ἐπιστάτας
καταστήσας. καὶ τὰ περὶ Ῥωξάνην ἔρωτι μὲν
/
ἐπράχθη, καλὴν καὶ ὡραίαν ἔν τινι χόρῳ παρὰ
, > “ Μ \ > > ΓΑ r
πότον ὀφθεῖσαν, ἔδοξε δὲ οὐκ ἀνάρμοστα τοῖς
ὑποκειμένοις εἶναι πράγμασιν. ἐθάρρησαν yap
οἱ βάρβαροι τῇ κοινωνίᾳ τοῦ γάμου, καὶ τὸν
1 ἐφῆκε Coraés’ correction of the ἔφη καὶ οὗ the MSS.,
adopted by Sint.; Bekker reads ἀφιέναι .. . ἔφη.

358

ALEXANDER, xtvil. 1-4

them with him in Hyrcania, twenty thousand foot and
three thousand horse,-he addressed them, saying that
at present_they were.seen by the Barbarians as in a
dream, but that if they-should_merely throw Asia
into confusion and then leave it they would be at-
tacked by. them-as if-they-were women. However,
he said, he allowed those who wished it to go away,
calling them to witness that while he was winning
the inhabited world for the Macedonians he had been
left behind with his friends and those who were will-
ing to continue the expedition. This is almost word
for word what he wrote in his letter to Antipater,
and he adds that after he had thus spoken all his
hearers cried out to him to lead them to whatever
part of the world he wished. After these had met
his test of their loyalty, it was no longer a hard matter
for the main body to be led along too, nay, they
readily followed after. :

Under these circumstances, too, he adapted his
own mode of. life still more to the customs of the
country, and tried to bring these into closer agree-
ment with Macedonian customs, thinking that by a
mixture and community of practice which produced
good will, rather than by force, his authority would be
kept-secure while he was far away. For this réason,
_too, he chose out thirty~thousand boys and gave
orders that they should learn-the..Greek language
and be trained to use Macedonian weapons, appoint-
ing many instructors for this work. His marriage
to Roxana, whom he saw ἴῃ her youthful beauty
taking part in a dance at a banquet, was a love affair,
and yet it was thought to harmonize well with the
matters. which ne had in hand:--For the Barbarians
were encouraged by the partnership into which the
marriage brought them, and they were beyond

359

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾿Αλέξανδ ὑ ΐ ὅτι νέ
ρον ὑπερηγάπησαν, OTL σωφρονέστατος
περὶ ταῦτα γεγονὼς οὐδὲ ἧς μόνης ἡττήθη yuvar-
κὸς ἄνευ νόμου θιγεῖν ὑπέμεινεν.

> \ 4 a , 27 a /

Evel δὲ καὶ τῶν φίλων ἑώρα τῶν μεγίστων
᾿Ηφαιστίωνα μὲν ἐπαινοῦντα καὶ συμμετακοσμού-
μενον αὐτῷ, Κρατερὸν δὲ τοῖς πατρίδις ἐμμένοντα»
δι᾿ ἐκείνου μὲν ἐχρημάτιξε. τοῖς βαρβάροις, διὰ
τούτου δὲ τοῖς “Ελλησι καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσι" καὶ
ὅλως τὸν μὲν ἐφίλει μάλιστα, τὸν δὲ ἐτίμα, νομί-

\ , δι Ν \ \ € /
ζων καὶ λέγων ἀεὶ Tov μὲν Ἡφαιστίωνα φιλα-
λέξανδρον εἶναι, τὸν δὲ Κρατερὸν φιλοβασιλέα.
διὸ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπούλως ἔχοντες συνέ-
΄ “ \ \ \ 7 \

Kpovov πολλάκις. ἅπαξ δὲ περὶ τὴν ᾿Ινδικὴν

\ > a Φ / 4 ’ \
καὶ εἰς χεῖρας ἦλθον σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη, Kal
τῶν φίλων ἑκατέρῳ παραβοηθούντων προσελάσας
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐλοιδόρει τὸν Ηφαιστίωνα φανερῶς,
ἔμπληκτον καλῶν καὶ “μαινόμενον, εἰ μὴ συνίησιν
ὡς, ἐών τις αὐτοῦ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀφέληται,
μηδέν ἐστιν: ἰδίᾳ δὲ καὶ τοῦ Κρατεροῦ πικρῶς
καθήψατο. καὶ συναγαγὼν αὐτοὺς καὶ διαλλάξας
> 7 ‘ ” \ \ » ΄ >
ἐπώμοσε Tov ᾿Αμμωνα καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους θεούς, 7
μὴν μάλιστα φιλεῖν ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων ἐκείνους"
ἂν δὲ πάλιν αἴσθηται διαφερομένους, ἀποκτενεῖν
> /, * \ > [4 μέ Ὁ ᾿ >
ἀμφοτέρους, ἢ Tov ἀρξάμενον. ὅθεν ὕστερον οὐδὲ

’ὔ > Cal 2 \ “" Ν > 7
παίζοντες εἰπεῖν τε οὐδὲ πρᾶξαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους
λέγονται.

XLVIII. Φιλώτας δὲ ὁ Παρμενίωνος ἀξίωμα
μὲν εἶχεν ἐν τοῖς Μακεδόσι μέγα" καὶ γὰρ ἀν-
δρεῖος ἐδόκει καὶ καρτερικὸς εἶναι, φιλόδωρος δὲ

360

6o

ALEXANDER, χῆνα, 4 ΧΗΥ͂ΠΙ. Σ

-measure..fond of Alexander, because, most tem-
perate of all men that he was in these matters, he
“would not _consent-to-approach even the only woman
‘who ἔνε Ὁ €ver mastered.his affections, without the sanc-
tion of law.

“Moreover, when he saw that among his chiefest
friends Hephaestion approved his course and joined
him in changing his mode of life, while Craterus
clung fast to his native ways, he employed the for-
mer in his business with the Barbarians, the latter
in that with the Greeks and Macedonians. And in
general he showed most affection for Hephaestion,
but most esteem for Craterus, thinking, and constantly
saying, that Hephaestion was a friend of Alexander,
but Craterus a friend of the king. For this reason,
too, the men cherished a secret grudge against one
another and often came into open collision. And
once, on the Indian expedition, they actually drew
their swords and closed with one another, and as
the friends of each were coming to his aid, Alex-
ander rode up and abused Hephaestion publicly,
calling him a fool and a madman for not knowing
that without Alexander’s favour he was nothing;
and in private he also sharply reproved Craterus.
Then he brought them together and _ reconciled
them, taking an oath by Ammon and the rest of
the gods that he loved them most of all men; but
that if he heard of their quarrelling again, he would
kill them both, or at least the one who began the
quarrel. Wherefore after this they neither did nor
said anything to harm one another, not even in jest.

XLVIII. Now, Philotas, the son of Parmenio, had a
high position among the Macedonians; for he was
keld to be valiant and able to endure hardship, and,

361

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

οὕτω Kal φιλέταιρος μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
οὐδείς. λέγεται γοῦν ὅτε τῶν συνήθων τινὸς
αἰτοῦντος ἀργύριον ἐκέλευσε δοῦναι" φήσαντος
δὲ τοῦ διοικητοῦ μὴ ἔχειν, “ Τί λέγεις;" εἶπεν,
“οὐδὲ ποτήριον ἔχεις οὐδὲ ἱμάτιον; ὄγκῳ δὲ
φρονήματος καὶ βάρει πλούτου καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸ
σῶμα θεραπείᾳ καὶ διαίτῃ χρώμενος ἐπαχθέστε-
ρον ἢ κατ᾽ ἰδιώτην, καὶ τότε δὴ τὸ σεμνὸν καὶ
ὕψηλον οὐκ ἐμμελῶς, ἀλλ᾽ ἄνευ χαρίτων τῷ
σολοίκῳ καὶ παρασήμῳ μιμούμενος, ὑποψίαν καὶ
φθόνον ἔ ἔσχεν, ὥστε καὶ Παρμενίωνά, ποτε εἰπεῖν
πρὸς avtov' “Ὦ παῖ, χείρων μοι γίνου." πρὸς
δὲ αὐτὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐκ πάνυ πολλῶν ὄνων
ἐτύγχανε διαβεβλημένος. ὅτε γὰρ Bo περὶ
Δαμασκὸν ἑάλω χρήματα Δαρείου νικηθέντος ἐν
Κιλικίᾳ, πολλῶν σωμάτων κομισθέντων εἰς τὸ
στρατόπεδον εὑρέθη γύναιον ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις,
τῷ μὲν γένει ΠΠυδναῖον, εὐπρεπὲς δὲ τὴν ὄψιν"
ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ ᾿Αντιγόνη. τοῦτο ἔσχεν ὁ Φιλώτας:
οἷα δὲ νέος πρὸς ἐρωμένην καὶ σὺν οἴνῳ πολλὰ
φιλότιμα καὶ στρατιωτικὰ παρρησιαζόμενος ἑ ἑαυ-
τοῦ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἔργων ἀπέφαινε καὶ τοῦ
πατρός, ᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ μειράκιον ἀπεκάλει ov
αὐτοὺς τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὄνομα καρπούμενον. ταῦτα
τῆς γυναικὸς ἐκφερούσης πρός τινα τῶν συνήθων,
ἐκείνου δέ, ὡς εἰκός, πρὸς ἕτερον, περιῆλθεν εἰς
Κρατερὸν ὁ λόγος" καὶ λαβὼν τὸ γύναιον εἰσή-
yaye κρύφα πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ἀκούσας δὲ
ἐκεῖνος ἐκέλευσε φοιτᾶν εἰς ταὐτὸ τῷ Φιλώτᾳ,
καὶ πᾶν, ὅ τι ἂν ἐκπύθηται τούτου, πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἀπαγγέλλειν βαδίζουσαν.

362

ALEXANDER, xiv. 1-5

after Alexander himself, no one was so fond of giving
and so fond of his comrades. At any rate, we are
told that when one of his intimates asked him for
some money, he ordered his steward to give it him,
and when the steward said he had none to give,
“What meanest thou?” cried Philotas, “hast
thou not even plate or clothing?’”’ However, he
displayed a pride of spirit, an abundance of wealth,
and a care of the person and mode of life which were
too offensive for a private man, and at this time par-
ticularly his imitation of majesty and loftiness was
not successful at all, but clumsy, spurious, and devoid
of grace, so that he incurred suspicion and envy, and
even Parmenio once said to him: “ My son, pray be
less of a personage.” Moreover, for a very long time
accusations against him had been brought to Alex-
ander himself. For when Dareius had been defeated
in Cilicia and the wealth of Damascus was taken,
among the many prisoners brought into the camp
there was found a young woman, born in Pydna, and
comely to look upon; her name was Antigone. This
woman Philotas got; and as a young man will often
talk freely in vaunting and martial strain to his
mistress and in his cups, he used to tell her that the
greatest achievements were performed by himself
and his father, and would call Alexander a stripling
who through their efforts enjoyed the title of ruler.
These words the woman would report to one of her
acquaintances, and he, as was natural, to somebody
else, until the story came round to Craterus, who
took the girl and brought her secretly to Alexander.
He, on hearing her story, ordered her to continue
her meetings with Philotas and to come and report
to him whatever she learned from her lover,

363

cs

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XLIX. Ὁ μὲν οὖν Φιλώτας ἐπιβουλευόμενος
οὕτως ἠγνόει, καὶ συνῆν τῇ ᾿Αντιγόνῃ πολλὰ καὶ
πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ μεγαλαυχίαν ῥήματα καὶ λόγους
κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνεπιτηδείους προϊέμενος. ὁ
δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, καίπερ καρτερᾶς ἐνδείξεως κατὰ
τοῦ Φιλώτου προσπεσούσης, ἐκαρτέρησε σιωπῇ
καὶ κατέσχεν, εἴτε θαρρῶν τῇ Παρμενίωνος εὖ-
νοίᾳ πρὸς αὑτόν, εἴτε δεδιὼς τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν καὶ

τὴν δύναμιν. ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε χρόνῳ Μακεδὼν
ὄνομα Λέμνος, ἐ ἐκ Χαλαίστρας, ἐπιβουλεύων ᾿Αλε-
ξάνδρῳ Νικόμαχόν τινα τῶν νέων, πρὸς dv αὐτὸς
ἐρωτικῶς εἶχεν, ἐπὶ τὴν κοινωνίαν τῆς πράξεως
παρεκάλει. τοῦ δὲ μὴ δεξαμένου, φράσαντος δὲ
τἀδελφῷ Κεβαλίνῳ τὴν πεῖραν, ἐλθὼν ἐκεῖνος
πρὸς Φιλώταν ἐκέλευσεν εἰσάγειν αὐτοὺς πρὸς
᾿Αλέξανδρον ὦ ὡς περὶ ἀναγκαίων ἔχοντας ἐντυχεῖν
καὶ μεγάλων. ὁ δὲ Φιλώτας, ὅ τι "δὴ παθὼν
(ἄδηλον γάρ ἐστιν), οὐ παρῆγεν αὐτούς, ὡς πρὸς
ἄλλοις μείζοσι γιγνομένου τοῦ βασιλέως. καὶ
τοῦτο δὶς ἐποίησεν. οἱ δὲ καθ᾽ ὑποψίαν ἤδη τοῦ
Φιλώτου τραπόμενοι πρὸς ἕτερον καὶ δι᾽ ἐκείνου
τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ προσαχθέντες πρῶτον μὲν τὰ τοῦ
Aiuvov κατεῖπον, ἔπειτα παρεδήλωσαν. ἡσυχῆ
τὸν Φιλώταν, ὡς ἀμελήσειεν αὐτῶν δὶς ἐντυχόν-
των. καὶ τοῦτο δὴ σφόδρα παρώξυνε τὸν ᾿Αλέ-
ξανδρον: καὶ τοῦ πεμφθέντος ἐπὶ τὸν Λίμνον, ὡς
ἠμύνετο συλλαμβανόμενος, ἀποκτείναντος αὐτόν,
ἔτι μᾶλλον διεταράχθη, τὸν ἔλεγχον ἐκπεφευγέ-
ναι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς νομίζων. καὶ πικρῶς ἔχων 69)

1 In the late autunin of 330 Β.0.

364

ALEXANDER, xxix. 1-5

XLIX. Now, Philotas was ignorant of the plot
thus laid against him, and in his frequent interviews
with Antigone would utter many angry and boastful
speeches and many improper words against the king.
But Alexander, although strong testimony against
Philotas came to his ears, endured in silence and
restrained himself, either because he had confidence
in Parmenio’s good will towards him, or because he
feared the reputation and power of father and son.
Meanwhile, however, a Macedonian named Limnus,
from Chalaestra, conspired against Alexander's life,}
and invited Nicomachus, one of the young men,
whose lover he was, to take part with him in the
undertaking. . Nicomachus would not accept the
invitation, but told his brother Cebalinus of the
attempt, and he, going to Philotas, ordered him to
conduct them into the presence of Alexander, on
the ground that there were matters of great import-
ance about which they must see him. But Philotas,
for whatever reason (and the reason is not known),
would not conduct them in, alleging that the king
was engaged on other matters of more importance.
And he refused their request. twice. They now be-
came suspicious of Philotas and applied to someone
else, by whom they were brought before Alexander.
In the first place they told him about the plot of
Limnus, and then threw out veiled insinuations
against Philotas, on the ground that he had ne-
glected their petitions on two occasions. This greatly
incensed Alexander; and when he found that Lim-
nus had defended himself against arrest and had
therefore been killed by the man sent to fetch him,
he was still more disturbed in mind, thinking that
the proof of the plot had escaped him. And since

365

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Ν Ν , b ll \ /
πρὸς τὸν Φιλώταν ἐπεσπάσατο τοὺς πάλαι μι-
σοῦντας αὐτόν, ἤδη φανερῶς λέγοντας ὡς ῥᾳθυμία
τοῦ βασιλέως εἴη Λίμνον οἰομένου, Χαλαιστραῖον
ἄνθρωπον, ἐπιχειρῆσαι τολμήματι τοσούτῳ καθ᾽
αὑτόν: ἀλλὰ τοῦτον μὲν ὑπηρέτην εἶναι, μᾶλλον
δὲ ὄργανον ἀπὸ μείζονος ἀρχῆς ἀφιέμενον, ἐν ἐκεί-
νοις δὲ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ζητητέον οἷς μάλιστα ταῦ-
τα λανθάνειν συνέφερε. τοιούτοις λόγοις καὶ
ὑπονοίαις ἀναπετάσαντος τὰ ὦτα τοῦ βασιλέως
> a » / \ a 4 ΄
ἐπῆγον ἤδη μυρίας κατὰ τοῦ Φιλώτου διαβολάς.
ἐκ τούτου δὲ συλληφθεὶς ἀνεκρίνετο, τῶν ἑταίρων
5 , al ’ὔ > / \
ἐφεστώτων ταῖς βασάνοις, ᾿Αλεξάνδρου δὲ κατα-
κούοντος ἔξωθεν αὐλαίας παρατεταμένης: ὅτε δὴ
καί φασιν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν, οἰκτρὰς καὶ ταπεινὰς
τοῦ Φιλώτου φωνὰς καὶ δεήσεις τοῖς περὶ τὸν
᾿Ηφαιστίωνα προσφέροντος" “Οὕτω δὴ μαλακὸς
ὦν, ὦ Φιλώτα, καὶ ἄνανδρος ἐπεχείρεις πράγμασι
τηλικούτοις; ἀποθανόντος δὲ τοῦ Φιλώτου καὶ
Παρμενίωνα πέμψας εὐθὺς εἰς Μηδίαν ἀνεῖλεν,
ἄνδρα πολλὰ μὲν Φιλίππῳ συγκατεργασάμενον,
μόνον δὲ ἢ μάλιστα τῶν πρεσβυτέρων φίλων
Ε] / > > / > , n
Αλέξανδρον eis ᾿Ασίαν ἐξορμήσαντα διαβῆναι,
τριῶν δὲ υἱῶν ods ἔσχεν, ἐπὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς δύο
μὲν ἐπιδόντα πρότερον ἀποθανόντας, τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ
συναναιρεθέντα.

Ταῦτα πραχθέντα πολλοῖς τῶν φίλων φοβερὸν
> ; Ν / / % “2 /
ἐποίησε τὸν Αλέξανδρον, μάλιστα δὲ ᾿Αντιπά-
τρῳ" καὶ πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ἔπεμψε κρύφα πίστεις
διδοὺς καὶ λαμβάνων. ἐφοβοῦντο γὰρ ᾿Αλέ-

? \ \ \ > “ ᾽ /
Eavdpov Αἰτωλοὶ διὰ τὴν Οἰνιαδῶν ἀνάστασιν, ἣν

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iii. 26.
306

ALEXANDER, xuix. 5-8

he felt bitter towards Philotas he drew to himself
those who had long hated the man, and they now
said openly that the king took things too easily
when he supposed that Limnus, a man of Chalaestra,
had set his hand to a deed of so great daring on his
own account ; nay, they said, he was only an assistant,
or rather an instrument sent forth by a higher power,
and enquiry into the plot should be made in those
quarters where there was most interest in having it
concealed. After the king had once given ear to
such speeches and suspicions, the enemies of Philotas
brought up countless accusations against him. Con-
sequently he was arrested and put to the question,
the companions of the king standing by at the
torture, while Alexander himself listened behind a
stretch of tapestry. Here, as we are told, on hearing
Philotas beset Hephaestion with abject and pitiful
cries and supplications, he said: “So faint-hearted
as thou art, Philotas, and so unmanly, couldst thou
have set band to so great an undertaking?” After
Philotas had been put to death, Alexander sent at
once into Media and. dispatched Parmenio.also,.a
man whose achievements with Philip had been many,
and. who was the only.-one of Alexander’s older
friends, or the principal one, to urge his crossing into
Asia, and who, of the three sons that were his, had
seen two killed on the expedition before this, and
was now put to death along with the third.!

These actions made Alexander an object of fear to
many of his friends, and particularly to Antipater,
who sent secretly to the Aetolians and entered
into an alliance with them. For the Aetolians also
were in fear of Alexander, because they had destroyed
the city of the Oeniadae, and because Alexander, on

367

PLUTARCHRH’S LIVES

πυθόμενος οὐκ Οἰνιαδῶν ἔφη παῖδας, ἀλλ᾽ αὑτὸν
ἐπιθήσειν δίκην Αἰτωλοῖς.

L. Οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον συνηνέχθη καὶ τὰ

\ “A [4 e lal / an
περὶ Κλεῖτον, οὕτω μὲν ἁπλῶς πυθομένοις τῶν
κατὰ Φιλώταν ἀγριώτερα" λόγῳ μέντοι συντι-
θέντες ἅμα καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ τὸν καιρόν, οὐκ
ἀπὸ γνώμης, ἀλλὰ δυστυχίᾳ τινὶ ταῦτα εὑρίσκο-
μεν πεπραγμένα τοῦ βασιλέως, ὀργὴν καὶ μέθην

‘ A 4 LYE
πρόφασιν τῷ Κλείτου δαίμονι παρασχόντος.
ἐπράχθη δὲ οὕτως. ἧκόν τινες ὀπώραν λληνι-
κὴν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης τῷ βασιλεῖ κομίζοντες. ὁ δὲ
θαυμάσας. τὴν ἀκμὴν καὶ τὸ κάλλος ἐκάλει τὸν
Κλεῖτον, ἐπιδεῖξαι καὶ μεταδοῦναι βουλόμενος. ὁ

͵ 7

δὲ θύων μὲν ἐτύγχανεν, ἀφεὶς δὲ τὴν θυσίαν ἐβά-
df" καὶ τρία τῶν κατεσπεισμένων προβάτων
ἐπηκολούθησεν αὐτῷ. πυθόμενος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς
ΕῚ ΄-“ lal / > / \
ἀνεκοινοῦτο τοῖς μάντεσιν ᾿Αριστάνδρῳ καὶ Κλεο-
μάντει τῷ Λάκωνι. φησάντων δὲ πονηρὸν εἶναι
τὸ σημεῖον, ἐκέλευσεν ἐκθύσασθαι κατὰ τάχος
¢ \ a ’ Ν Ν ; Fart ὃ ς / /
ὑπὲρ τοῦ Κλείτου. καὶ yap αὐτὸς ἡμέρᾳ τρίτῃ

\ \ Ὁ > - ” 5 , ; i
κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἰδεῖν ὄψιν ἄτοπον" δόξαι yap
αὐτῷ τὸν Κλεῖτον μετὰ τῶν Παρμενίωνος υἱῶν ἐν

7 € / ¢ + ae ξς ,
μέλασιν ἱματίοις καθέζεσθαι, τεθνηκότων ἁπάν-
των. οὐ μὴν ἔφθασεν ὁ Κλεῖτος ἐκθυσάμενος,
> ᾽ en) SA Ν ὃ a = / e
arr’ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἧκε, τεθυκότος τοῦ
, δ fal

βασιλέως Διοσκούροις. πότου δὲ νεανικοῦ συρ-
ραγέντος ἤδετο ποιήματα IIpaviyou τινός, ὡς δέ
φασιν ἔνιοι, Ilvepiwvos, εἰς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς πε-
3638

ALEXANDER, xurx. 8-L. 4

learning of it, had said that it would not be the sons
of the Oeneadae, but he himself who would punish
the Aetolians.

L. Not long afterwards came the affair of Cleitus,}
which those who simply learn the immediate circum-
stances will think more savage than that of Philotas ;
if we take into consideration, however, alike the
cause and the time, we find that it did not happen of
set purpose, but through some misfortune of the king,
whose anger and intoxication furnished occasion for
the evil genius of Cleitus. It happened on this
wise. Some people came bringing Greek fruit to
the king from the sea-board. He admired its per-
fection and beauty and called Cleitus, wishing to
show it to him and share it with him. It chanced
that Cleitus was sacrificing, but he gave up the
sacrifice and came; and three of the sheep on which
libations had already been poured came following
after him. When the king learned of this. circum-
stance, he imparted it to his soothsayers, Aristander
and Cleomantis the Lacedaemonian. Then, on their
telling him that the omen was bad, he ordered them
to sacrifice in all haste for the safety of Cleitus.
For he himself, two days before this, had seen a
strange vision in his sleep; he thought he saw
Cleitus sitting with the sons of Parmenio in black
robes, and all were dead. However, Cleitus did not
finish his sacrifice, but came at once to the supper of
the king, who had sacrificed to the Dioscuri. After
boisterous drinking was under way, verses were sung
which had been composed by a certain Pranichus,
or, as some say, Pierio, to shame and ridicule the

1 During the campaign of 328 B.c., at Samarkand, in
Sogdiana. Cf. Arrian, Anab. iv. 8 f.

369

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ποιημένα τοὺς ἔναγχος ἡττημένους ὑπὸ τῶν βαρ-
βάρων én’ αἰσχύνῃ καὶ γέλωτι. τῶν δὲ πρε-
U
σβυτέρων δυσχεραινόντων Kal λοιδορούντων Tov
\ ΝΥ rn
τε ποιητὴν Kal τὸν ἄδοντα, τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου
καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἡδέως ἀκροωμένων καὶ λέγειν
, « a Ν 7 4
κελευόντων, ὁ Κλεῖτος ἤδη μεθύων καὶ φύσει
\ > \ \ > ΄ ie
τραχὺς ὧν ὀργὴν καὶ αὐθάδης ἠγανάκτει μάλιστα,
ἄάσκων οὐ καλῶς ἐν βαρβάροις καὶ πολεμίοις
’ rn
ὑβρίζεσθαι Μακεδόνας πολὺ βελτίονας τῶν γε-
΄ Ν
λώντων, εἰ καὶ δυστυχίᾳ κέχρηνται. φήσαντος
rn \ a a a
δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τὸν Κλεῖτον αὑτῷ συνηγορεῖν
/
δυστυχίαν ἀποφαίνοντα τὴν δειλίαν, ἐπαναστὰς ὁ
Κλεῖτος, “Αὕτη μέντοι σε," εἶπεν, “ ἡ δειλία τὸν
> θ rn "ὃ a - θ ὃ / 7 \ [οἱ
ἐκ θεῶν ἤδη τῷ Σπιθριδάτου ξίφει τὸν νῶτον
a ,
ἐκτρέποντα περιεποίησε, καὶ τῷ Μακεδόνων ai-
n 4
ματι καὶ τοῖς τραύμασι τούτοις ἐγένου τηλικοῦτος
\ -
ὥστε Αμμωνι σαυτὸν εἰσποιεῖν ἀπειπάμενος
Φίλιππον."
e lal
LI. IlapoévvGels οὖν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, “Ἦ ταῦ-
τα, εἶπεν, “ὦ κακὴ κεφαλή, σὺ περὶ ἡμῶν
e / / \ 4 /
ἑκάστοτε λέγων καὶ διαστασιάζων Μακεδόνας
, Ἂν «J lal ”
χαιρήσειν νομίζεις; “᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐδὲ viv, ἔφη,
“χαίρομεν, ᾿Αλέξανδρε, τοιαῦτα τέλη τῶν πόνων
/ \ ' “4716;
κομιζόμενοι, μακαρίζομεν δὲ τοὺς ἤδη τεθνηκότας
\ > tal Wo. fe / /
πρὶν ἐπιδεῖν Μηδικαῖς ῥάβδοις ξαινομένους Maxe-
al / a a
Sovas, καὶ Περσῶν δεομένους ἵνα τῷ βασιλεῖ
> rn a Μ
προσέλθωμεν." τοιαῦτα τοῦ Κλείτου παρρησιά-
ζομένου καὶ τῶν περὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀντανισταμέ-
νων καὶ λοιδορούντων αὐτόν, οἱ πρεσβύτεροι
/ > n \ 4 ς pee / de
κατέχειν ἐπειρῶντο Tov θόρυβον. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλέξαν-
\ \ \ \
Spos ἀποστραφεὶς πρὸς Ἐενόδοχον τὸν Καρδιανὸν

319

694

ALEXANDER, κ᾿. 4-11. 2

generals who had lately been defeated by the Bar-
barians. The older guests were annoyed at this and
railed at both the poet and the singer, but Alexander
and those about him listened with delight and bade
the singer go on. Then Cleitus, who was already
drunk and naturally of a harsh temper and wilful,
was more than ever vexed, and insisted that it was
not well done, when among Barbarians and enemies,
to insult Macedonians who were far better men than
those who laughed at them, even though they had
met with misfortune. And when Alexander de-
clared that Cleitus was pleading his own cause when
he gave cowardice the name of misfortune, Cleitus
sprang to his feet and said: “It was this cowardice
of mine, however, that saved thy life, god-born as
thou art, when thou wast already turning thy back
upon the spear of Spithridates ;} and it is by the
blood of Macedonians, and by these wounds, that
thou art become so great as to disown Philip and
make thyself son to Ammon.” 2

LI. Thoroughly incensed, then, Alexander said :
“Base fellow, dost thou think to speak thus of me
at all times, and to raise faction among Macedonians,
with impunity?” “Nay,” said Cleitus, “not even
now do we enjoy impunity, since such are the rewards
we get for our toils ; and we pronounce those happy
who are already dead, and did not live to see us
Macedonians thrashed with Median rods, or begging
Persians in order to get audience with our king.”
So spake Cleitus in all boldness, and those about
Alexander sprang up to confront him and reviled
him, while the elder men tried to quell the tumult.
Then Alexander, turning to Xenodochus of Cardia

1 Cf. chapter xvi. 5. 2 Cf. chapters xxvii. f.

371

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ τὸν Κολοφωνιον ᾿Αρτέμιον, “Οὐ δοκοῦσιν,"
εἶπεν, “ ὑμῖν οἱ “EXAnves ἐν τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ὥσ-
περ ἐν θηρίοις ἡμίθεοι περιπατεῖν; τοῦ dé Κλεί-
του μὴ εἴκοντος, ἀλλὰ εἰς μέσον ἃ βούλεται λέγειν
τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον κελεύοντος, ἢ μὴ καλεῖν. ἐπὶ
δεῖπνον ἄνδρας ἐλευθέρους καὶ παρρησίαν ἔχον-
τας, ἀλλὰ μετὰ βαρβάρων ζῆν καὶ ἀνδραπόδων,
οἵ τὴν Περσικὴν ζώνην καὶ τὸν διάλευκον αὐτοῦ

ιτῶνα προσκυνήσουσιν, οὐκέτι φέρων τὴν ὀργὴν
᾿Αλέξανδρος, μήλων παρακειμένων ἑνὶ βαλὼν
ἔπαισεν αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον, ἐζήτει. τῶν δὲ
σωματοφυλάκων ἑνὸς ᾿Αριστοφάνους φθάσαντος
ὑφελέσθαι, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων περιεχόντων καὶ δεο-
μένων, ἀναπηδήσας ἀνεβόα Μακεδονιστὶ καλῶν
τοὺς ὑπασπιστάς (τοῦτο δὲ ἣν σύμβολον θορύβου
μεγάλου), καὶ τὸν σαλπιγκτὴν ἐκέλευσε σημαί-
νειν, καὶ πὺξ ἔπαισεν ὡς διατρίβοντα καὶ μὴ
βουλόμενον. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὕστερον εὐδοκίμησεν
ὡς τοῦ μὴ νσυνταραχθῆναι τὸ στρατόπεδον αἰτιώ-
τατος γενόμενος. τὸν δὲ Κλεῖτον οὐχ ὑφιέμενον
οἱ φίλοι μόλις ἐξέωσαν τοῦ ἀνδρῶνος.

Ὃ δὲ κατ᾽ ἄλλας θύρας. αὖθις. εἰσήει, μάλα
ὀλιγώρως καὶ θρασέως Εὐριπίδου τὰ ἐξ ᾿Ανδρο-
μάχης ἰαμβεῖα ταῦτα περαίνων"

οἴμοι, καθ᾽ λλάδ᾽ ὡς κακῶς νομίζεται.
οὕτω δὴ λαβὼν παρά τινος τῶν δορυφόρων ᾿Αλέ:-
Eavipos αἰχμὴν ἀπαντῶντα τὸν Κλεῖτον αὐτῷ
καὶ παράγοντα τὸ πρὸ τῆς θύρας παρακάλυμμα
διελαύνει. πεσόντος δὲ μετὰ στεναγμοῦ καὶ

1 Verse 683 (Kirchhoff),
372

ALEXANDER, κι. 2-6

and Artemius of Colophon, said : “ Do not the Greeks
appear to you to walk about among Macedonians like
demi-gods among wild beasts?” Cleitus, however,
would not yield, but called on Alexander to speak out
freely what he wished to say, or else not to invite to
supper men who were free and spoke their minds,
but to live with Barbarians and slaves, who would
do obeisance to his white tunic and Persian girdle.
Then Alexander, no longer able to restrain his anger.
threw one of the apples that lay on the table at
Cleitus and hit him, and began looking about for his
sword, But one of his body-guards, Aristophanes,
conveyed it away before he could lay hands on it, and
the rest surrounded him and begged him to desist,
whereupon he sprang to his feet and called out in
Macedonian speech a summons to his corps of guards
(and this was a sign of great disturbance), and
ordered the trumpeter to sound, and smote him with
his fist because he hesitated and was unwilling to
do so. This man, then, was afterwards held in high
esteem on the ground that it was due to him more
than to any one else that the camp was not thrown
into commotion. But Cleitus would not give in, and
with much ado his friends pushed him out of the
banquet-hall.

He tried to come in again, however, by another
door, very boldly and contemptuously reciting these
iambics from the “ Andromache” of Euripides!:

“ Alas! in Hellas what an evil government!”

And so, at_last, Alexander seized a spear from one
of his guards; met-Cleitus as he was drawing aside
the curtain before the door, and ran him through.
No sooner had Cleitus fallen with a roar and a groan

VOL, VII. n 373

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βρυχήματος εὐθὺς ἀφῆκεν ὁ θυμὸς αὐτόν. καὶ
γενόμενος. παρ᾽ ἑαυτῷ καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἰδὼν ἀφώ-
νους ἑστῶτας ἑλκύσασθαι μὲν ἐκ τοῦ νεκροῦ τὴν
αἰχμὴν ἔφθασε, παῖσαι δ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ὁρμήσας παρὰ
τὸν τράχηλον ἐπεσχέθη, τῶν σωματοφυλάκων
τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῦ λαβόντων καὶ τὸ σῶμα βίᾳ
παρενεγκόντων εἰς τὸν θάλαμον.

111. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τήν τε νύκτα κακῶς κλαίων διή-
veyKe καὶ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν ἤδη τῷ βοᾶν. καὶ
θρηνεῖν ἀπειρηκὼς ἄναυδος ἔκειτο, βαρεῖς ἀνα-
φέρων στεναγμούς, δείσαντες οἱ φίλοι τὴν ἀπο-
σιώπησιν εἰσῆλθον βίᾳ. καὶ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐ
προσίετο τοὺς λόγους, ᾿Αριστάνδρου δὲ τοῦ μάν-
τεως ὑπομιμνήσκοντος αὐτὸν τήν τε ὄψιν ἣν
εἶδε περὶ τοῦ Κλείτου, καὶ τὸ σημεῖον, ὡς δὴ
πάλαι καθειμαρμένων τούτων, ἔδοξεν ἐνδιδόναι.
διὸ Καλλισθένην τε τὸν φιλόσοφον παρεισή-
γαγον, ᾿Αριστοτέλους. οἰκεῖον ὄντα, καὶ τὸν ᾽4-
δηρίτην ᾿Ανάξαρχον. ὧν Καλλισθένης. μὲν ἠθικῶς
ἐπειρᾶτο καὶ πράως, ὑποδυόμενος τῷ λόγῳ͵ καὶ
περιϊὼν ἀλύπως, λαβέσθαι τοῦ πάθους, ὁ δὲ
᾿Ανάξαρχος ἰδίαν. τινὰ πορευόμενος ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁδὸν
ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ, καὶ δόξαν εἰληφὼς ὑπεροψίας. καὶ
ὀλυγωρίας τῶν συνήθων, εὐθὺς εἰσελθὼν ἀνεβό-
noev" “Οὗτός ἐστιν ᾿Αλέξανδρος, εἰς ὃν ἡ οἰκου-
μένη νῦν ἀποβλέπει" ὁ δὲ ἔ ᾿ ἔρριπται κλαίων ὥσπερ
ἀνδράποδον, ἀνθρώπων νόμον καὶ ψόγον δεδοικώς,
οἷς αὐτὸν προσήκει νόμον εἶναι καὶ ὅρον τῶν
δικαίων, ἐπείπερ ἄρχειν καὶ κρατεῖν νενίκηκεν,
ἀλλὰ μὴ δουλεύειν ὑπὸ κενῆς δόξης κεκρατημένον.

374

| Blatt

. ὦ
Ἕ
-
Γ
3.
Ε
ν-

ALEXANDER, 11, 6-1π. 3

than the. king’s.anger departed from him. And
when he was come to himself and beheld his friends
standing speechless, he drew the spear from the
dead body and would have dashed it into his own
throat, had not his body-guards prevented this by
seizing his hands and carrying him by force to his
chamber.

11. Here he spent the night and the following
day in bitter lamentations, and at last lay speechless,
worn out with his cries and wailing, heaving deep
groans. Then his friends, alarmed at his silence,
forced their way in. To what the others said he
would pay no attention, but when Aristander the
seer reminded him of the vision he had seen con-
cerning Cleitus, and of the omen,! assuring him that
all this had long ago been decreed by fate, he seemed
to be less obdurate. Therefore they brought in
to him Callisthenes the philosopher, who was a
relative of Aristotle, and Anaxarchus of Abdera.
Of these, Callisthenes tried by considerate and
gentle methods to alleviate the king’s suffering,
employing insinuation and circumlocution so as to
avoid giving pain; but Anaxarchus, who had always
taken a path of his own in philosophy, and had
acquired a reputation for despising and slighting his
associates, shouted out as soon as he came in:
**Here is Alexander, to whom the whole world is
now looking ; but he lies on the floor weeping like a
slave, in fear of the law and the censure of men,
unto whom he himself should be a law and a
measure of justice, since he has conquered the right
to rule and mastery, instead of submitting like a
slave to the mastery of a vain opinion. Knowest

4 Cf. chapter 1. 2 ἢ,
375

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 οὐκ οἶσθα," εἶπεν, “ὅτι τὴν Δίκην ἔχει πάρεδρον
ὁ Ζεὺς καὶ τὴν Θέμιν, ἵνα πᾶν τὸ πραχθὲν ὑπὸ
τοῦ κρατοῦντος θεμιτὸν ἢ 7 καὶ δίκαιον; ἢ τοιούτοις
τισὶ λόγοις χρησάμενος ὁ ᾿Ανάξαρχος τὸ μὲν
πάθος ἐκούφισε τοῦ βασιλέως, τὸ δὲ ἦθος εἰς
πολλὰ χαυνότερον καὶ παρανομώτερον ἐποίησεν,
αὑτὸν δὲ δαιμονίως ἐ ἐνήρμοσε, καὶ τοῦ Καλλισθέ-
vous τὴν ὁμιλίαν, οὐδὲ ἄλλως ἐπίχαριν διὰ τὸ
αὐστηρὸν οὗσαν, προσδιέβαλε.

5 Λέγεται δέ ποτε παρὰ δεῖπνον ὑπὲρ ὡρῶν καὶ
κράσεως τοῦ περιέχοντος λόγων. ὄντων, τὸν Καλ.-
λισθένην, μετέχοντα δόξης τοῖς λέγουσι, τἀκεῖ
μᾶλλον εἶναι ψυχρὰ καὶ δυσχείμερα τῶν Ἕλλη.-
νικῶν, ἐναντιουμένου τοῦ ᾿Αναξάρχου. καὶ φι-
λονεικοῦντος, εἰπεῖν: “᾿Αλλὰ μὴν ἀνάγκη σοὶ
ταῦτα ἐκείνων ὁμολογεῖν ψυχρότερα" σὺ γὰρ ἐκεῖ
μὲν ἐν τρίβωνι διεχείμαξες, ἐνταῦθα δὲ τρεῖς ἐπί-
βεβλημένος δάπιδας κατάκεισαι.᾽ τὸν μὲν οὖν
᾿Ανάξαρχον. καὶ τοῦτο προσπαρώξυνε.

1111. Τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους σοφιστὰς καὶ κόλακας ὁ
Καλλισθένης ἐλύπει σπουδαξόμενος μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν
νέων διὰ τὸν λόγον, οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τοῖς πρεσβυτέ-
ροις ἀρέσκων διὰ τὸν βίον, εὔτακτον ὄντα καὶ
σεμνὸν καὶ αὐτάρκη, καὶ βεβαιοῦντα͵ τὴν λεγο-
μένην τῆς “ἀποδημίας πρόφασιν, ὅτι τοὺς πολίτας
καταγαγεῖν καὶ κατοικίσαι πάλιν τὴν πατρίδα

2 φιλοτιμούμενος ἀνέβη πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον. φθο-
νούμενος δὲ διὰ τὴν δόξαν ἔ ἔστιν ἃ καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτοῦ
τοῖς διαβάλλουσι παρεῖχε, τάς τε κλήσεις τὰ

1 Olynthus, which had been destroyed by Philip in 347 B.c.
376

ALEXANDER, tu. 4-Lin. 2

thou not,” said he, “that Zeus has Justice and Law
seated beside him, in order that everything that is
done by the master of the world may be lawful and
just?”’ By using some such arguments. as these
Anaxarchus succeeded in lightening the suffering of
the king, it is true, but rendered his disposition in
many ways more vainglorious and lawless; he also
made himself wonderfully liked by the king, and
brought the intercourse of Callisthenes with him,
which had always been unpleasant because of the
man’s austerity, into additional disfavour.

It is said that once at supper the conversation
turned upon seasons and weather, and that Callis-
thenes, who held with those who maintain that it is
more cold and wintry there than in Greece, was
stoutly opposed by Anaxarchus, whereupon he said :
“You surely must admit that it is colder here than
there; for there you used to go about in winter in
a cloak merely, but here you recline at table with
three rugs thrown over you.”’ Of course this also
added to the irritation of Anaxarchus.

LIII. Moreover, the other sophists and flatterers
in the train of Alexander were annoyed to see
Callisthenes eagerly courted by the young men on
account of his eloquence, and no less pleasing to the
older men on account of his mode of life, which was
well-ordered, dignified, and independent, and con-
firmed the reason given for his sojourn abroad,
namely, that he had gone to Alexander from an
ardent desire to restore his fellow-citizens to their
homes and re-people his native city. And besides
being envied on account of his reputation, he also
at times by his own conduct furnished material for
his detractors, rejecting invitations for the most

377

_—

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πολλὰ διωθούμενος, ἔν τε τῷ συνεῖναι βαρύτητι
καὶ σιωπῇ δοκῶν οὐκ ἐπαινεῖν οὐδὲ ἀρέσκεσθαι
τοῖς γινομένοις, ὥστε καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον εἰπεῖν
ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ"

a / “ 399 ς a /
μισῶ σοφιστήν, ὅστις οὐδ᾽ αὑτῷ σοφός.

Λέγεται δέ ποτε πολλῶν παρακεκλημένων ἐπὶ
τὸ δεῖπνον ἐπαινέσαι κελευσθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῦ ποτη-
/ ’ e / “ > “
ρίου Μακεδόνας ο Καλλισθένης οὕτως εὑροῆσαι
πρὸς τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ὥστε ἀνισταμένους κροτεῖν
καὶ βάλλειν τοὺς στεφάνους ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν' εἰπεῖν
οὖν τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ὅτι, κατ᾽ Ἐὐριπίδην, τὸν

λαβόντα τῶν λόγων

καλὰς ἀφορμὰς οὐ μέγ᾽ ἔργον εὖ λέγειν"

“᾽Αλλ᾽ ἔνδειξαι," φάναι, “ τὴν αὑτοῦ δύναμιν
ἡμῖν κατηγορήσας Μακεδόνων, ἵ ἵνα καὶ βελτίους
γένωνται μαθόντες ἃ πλημμελοῦσιν." οὕτω δὴ
τὸν ἄνδρα πρὸς τὴν παλινῳδίαν τραπόμενον
πολλὰ παρρησιάσασθαι κατὰ τῶν Μακεδόνων,
καὶ τὴν “Ἑλληνικὴν στάσιν αἰτίαν ἀποφήναντα
τῆς γενομένης περὶ Φίλιππον αὐξήσεως καὶ δυνά-
μεως εἰπεῖν"

>

ἐν δὲ διχοστασίῃ καὶ ὁ πάγκακος ἔλλαχε τιμῆς"

2

ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πικρὸν. καὶ βαρὺ ἐγγενέσθαι μῖσος τοῖς
Μακεδόσι, καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐ τῆς

1 An iambic trimeter from an unknown play of Euripides
(Nauck, γα. Graec. Frag.” p. 652).

378

ALEXANDER, tut. 2-5

part, and when he did go into company, by his
gravity and silence making it appear that he dis-
approved or disliked what was going on, so that
even Alexander said in allusion to him :—

«TI hate a wise man even to himself unwise.” !

It is said, moreover, that once when a large com-
pany had been invited to the king’s supper, Callis-
thenes was bidden, when the cup came to him, to
speak in praise of the Macedonians, and was so
successful on the theme that the guests rose up to
applaud him and threw their garlands at him;
whereupon Alexander said that, in the language of
Euripides, when a man has for his words

«A noble subject, it is easy to speak well;” 3

“ But show us the power of your eloquence,” said
he, “by a denunciation of the Macedonians, that
they may become even better by learning their
faults.” And so Callisthenes began his palinode,
and spoke long and boldly in denunciation of the
Macedonians, and after showing that faction among
the Greeks was the cause of the increase of Philip’s
power, added :

* But in a time of sedition, the base man too is in
honour.” ὃ

This gave the Macedonians a stern and bitter hatred
of him, and Alexander declared that Callisthenes

2 Bacchae, 260 (Kirchhoff).
8 A proverb in hexameter verse, sometimes attributed to
Callimachus. Cf. the Nicius, xi. 3; Morals, p. 479 ἃ.

379

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δεινότητος ὁ Καλλισθένης, ἀλλὰ τῆς δυσμενείας
Μακεδόσιν ἀπόδειξιν δέδωκε.

LIV. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ “Ερμιππός φησι τὸν
ἀναγνώστην τοῦ Καλλισθένους Στροῖβον ᾿Αρι-
στοτέλει διηγεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ Καλλισθένην συνέντα
τὴν ἀλλοτριότητα τοῦ βασιλέως δὶς ἢ τρὶς
ἀπιόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν"

κάτθανε καὶ Πάτροκλος, ὅπερ σέο πολλὸν
ἀμείνων.

οὐ φαύλως οὖν εἰπεῖν ἔοικεν ὁ ᾿Αριστοτέλης ὅ ὅτι
Καλλισθένης λόγῳ μὲν ἣν δυνατὸς καὶ μέγας,
νοῦν δὲ οὐκ εἶχεν. ἀλλὰ τήν γε προσκύνησιν
ἰσχυρῶς ἀπωσάμενος καὶ φιλοσόφως, καὶ μόνος
ἐν φανερῷ διελθὼν ἃ κρύφα πάντες οἱ βέλτιστοι
καὶ πρεσβύτατοι τῶν Μακεδόνων ἠγανάκτουν,
τοὺς μὲν “Ελληνας αἰσχύνης ἀπήλλαξε μεγάλης,
καὶ μείξονος ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ἀποτρέψας τὴν προσ-
κύνησιν, | αὑτὸν δὲ ἀπώλεσεν, ἐκβιάσασθαι δοκῶν
μᾶλλον ἢ πεῖσαι τὸν βασιλέα.

Χάρης δὲ ὁ Μιτυληναῖός φησι τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ πιόντα φιάλην “προτεῖναί τινι
τῶν φίλων: τὸν δὲ δεξάμενον. πρὸς ἑστίαν ἀνα-
στῆναι καὶ πιόντα προσκυνῆσαι πρῶτον, εἶτα
φιλῆσαι τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, καὶ κατακλιθῆναι.
πάντων δὲ τοῦτο ποιούντων ἐφεξῆς τὸν Καλλε-
σθένην λαβόντα τὴν φιάλην, οὐ προσέχοντος τοῦ
βασιλέως, ἀλλὰ ᾿Ηφαιστίωνι προσδιαλεγομένου,
πιόντα προσιέναι φιλήσοντα, Δημητρίου δὲ τοῦ

1 Achilles to Hector, Iliad, xxi. 107.
380

69€

ALEXANDER, tit. στιν. 4

had given a proof, not of his eloquence, but of his
ill-will towards the Macedonians.

LIV. This, then, according to Hermippus, is the
story which Stroebus, the slave who read aloud for
Callisthenes, told to Aristotle, and he says that
when Callisthenes was aware of the alienation of the
king, twice or thrice, as he was going away from
him, he recited the verse :

“Dead is also Patroclus, a man far braver than thou
art,”

What Aristotle said, then, would-seem_to have been
no idle verdict, namely, that Callisthenes showed
great ability as a speaker, but lacked common-sense.
But in the matter of the obeisance, at least, by re-
fusing sturdily and like a philosopher to perform the
act, and by standing forth alone and rehearsing in
public the reasons for the indignation which all the
oldest and best of the Macedonians cherished in
secret, he delivered the Greeks from a great dis-
grace, and Alexander from a greater, by leading him
not to insist upon the obeisance ; but he destroyed
himself, because he was thought to use force rather
than persuasion with the king.

Chares of Mitylene says that once at a banquet
Alexander, after drinking, handed the cup to one of
his friends, and he, on receiving it, rose up so as to
face the household shrine, and when he had drunk,
first made obeisance to Alexander, then kissed him,
and then resumed his place upon the couch. As all
the guests were doing this in turn, Callisthenes
took the cup, the king not paying attention, but
conversing with Hephaestion, and after he had
drunk went towards the king to kiss him; but

381

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

προσονομαξομένου Φείδωνος εἰπόντος, fs "0 Baou-
red, μὴ φιλήσῃς" οὗτος γάρ σε μόνος οὐ προσ-
εκύνησε;, ᾿ διακλῖναι τὸ φίλημα τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον,
τὸν δὲ Καλλισθένη μέγα φθεγξάμενον. εἰπεῖν"
“ Φιλήματι τοίνυν ἔλασσον ἔ ἔχων ἄπειμι."

LY. Τοιαύτης ὑπογενομένης ἀλλοτριότητος
πρῶτον μὲν Ἡφαιστίων ἐπιστεύετο λέγων ὅτι
συνθέμενος πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Καλλισθένης προσκυνῆ-
σαι ψεύσαιτο τὴν ὁμολογίαν" ἔπειτα Λυσίμαχοι
καὶ “Αγνωνες ἐπεφύοντο φάσκοντες περιϊέναι τὸν
σοφιστὴν ὡς ἐπὶ καταλύσει τυραννίδος μέγα
φρονοῦντα, καὶ συντρέχειν πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ μειράκια.
καὶ περιέπειν ὡς μόνον ἐλεύθερον ἐν τοσαύταις
μυριάσι. διὸ καὶ τῶν περὶ Ἑρμόλαον ἐπιβου-
λευσάντων τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ καὶ φανερῶν γενο-
μένων ἔδοξαν ἀληθέσιν ὅμοια κατηγορεῖν οἱ
διαβάλλοντες, ὡς τῷ μὲν προβαλόντι, πῶς ἂν
ἐνδοξότατος γένοιτο ἄνθρωπος, εἶπεν, “* Av ἀπο-
κτείνῃ τὸν ἐνδοξότατον," τὸν δὲ “Ἑρμόλαον ἐπὶ
τὴν πρᾶξιν παροξύνων ἐκέλευε μὴ δεδιέναι τὴν
χρυσῆν κλίνην, ἀλλὰ μνημονεύειν ὅτι καὶ νοσοῦντι
καὶ τιτρωσκομένῳ πρόσεισιν ἀνθρώπῳ. καίτοι
τῶν περὶ Ἑρμόλαον οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ διὰ τῆς ἐσ ἄτης
ἀνάγκης τοῦ Καλλισθένους κατεῖπεν. ἀλλὰ καὶ
᾿Αλέξανδρος. αὐτὸς εὐθὺς “Κρατερῷ γράφων καὶ
᾿Αττάλῳ καὶ ᾿Αλκέτᾳ φησὶ τοὺς παῖδας βασανι-
ζομένους ὁμολογεῖν ὡς αὐτοὶ ταῦτα πράξειαν,
ἄλλος δὲ οὐδεὶς συνειδείη. ὕστερον δὲ γράφων

πρὸς ᾿Αντίπατρον καὶ τὸν Καλλισθένην συνεπ-

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iv. 12.
2 The conspiracy of the pages (Arrian, Anab. iv. 13).

382

ALEXANDER, tiv. 4-Lv. 3

Demetrius, surnamed Pheido, cried: “O King, do
not accept his kiss, for he alone has not done thee
obeisance.”” So Alexander declined the kiss, at
which Callisthenes exclaimed in a loud voice : “ Well,
then, I'll go away the poorer by a kiss.” 1

LV. The king having been thus alienated, in the
first place, Hephaestion found credence for his story
that Callisthenes had promised him to make obeisance
to the king and then had been false to his agree-
ment. Again, men like Lysimachus and Hagnon
persisted in saying that the sophist went about with
lofty thoughts as if bent on abolishing a tyranny,
and that the young men flocked to him and _ fol-
lowed him about as if he were the only freeman
among so many tens of thousands. For this reason
also, when the conspiracy of Hermolaiis and his
associates ? against Alexander was discovered, it was
thought that the accusations of his detractors had an
air of probability. They said, namely, that when
Hermolaiis put the question to him how he might
become a most illustrious man, Callisthenes said:
“ By killing the most illustrious;” and that in in-
citing Hermolaiis to the deed he bade him have no
fear of the golden couch, but remember that he
was approaching a man who was subject to sickness
and wounds. And yet not one of the accomplices
of Hermolaiis, even in the last extremity, denounced
Callisthenes. Nay, even Alexander himself, in the
letters which he wrote at once to Craterus, Attalus,
and Alcetas, says that the youths confessed under
torture that they had made this attempt of them-
selves, and that no one else was privy to it. But in
a letter written later to Antipater, wherein he ac-
cuses Callisthenes also of the crime, he says: “The

383

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 αἰτιασάμενος, “Οἱ μὲν παῖδες," φησίν, “ ὑπὸ
τῶν Μακεδόνων κατελεύσθησαν, τὸν δὲ σοφιστὴν
ἐγὼ κολάσω καὶ τοὺς ἐκπέμψαντας αὐτὸν καὶ
τοὺς ὑποδεχομένους ταῖς πόλεσι τοὺς ἐμοὶ ἐπι-
βουλεύοντας,᾽ ἄντικρυς ἔν γε τούτοις ἀποκαλυ-
πτόμενος πρὸς ᾿Αριστοτέλην" καὶ γὰρ ἐτέθραπτο
Καλλισθένης παρ᾽ αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν, ἐξ

5 ἫἩροῦς γεγονώς, ἀνεψιᾶς ᾿Αριστοτέλους. ἀπο-
θανεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ μὲν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου κρεμα-

/ / e κ᾿ > / /
σθέντα λέγουσιν, ot δὲ ἐν πέδαις δεδεμένον καὶ
νοσήσαντα, Χάρης δὲ μετὰ τὴν σύλληψιν ἑπτὰ
μῆνας φυλάττεσθαι δεδεμένον, ὡς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ
κριθείη παρόντος ᾿Αριστοτέλους, ἐν αἷς δὲ ἡμέραις
> / > , \ > 4 > nr
Αλέξανδρος ἐτρώθη περὶ τὴν ᾿Ινδίαν, ἀποθανεῖν
ὑπέρπαχυν γενόμενον καὶ φθειριάσαντα.

LVI. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ἐπράχθη. Δη-

, e , ¥ x
papatos δὲ ὁ Κορίνθιος ἤδη πρεσβύτερος ὧν
> / \ > / > an \
ἐφιλοτιμήθη πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀναβῆναι" καὶ
θεασάμενος αὐτὸν εἶπε μεγάλης ἡδονῆς ἐστερῆ-

\ “ “ ΄ γ αἱ
σθαι τοὺς “EXAnvas, ὅσοι τεθνήκασι πρὶν ἰδεῖν
> / > a , Ld /
Αλέξανδρον ἐν τῷ Δαρείου θρόνῳ καθήμενον.
οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πλέον γε τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας τοῦ

/ > / > Σ᾽ > > ’ >

βασιλέως ἀπέλαυσεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἀρρωστίας ἀπο-
θανὼν ἐκηδεύθη μεγαλοπρεπῶς, καὶ τάφον ἔχωσεν
ὁ στρατὸς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τῇ περιμέτρῳ μέγαν, ὕψος δὲ
πηχῶν ὀγδοήκοντα: τὰ δὲ λείψανα τέθριππον
κεκοσμημένον λαμπρῶς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν κατεκόμισε.

LVII. Μέλλων δὲ ὑπερβάλλειν εἰς τὴν Ἴνδι-
Ki, ὡς ἑώρα πλήθει λαφύρων τὴν στρατιὰν ἤδη

1 Of. Arrian, Anab, iv. 14, 3f., where other accounts still
are mentioned.

384

ALEXANDER, tv. 4~Lvi. 1

youths were stoned to death by the Macedonians,
but the sophist I will punish, together with those
who sent him to me and those who harbour in their
cities men who conspire against my life;’’ and in
these words, at least, he directly reveals a hostility
to Aristotle, in whose house Callisthenes, on account
of his relationship, had been reared, being a son of
Hero, who was a niece of Aristotle. As to the
death of Callisthenes, some say that he was hanged
by Alexander's orders, others that he was bound
hand and foot and died of sickness, and Chares says
that after his arrest he was kept in fetters seven
months, that he might be tried before a full council
when Aristotle was present, but that about the time
when Alexander was wounded in India, he died
from obesity and the disease of lice.) ““~~

LVI. This, however, belongs to a later time.”
Meanwhile Demaratus the Corinthian, who was now
well on in years, was eagerly desirous of going up
to Alexander; and when he had seen him, he said
that those Greeks were deprived of a great pleasure
who had died before seeing Alexander seated on the
throne of Dareius.? However, he did not long enjoy
the king’s good will towards him, but died from
debility. His obsequies were magnificent, and the
army raised in his memory a mound of great circum-
ference and eighty cubits in height. His ashes
were carried down to the sea-board on a four-horse
chariot splendidly adorned.

LVII. Alexander was now about to cross the
mountains into India,* and since he saw that his
army was by this time cumbered with much booty

2 The spring of 327 B.c. 3 Cf. chapter xxxvii. 4.
4 In the late spring of 327 8.0,

385

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a \ / s Ψ. 8 e /
βαρεῖαν καὶ δυσκίνητον οὖσαν, ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ συνε-
an a , \ /
σκευασμένων τῶν ἁμαξῶν, πρώτας μὲν ὑπέπρησε
“ n /
Tas αὑτοῦ Kal τῶν ἑταίρων, μετὰ δὲ ταύτας
> lé \ “ fal ‘ > n a
ἐκέλευσε καὶ ταῖς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐνεῖναι πῦρ.
\ a / \ 4 n b] /
καὶ τοῦ πράγματος τὸ βούλευμα μεῖζον ἐφάνη
\ »- / \
καὶ δεινότερον ἢ TO ἔργον. ὀλίγους μὲν yap
ἠνίασεν, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι βοῇ καὶ ἀλαλαγμῷ μετὰ
ἐνθουσιασμοῦ τὰ μὲν ἀναγκαῖα τοῖς δεομένοις
\ / a ,
μεταδιδόντες, τὰ δὲ περιόντα τῆς χρείας αὐτοὶ
e an
κατακαίοντες καὶ διαφθείροντες ὁρμῆς καὶ mpo-
θυμίας ἐνεπίμπλασαν τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ἤδη δὲ
καὶ φοβερὸς ἣν καὶ ἀπαραίτητος κολαστὴς τῶν
/ \ \ / / rn
πλημμελούντων. Kal yap Μένανδρόν twa τῶν
ἑταίρων ἄρχοντα φρουρίου καταστήσας, ὡς οὐκ
ἐβούλετο μένειν, ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ τῶν ἀποστάντων
4 > 4 > ἣν ,
βαρβάρων Ὀρσοδάτην αὐτὸς κατετόξευσε.
Προβάτου δὲ τεκόντος ἄρνα περὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ
σχῆμα καὶ χρῶμα τιάρας ἔχοντα καὶ διδύμους ἑκα-
τέρωθεν αὐτοῦ, βδελυχθεὶς τὸ σημεῖον ἐκαθάρθη
\ ς \ lal / ἃ > » 2 ΄
μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων, ods ἐξ ἔθους ἐπήγετο
\ \ “ ὃ , θ δὲ Ἁ \ fn ig
πρὸς τὰ τοιαῦτα" διελέχθη δὲ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ὡς
> > e , > \ Φ Ὁ ’ [4 4 Ἀ
οὐ δι’ αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ δι᾿ ἐκείνους ταράττοιτο, μὴ τὸ
κράτος εἰς ἀγεννῆ καὶ ἄναλκιν ἄνθρωπον ἐκλιπόν-
τος αὐτοῦ περιστήσῃ τὸ δαιμόνιον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
βέλτιόν τι σημεῖον γενόμενον τὴν ἀθυμίαν ἔλυσεν.
ὁ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῶν στρωματοφυλάκων τεταγμένος ἀνὴρ
΄ » , a A
Μακεδών, ὄνομα Ipokevos, τῇ βασιλικῇ σκηνῇ

286

697

ALEXANDER, tvu. 1-4

and hard to move, at break of day, after the
baggage-waggons had been loaded, he burned first
those which belonged to himself and his companions,
and then gave orders to set fire to those of the
Macedonians. And the planning of the thing
turned out to be a larger and more formidable matter
than its execution. For it gave annoyance to a few
only of the soldiers, while the most of them, with
rapturous shouts and war-cries, shared their neces-
saries with those who were in need of them, and
what was superfluous they burned and destroyed
with their own hands, thus filling Alexander with
zeal and eagerness. Besides, he was already greatly
feared, and inexorable in the chastisement of a
transgressor. For instance, whena certain Menander,
one of his companions, who had been put in com-
mand of a garrison, refused to remain there, he put
him to death; and Orsodates, a Barbarian who had
revolted from him, he shot down with his own
hand.

When a sheep yeaned a lamb which had upon its
head what looked like a tiara in form and colour,
with testicles on either side of it, Alexander was
filled with loathing at the portent, and had himself
purified by the Babylonians, whom he was accus-
to take along with him for such purposes ; and in
conversation with-his friends he said that he was
not disturbed for his own sake, but for theirs, fear-
ing lest after his death Heaven might devolve his
power upon an ignoble and impotent man. How-
ever, a better portent occurred and put an end to
his dejection. The Macedonian, namely, who was
set over those in charge of the royal equipage,
Proxenus by name, as he was digging a place for the

387

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

χώραν ὀρύττων παρὰ τὸν Ὦξον ποταμὸν ἀνεκά-
λυψε πηγὴν ὑγροῦ λιπαροῦ καὶ πιμελώδους'
ἀπαντλουμένου δὲ τοῦ πρώτου καθαρὸν ἀνέβλυξεν
ἤδη καὶ διαυγὲς ἔλαιον, οὔτε ὀσμῇ δοκοῦν οὔτε
γεύσει ἐλαίου διαφέρειν, στιλπνότητά τε καὶ
λιπαρότητα παντάπασιν ἀπαράλλακτον, καὶ
ταῦτα τῆς χώρας μηδὲ ἐλαίας φερούσης. λέγεται
μὲν οὖν καὶ τὸν ἾὮΩξον αὐτὸν εἶναι μαλακώτατον
ὕδωρ, ὥστε τὸ δέρμα τοῖς λουομένοις ἐπιλιπαί-
νειν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ θαυμαστῶς ᾿Αλέξανδρος
ἡσθεὶς δῆλός ἐστιν ἐξ ὧν γράφει πρὸς ᾿Αντί-
πάτρον, ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις τοῦτο τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ
θεοῦ γεγονότων αὐτῷ τιθέμενος. οἱ δὲ μάντεις
ἐνδόξου μὲν στρατείας, ἐπιπόνου δὲ καὶ “χαλεπῆς
τὸ σημεῖον ἐποιοῦντο" πόνων γὰρ ἀρωγὴν ἔλαιον
ἀνθρώποις ὑπὸ θεοῦ δεδόσθαι.

LVIII. Πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὰς μάχας αὐτῷ
κίνδυνοι συνέπεσον καὶ τραύμασι νεανικοῖς ἀπήν-
τησε, τὴν δὲ πλείστην φθορὰν ἀπορίαι τῶν ἀναγ-
καίων καὶ δυσκρασίαι τοῦ περιέχοντος ἀπειργά-
σαντο τῆς στρατιᾶς. αὐτὸς δὲ τόλμῃ τὴν τύχην
ὑπερβαλέσθαι καὶ τὴν δύναμιν a ἀρετῇ φιλοτιμού-
μενος, οὐδὲν @ETO τοῖς θαρροῦσιν ἀνάλωτον οὐδὲ
ὀχυρὸν εἶναι τοῖς ἀτόλμοις. λέγεται δὲ τὴν Σισι-
μέθρου πολιορκῶν πέτραν ἄβατον οὖσαν καὶ ἀπό-
τομον * ἀθυμούντων τῶν στρατιωτῶν “ἐρωτῆσαι
τὸν ᾿Οξυάρτην ποῖός τις αὐτὸς εἴη τὴν ψυχὴν
ὁ Σισιμίθρης. φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ‘Ofvdprov δει-
λότατον ἀνθρώπων, “Λέγεις σύ ye,” φάναι, “ τὴν

1 ἀπότομον Coraés’ correction of the MSS. ἀπρόσβατον, for
which Bekker reads ἀπρόσμαχον, after Schaefer. Sintenis?
suggests ἀπότομον καὶ ἀπρόσβατον.

388

ire

ALEXANDER, tvu. 4-Lvin. 2

king’s tent along the river Oxus, uncovered a spring
of liquid which was oily and fatty; but when the
top of it was drawn off, there flowed at once a pure
and clear oil, which appeared to differ from olive oil
neither in odour nor in flavour, and in smoothness
and lustre was altogether the same, and that too
though the country produced no olive trees. It is
said, indeed, that the Oxus itself also has a very
soft water, which gives sleekness to the skin of
those who bathe in it. However, that Alexander
was marvellously pleased is clear from what he writes
to Antipater, where he speaks of this as one of the
greatest omens vouchsafed to him from Heaven.
The seers, however, held that the omen fore-
shadowed an expedition which would be glorious,
but difficult and toilsome; for oil, they said, was
iven to men by Heaven as an aid to toil.

LVIII. And so it proved; for he encountered
many perils in the battles which he fought, and
received very severe wounds; but the greatest
losses which his army suffered were caused by lack
of necessary provisions and severity of weather.
Still, he was eager to overcome fortune by bold-
ness and force by valour, and thought nothing
invincible for the courageous, and nothing secure
for the cowardly. It is said that when he was be-
sieging the citadel of Sisimithres, which was steep
and inaccessible, so that his soldiers were dis-
heartened, he asked Oxyartes what sort of a man
Sisimithres himself was in point of spirit. And
when Oxyartes replied that he was most cowardly of
men, “ Thy words mean,” said Alexander, “that we

389

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πέτραν ἁλώσιμον ἡμῖν εἶναι" τὸ yap ἄρχον αὐτῆς
οὐκ ὀχυρόν ἐστι." ταύτην μὲν οὖν ἐκφοβήσας τὸν
Σ 6 ἔλ B « / δὲ e / > ΄
ἐισιμίθρην ἔλαβεν. ἑτέρᾳ δὲ ὁμοίως ἀποτόμῳ
fal ,
προσβαλὼν τοὺς νεωτέρους τῶν Μακεδόνων
, ᾽ / , 4
παρώρμα, καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρόν twa καλούμενον
/ « ᾽ a ; ᾽ν 3 ςς >
προσαγορεύσας, “᾿Αλλὰ σοὶ ye, εἶπεν, “ ἀν-
cal ”
δραγαθεῖν προσήκει καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν." ἐπεὶ
δὲ λαμπρῶς ὁ νεανίας ἀγωνιζόμενος ἔπεσεν, οὐ
, > / a \ / 4 an
μετρίως ἐδήχθη. τῇ δὲ καλουμένη Νύσῃ τῶν
Μακεδόνων ὀκνούντων προσάγειν (καὶ γὰρ ποτα-
oe \ > A \ ᾽ fetta 4 ΜῈ ὧν
μὸς ἣν πρὸς αὐτῇ βαθὺς) ἐπιστάς, “Τί γάρ," εἶπεν,
oe ΄ 2 \ a ae eer ” ” yj
ὁ κάκιστος ἐγὼ νεῖν οὐκ Euabov;” Kal ἤδη ἔχων
A > , a > / > \ 4
τὴν ἀσπίδα περᾶν ἠθέλησεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ καταπαύ-
\ “Ὁ “ a
σαντος τὴν μάχην αὐτοῦ παρῆσαν ἀπὸ τῶν
πολιορκουμένων πόλεων πρέσβεις δεησόμενοι,
πρῶτον μὲν ὀφθεὶς ἀθεράπευτος ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις
»ῳ. ἡ" > 4 ΝΜ / A
ἐξέπληξεν αὐτούς" ἔπειτα προσκεφαλαίου τινὸς
αὐτῷ κομισθέντος ἐκέλευσε λαβόντα καθίσαι τὸν
4 wv 3 al 4 3
πρεσβύτατον" “Axoudis ἐκαλεῖτο. θαυμάσας οὖν
\ / \ / εν
τὴν λαμπρότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν ὁ ᾿Ακουφις
» ΄ / 4 a > \ ” ,
ἠρώτα τί βούλεται ποιοῦντας αὐτοὺς ἔχειν φίλους.
φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, “ Σὲ μὲν ἄρχοντα
καταστήσαντας αὑτῶν, πρὸς δὲ ἡμᾶς πέμψαντας
ε Ν »Μ \ > , »” / ecw
ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας τοὺς ἀρίστους, γελάσας ὁ “Axov-
dis, “᾿Αλλὰ βέλτιον," εἶπεν, “ ἄρξω, βασιλεῦ,
τοὺς κακίστους πρὸς σὲ πέμψας μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς
ἀρίστους."
LIX. Ὁ δὲ Ταξίλης λέγεται μὲν τῆς Ἰνδικῆς
ἔχειν μοῖραν οὐκ ἀποδέουσαν Αἰγύπτου τὸ μέγε-
θος, εὔβοτον δὲ καὶ καλλίκαρπον ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα,

39°

698

ALEXANDER, tvur. 2-1Ix. 1

ean take the citadel, since he who commands it is a
weak thing.” And indeed he did take the citadel
by frightening Sisimithres. Again, after attacking
another citadel equally precipitous, he was urging
on the younger Macedonians, and addressing one
who bore the name of Alexander, said: “ It behooves
thee, at least, to be a brave man, even for thy
name’s sake.” And when the young man, fighting
gloriously, fell, the king was pained beyond
measure. And at another time, when his Mace-
donians hesitated to advance upon the citadel called
Nysa because there was a deep river in front of it,
Alexander, halting on the bank, cried: ‘Most
miserable man that I am, why, pray, have I not
learned to swim?” and at once, carrying his shield,
he would have tried to cross. And when, after he
had put a stop to the fighting, ambassadors came
from the beleaguered cities to beg for terms, they
were amazed, to begin with, to see him in full
armour and without an attendant; and _ besides,
when a cushion was brought him for his use, he
ordered the eldest of the ambassadors, Acuphis by
name, to take it for his seat. Acuphis, accordingly,
astonished at his magnanimity and courtesy, asked
what he wished them to do in order to be his
friends. “ Thy countrymen,” said Alexander, “ must
make thee their ruler, and send me a hundred of
their best men.” At this Acuphis laughed, and said:
* Nay, O King, I shall rule better if 1 send to thee
the worst men rather than the best. ’’!

LIX. Taxiles, we are told, had a realm in India as
large as Egypt, with good pasturage, too, and in the
highest degree productive of beautiful fruits. He

Οἵ. Arrian, Anab. v. 2, 1-3.
391

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σοφὸς δέ τις ἀνὴρ εἶναι, καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
ἀσπασάμενος, “Ti δεῖ πολέμων, φάναι, “ καὶ
μάχης ἡμῖν, ᾿Αλέξανδρε, πρὸς ἀλλήλους, εἰ μήτε
ὕδωρ ἀφαιρησόμενος ἡμῶν ἀφῖξαι μήτε τροφὴν
ἀναγκαίαν, ὑπὲρ ὧν μόνων ἀνάγκη διαμάχεσθαι
νοῦν ἔχουσιν ἀνθρώποις; τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις χρήμασι
καὶ κτήμασι λεγομένοις, εἰ μέν εἰμι “κρείττων,
ἕτοιμος εὖ ποιεῖν, εἰ δὲ ἥττων, οὐ φεύγω χάριν
ἔχειν εὖ παθών." ἡσθεὶς οὖν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος καὶ
δεξιωσάμενος αὐτόν, “ Ἦ που νομίζεις," ἔφη,
ἧς δίχα μάχης ἔσεσθαι τὴν ἔντευξιν ἡμῖν ἀπὸ
τοιούτων λόγων καὶ φιλοφροσύνης; ἀλλ᾽ οὐδέν
σοι πλέον" ἐγὼ γὰρ ἀγωνιοῦμαι πρὸς σὲ καὶ
διαμαχοῦμαι. ταῖς χάρισιν, ὥς μου χρηστὸς ὧν
μὴ περιυγένῃ. λαβὼν δὲ δῶρα πολλὰ καὶ δοὺς
πλείονα τέλος χίλια τάλαντα νομίσματος αὐτῷ
προέπιεν. ἐφ᾽ οἷς τοὺς μὲν φίλους ἰσχυρῶς
ἐλύπησε, τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων πολλοὺς ἐποίησεν
ἡμερωτέρως ἔχειν πρὸς αὐτόν.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ τῶν ᾿Ινδῶν οἱ μαχιμώτατοι “μισθοφο-
ροῦντες ἐπεφοίτων ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐρρωμένως ἀμύ-
νοντες καὶ πολλὰ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐκακοποίουν,
σπεισάμενος ἔν τινι πόλει “πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπιόντας
ἐν ὁδῷ λαβὼν ἅπαντας ἀπέκτεινε. καὶ τοῦτο
τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῦ, τὰ ἄλλα νομίμως
καὶ βασιλικῶς πολεμήσαντος, ὥσπερ κηλὶς πρόσ-
ἐστιν. οὐκ ἐλάσσονα δὲ τούτων οἱ φιλόσοφοι
πράγματα παρέσχον αὐτῷ, τούς τε προστιθε-
μένους τῶν βασιλέων κακίζοντες καὶ τοὺς ἐλευ-
θέρους δήμους ἀφιστάντες. διὸ καὶ τούτων
πολλοὺς ἐκρέμασε.

392

ALEXANDER, tix. 1-4

was also a wise man in his way, and after he had
greeted Alexander, said: “ Why must we war and
fight with one another, Alexander, if thou art not
come to rob us of water or of necessary sustenance,
the only things for which men of sense are obliged
to fight obstinately? As for other wealth and pos-
sessions, so-called, if I am thy superior therein, I am
ready to confer favours; but if thine inferior, I will
not object to thanking you for favours conferred.”
At this Alexander was delighted, and clasping the
king’s hand, said: “Canst thou think, pray, that
after such words of kindness our interview is to end
without a battle? Nay, thou shalt not get the
better of me; for I will contend against thee and
fight to the last with my favours, that thou mayest
not surpass me in generosity.” So, after.receiving ἡ

many gifts and giving many more, at last he lavished |
upon him a thousand talents_in-coi money... This. At

“conduct greatly vexed Alexander’s friends, but it made
_many of the Barbarians look upon hin more kine --ὃ.

The best fighters among the Indians; owéver,. J
were mercenaries, and they used to go about to the
different cities and defend them sturdily, and wrought
much harm to Alexander’s cause. Therefore, after
he had made a truce with-them-in-a.certain city and
allowed them to depart;he-fell upon them as they
marched and slew them all.And this act adheres
like a stain-to his military career; in all other in-
stances.he waged.war according to usage and. like ἃ.
Aking.__The_philosophers,-too, no less than the mer-
cenaries, gave him trouble, by abusing those-of- ‘the
native princes who attacliéd*themselves to his cause,
and by inciting the free peoples to revolt. He there-
fore took many of these also and hanged them.

os

393

--

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

lal Ν al
LX. Ta δὲ πρὸς Πῶρον αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστο-
a © > 4 / \ \ > ,
λαῖς ws ἐπράχθη γέγραφε. ᾿ φησὶ γῶρ᾽ ἐν" μέδῷ
τῶν στρατοπέδων τοῦ Ὕδάσπου ῥέοντος ἀντι-
’ e / \ , > \ \ lal
πόρους ἱστάντα τοὺς ἐλέφαντας ἀεὶ τὸν Πῶρον
“ ἈΝ 3
ἐπιτηρεῖν τὴν διάβασιν. αὑτὸν μὲν οὖν καθ
ς / 4 7 / - \ , > al
ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ψόφον ποιεῖν καὶ θόρυβον ἐν τῷ
/ 4 5247 \ /
στρατοπέδῳ πολύν, ἐθίζοντα τοὺς βαρβάρους
‘ » θ 4 \ δὲ / \ 52 /
μὴ φοβεῖσθαι" νυκτὸς δὲ χειμερίου Kal ἀσελήνου
fal “a / -“
λαβόντα τῶν πεζῶν μέρος, ἱππεῖς δὲ τοὺς κρατί-
’ al
στους, Kal προελθόντα πόρρω τῶν πολεμίων
διαπερᾶσαι πρὸς νῆσον οὐ μεγάλην. ἐνταῦθα
δὲ ῥαγδαίου μὲν ἐκχυθέντος ὄμβρου, πρηστήρων
δὲ πολλῶν καὶ κεραυνῶν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον
φερομένων, ὅμως ὁρῶν ἀπολλυμένους τινὰς καὶ
\ n a] \ rn
συμφλεγομένους ὑπὸ τῶν κεραυνῶν ἀπὸ τῆς
νησῖδος ἄρας προσφέρεσθαι ταῖς ἀντιπέρας ὄχ-
Oars. τραχὺν δὲ τὸν Ὕδάσπην ὑπὸ τοῦ χει-
μῶνος ἐπιόντα καὶ μετέωρον, ἔκρηγμα ποιῆσαι
μέγα, καὶ πολὺ μέρος ἐκείνῃ φέρεσθαι τοῦ
€ 7 rs > \ be δέ θ \ / >
ῥεύματος: αὐτοὺς δὲ δέξασθαι τὸ μέσον οὐ
/ « δ} θ / \ ’
βεβαίως, ἅτε δὴ συνολισθάνον καὶ περιρρηγνύ-
3 DO δὲ > a > “ ἀξ
μενον. ἐνταῦθα δὲ εἰπεῖν φασιν αὐτόν: “Ὦ
> a 2 / / x > ς
Αθηναῖοι, dpa γε πιστεύσαιτε ἂν ἡλίκους ὑπο-
[4 “ > 7
/ na Ci > , 3»
μένω κινδύνους ἕνεκα τῆς παρ᾽ ὑμῖν εὐδοξίας;
> \ a \ > / ” 9 5% f
ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ᾿Ονησίκριτος εἴρηκεν, αὐτὸς δέ
φησι τὰς σχεδίας ἀφέντας αὐτοὺς μετὰ τῶν
“ \ ὦ / ” -“
ὅπλων τὸ ἔκρηγμα διαβαίνειν ἄχρι μαστῶν βρε-
χομένους, διαβὰς δὲ τῶν πεζῶν εἴκοσι σταδίους
- a f / a
προϊππεῦσαι, λογιζόμενος, εἰ μὲν οἱ πολέμιοι τοῖς

394

ALEXANDER, Lx. 1-4

LX. Of his campaign against Porus! he himself
has given an account—in~his letters. He_ says,
namely, that the river Hydaspes flowed between
the two camps, and that Porus stationed his ele-
phants on the opposite bank and kept continual
watch of the crossing. He himself, accordingly, day
by day caused a great din and tumult to be made in
his camp, and thereby accustomed the Barbarians not
to be alarmed. Then, on a dark and stormy night,
he took a part of his infantry and the best of his
horsemen, and after proceeding along the river to a
distance from where the enemy lay, crossed over
to a small island. Here rain fell in torrents, and
many tornadoes and thunder-bolts dashed down
upon his men; but nevertheless, although he saw
that many of them were being burned to death by
the thunder-bolts, he set out from the islet and made
for the opposite banks. But the Hydaspes, made
violent by the storm and dashing high against its
bank, made a great breach in it, and a large part of
the stream was setting in that direction; and the
shore between the two currents gave his men no
sure footing, since it was broken and slippery. And
here it was that he is said to have cried: “O
Athenians, can ye possibly believe what perils I am
undergoing to win glory in your eyes?” This, how-
ever, is the story of Onesicritus ἢ Alexander himself
says that they left their rafts and crossed the
breach with their armour on, wading breast-high in
water, and that after he had crossed he led his
horsemen twenty furlongs in advance of his infantry,
calculating that, in case the enemy attacked with

1 See Arrian, Anab. v. 9-19. It was in the spring of
326 8.6.

395

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἵπποις προσβάλοιεν, πολὺ κρατήσειν, εἰ δὲ κιν-
οἷεν τὴν φάλαγγα, φθήσεσθαι τοὺς πεζοὺς αὐτῷ
προσγενομένους" θάτερον δὲ συμβῆναι. τῶν yap
ἱππέων χιλίους καὶ τῶν ἁρμάτων ἑξήκοντα συμ-
πεσόντα τρεψώμενος, τὰ μὲν ἅρματα λαβεῖν
ἅπαντα, τῶν δ᾽ ἱππέων ἀνελεῖν τετρακοσίους.
οὕτω δὴ συμφρονήσαντα τὸν Πῶρον ὡς αὐτὸς
εἴη διαβεβηκὼς ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ἐπιέναι μετὰ πάσης
τῆς δυνάμεως, πλὴν ὅσον ἐμποδὼν εἶναι τοῖς
διαβαίνουσι τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀπέλιπε. φοβηθεὶς
δὲ τὰ θηρία καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολεμίων αὐτὸς
μὲν ἐνσεῖσαι κατὰ θάτερον κέρας, Κοῖνον δὲ τῷ
δεξιῷ προσβαλεῖν κελεῦσαι. γενομένης δὲ τροπῆς
ἑκατέρωθεν ἀναχωρεῖν ἀεὶ πρὸς τὰ θηρία καὶ
συνειλεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐκβιαζομένους, ὅθεν ἤδη τὴν
μάχην ἀναμεμιγμένην εἶναι, καὶ μόλις ὀγδόης ὥρας
ἀπειπεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ τῆς
μάχης ποιητὴς αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς εἴρηκεν.

Οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι τῶν συγγραφέων ὁμολογοῦσι
τὸν Πῶρον ὑπεραίροντα τεσσάρων πηχῶν σπιθα-

n a / “
μῇ τὸ μῆκος ἱππότου μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν πρὸς τὸν

> / , \ \ 4 \ \ ”

ἐλέφαντα συμμετρίᾳ διὰ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸν ὄγκον
rn ΄ Φ > /

TOU σώματος. καίτοι μέγιστος ἣν ὁ ἐλέφας"

σύνεσιν δὲ θαυμαστὴν ἐπεδείξατο καὶ κηδεμονίαν
a , ᾽ , \ ” A \

TOU βασίλέως, ἐρρωμένου μὲν ἔτι θυμῷ τοὺς

e

προσμαχομένους ἀμυνόμενος Kal ἀνακόπτων, ὡς
\ ” “ / \ 4 /

δὲ ἤσθετο βελῶν πλήθει καὶ τραυμάτων κάμ-

-“ \ /

νοντα, δείσας μὴ περιρρυῇ, τοῖς μὲν γόνασιν εἰς
a a / a

γῆν ὑφῆκε πράως ἑαυτόν, τῇ δὲ προνομαίᾳ λαμ-

396

6

ALEXANDER, tx. 4-7

their cavalry, he would be far superior to them, and
in case they moved up their men-at-arms, his infantry
would join him in good season. And one of these
suppositions came to pass. For after routing a
thousand of the enemy’s horsemen and sixty of their
chariots which engaged him, he captured all the
chariots, and slew four hundred of the horsemen.
And now Porus, thus led to believe that Alexander
himself had crossed the river, advanced upon him
with all his forces, except the part he left behind
to impede the crossing of the remaining Mace-
donians. But Alexander, fearing the elephants and
the great numbers of the enemy, himself assaulted
their left wing, and ordered Coenus to attack their
right. Both wings having been routed, the van-
quished troops retired in every case upon the
elephants in the centre, and were there crowded
together with them, and from this point on the
battle was waged at close quarters, and it was not
until the eighth hour that the enemy gave up.
Such then, is the account of the battle which the
victor himself has given in his letters.

Most historians agree that Porus was four cubits
and a span? high, and that the size and majesty of
his body made his elephant seem as fitting a mount
for him as a horse for a horseman. And yet his
elephant was of the largest size; and it showed re-
markable intelligence and solicitude for the king,
bravely defending him and beating back his assailants
while he was still in full vigour, and when it perceived
that its master was worn out with a multitude of
missiles and wounds, fearing lest he should fall off,
it knelt softly on the ground, and with its proboscis

1 Six feet and three inches,
397

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βάνων ἀτρέμα τῶν δορατίων. ἕκαστον ἐξήρει τοῦ

8 σώματος. ἐπεὶ δὲ ληφθένζα τὸν Πῶρον ὁ ᾿Αλέ-
ἕανδρος ἠρώτα πῶς αὐτῷ χρήσηται, “ΞΒασιλικῶς,"
εἶπε" προσπυθομένου ᾿δὲ μή͵ τι ἄλλο λέγει,
2 Πάντα," εἶπεν, ᾿ἐστὶν ἐν “τῷ βασιλικῶς." οὐ
μόνον. οὖν ἀφῆκεν αὐτὸν ἄρχειν ὧν ἐβασίλευε,
σατράπην καλούμενον, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσέθηκε χώ-
ραν τοὺς" αὐτονόμους καταστρεψάμενος, ἐν ἡ
πεντεκαίδεκα μὲν ἔθνη, πόλεις δὲ πεντακισχιλίας
ἀξιολόγους, κώμας δὲ παμπόλλας εἶναί φασιν'
ἄλλην δὲ τρὶς τοσαύτην ἧς Φίλιππόν τινα τῶν
ἑταίρων σατράπην ἀπέδειξεν.

LXI. "Ex δὲ τῆς πρὸς Πῶρον μάχης καὶ ὁ
Βουκεφάλας ἐτελεύτησεν, οὐκ εὐθύς, ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερον,
ὡς οἱ πλεῖστοι λέγουσιν ἀπὸ τραυμάτων θερα-
πευόμενος, ὡς δὲ ᾿Ονησίκριτος, διὰ “γῆρας ὑπέρ-
πονος γενόμενος" τριάκοντα γὰρ ἐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν
αὐτόν. ἐδήχθη δ᾽ ἰσχυρῶς ᾿Αλέξανδρος, οὐδὲν
ἄλλο ἢ δυδήθη καὶ φίλον ἀποβεβληκέναι νομίζων'
καὶ πόλιν οἰκίσας ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ παρὰ Tov Ὕ δάσπην
Βουκεφαλίαν προσηγόρευσε. λέγεται δὲ καὶ
κύνα Περίταν 6 ὄνομα τεθραμμένον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ
στεργόμενον ἀποβαλὼν κτίσαι πόλιν ἐπώνυμον.
τοῦτο δὲ Σωτίων φησὶ Ἰ]Ποτάμωνος ἀκοῦσαι τοῦ
Λεσβίου.

LXII. Τοὺς μέντοι Μακεδόνας ὁ πρὸς Πῶρον
ἀγὼν ἀμβλυτέρους ἐποίησε καὶ τοῦ πρόσω τῆς
Ἰνδικῆς ἔτι προελθεῖν ἐπέσχε. μόλις γὰρ ἐκεῖνον

1 τοὺς with Bekker, after Coraés: καὶ τούς.

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. ν. 19, 4 f.
® Alexander carried his conquests from the Indus to the

398

ALEXANDER, Lx. 7-Lx1. 1

gently took each spear and drew it out of his body.
Porus was taken prisoner, and when Alexander asked ἢ
him how he would be treated, said: ‘“ Like a king”’ a
and to another question from Alexander whether he
had anything else to say, replied: “ All things are
included in my ‘like a king.’”’ Accordingly, Alex-
ander not only permitted him to govern his former
kingdom, giving him the title of satrap, but. also
added to it the territory of the independent peoples
whom he subdued, in which there are said to have
been fifteen nations, five thousand cities of con-
siderable size, and a great multitude of villages.
He subdued other territory also thrice as large as
this and appointed Philip, one of his companions,
satrap over it.

LXI. After the battle with Porus, too, Bueephaias
died,—not at once, but some time afterwards,—as
most. writers say, from wounds for which he was
under treatment, but according to Onesicritus, from
old age, having become quite worn out;! for he was
thirty years old when he died. His. death grieved
Alexander mightily, who felt that he had lost nothing
less than a comrade.and friend; he also built a city
in his memory on the banks of the Hydaspes and
called it Bucephalia. It is said, too, that when he
lost a dog also, named Peritas, which had been
reared by “him and was loved by ‘him, he founded a
city and gave it the dog’s name. Sotion says he
heard this from Potamon the Lesbian.

LXII. As for the Macedonians, however, their
struggle with Porus blunted their courage and stayed
their further advance into India.? For having had

Hyphasis (Arrian, Anab. v. 25), subduing the Punjab. It
was now September, 326 8,6,

399

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> / / a 7 e “Ὁ
ὠσάμενοι δισ μυρίοις πεζοῖς καὶ δισχιλίοις ἱππεῦσι
παραταξάμενον, ἀντέστησαν ἰσχυρῶς ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ
cal /
βιαζομένῳ καὶ τὸν Γάγγην περᾶσαι ποταμόν,
edpos μὲν αὐτοῦ δύο καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίων εἶναι
, /
πυνθανόμενοι καὶ βάθος ὀργυιὰς ἑκατόν, ἀντι-
, \ \ v > 4 /
πέρας δὲ τὰς ὄχθας ἀποκεκρύφθαι πλήθεσιν
ὅπλων καὶ ἵππων καὶ ἐλεφάντων. ἐλέγοντο γὰρ
ὀκτὼ μὲν μυριάδας ἱπποτῶν, εἴκοσι δὲ πεζῶν,
a ἣν 3? , \ , /
ἅρματα δὲ ὀκτακισχίλια Kal μαχίμους ἐλέφαντας
ἑξακισχιλίους ἔχοντες οἱ Γανδαριτῶν καὶ Πραι-
σίων βασιλεῖς ὑπομένειν. καὶ κόμπος οὐκ ἦν
fal > / \ A > fon
περὶ ταῦτα. ᾿Ανδρόκοττος yap ὕστερον ov πολλῷ
βασιλεύσας Σελεύκῳ πεντακοσίους ἐλέφαντας
ἐδωρήσατο, καὶ στρατοῦ μυριάσιν ἑξήκοντα τὴν
Ἰνδικὴν ἐπῆλθεν ἅπασαν καταστρεφόμενος.
Τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ὑπὸ δυσθυμίας καὶ ὀργῆς
\ ,
αὑτὸν εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν καθείρξας ἔκειτο, χάριν TO
οὐδεμίαν εἰδὼς τοῖς διαπεπραγμένοις εἰ μὴ περά-
σειε τὸν Γάγγην, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξομολόγησιν ἥττης τιθέ-
μενος τὴν ἀναχώρησιν. ὡς δὲ οἵ τε φίλοι τὰ εἰκότα
παρηγοροῦντες αὐτὸν οἵ τε στρατιῶται κλαυ-
θμῷ καὶ βοῇ προσιστάμενοι ταῖς θύραις ἱκέτευον,
ἐπικχασθεὶς ἀνεζεύγνυε, πολλὰ πρὸς δόξαν ἀπα-
\ \ μ᾿ \ \ “
τηλὰ καὶ σοφιστικὰ μηχανώμενος. καὶ γὰρ ὅπλα
μείζονα καὶ φάτνας ἵππων καὶ χαλινοὺς βαρυ-
τέρους κατασκευάσας ἀπέλιπέ τε καὶ διέρριψεν
e ’ Ν \ a / a ε
ἱδρύσατο δὲ βωμοὺς θεῶν, ods μέχρι νῦν οἱ
Πραισίων βασιλεῖς διαβαίνοντες σέβονται καὶ

400

ALEXANDER, cxn. 1-4

all they could do to repulse an enemy who mustered
only twenty thousand infantry and two thousand
horse, they violently opposed Alexander when he
insisted on crossing the river Ganges also, the width
of which, as they learned, was thirty-two furlongs,
its depth a hundred fathoms, while its banks on the
further side were covered with multitudes of men-
at-arms and horsemen and elephants. For they
were told that the kings of the Ganderites and
Praesii were awaiting them with eighty thousand
horsemen, two hundred thousand footmen, eight
thousand chariots, and six thousand fighting ele-
phants. And there was no boasting in these reports.
For Androcottus, who reigned there not long after-
wards, made a present to Seleucus of five hundred
elephants, and with an army of six hundred thousand
men overran and subdued all India. Ἢ

At_first, then, Alexander shut himself up in his | ἢ
tent from. displeasure and wrath and-lay. there, feel- τ
“ing no gratitude forwhai_he. had already achieved
~anlesshe should cross.the Ganges, nay, counting a
retreat’ confession of defeat. Se his friends gave”
him fitting consolation, and his soldiers crowded
about his door and besought him with loud cries and
wailing, until at last he relented and began to break
camp, resorting to many deceitful and fallacious
devices for the enhancement of his fame. For in-
stance, he had armour prepared that was larger than
usual, and mangers for horses that were higher, and
bits that were heavier than those in common use,
and left them scattered up and down. Moreover,
he erected altars for the.gods, which down to the
present time are revered by the kings of the Praesii
when they cross the river, and on them they offer

401

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θύουσιν ᾿Ελληνικὰς θυσίας. ᾿Ανδρόκοττος δὲ pet-

/ a > \ > / \
ράκιον ὧν αὐτὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον εἶδε, καὶ λέγεται
πολλάκις εἰπεῖν ὕστερον ὡς παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ἦλθε τὰ
πράγματα λαβεῖν ᾿Αλέξανδρος, μισουμένου τε
καὶ καταφρονουμένου τοῦ βασιλέως διὰ μοχθη-
ρίαν καὶ δυσγένειαν.

LXIII. ᾿Εντεῦθεν ὁρμήσας ᾿Αλέξανδρος τὴν
ἔξω θάλασσαν ἐπιδεῖν, καὶ πολλὰ πορθμεῖα
κωπήρῃ καὶ σχεδίας πηξάμενος, ἐκομίξετο τοῖς
ποταμοῖς ὑποφερόμενος “σχολαίως. ὁ δὲ πλοῦς
οὐκ ἀργὸς ἣν οὐδὲ ἀπόλεμος, προσβάλλων δὲ
ταῖς πόλεσι καὶ ἀποβαίνων ἐχειροῦτο πάντα.
πρὸς δὲ τοῖς καλουμένοις Μαλλοῖς, οὕς φασιν
᾿Ινδῶν μαχιμωτάτους γενέσθαι, μικρὸν ἐδέησε
κατακοπῆναι. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἀνθρώπους βέλεσιν
ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἀπεσκέδασε, πρῶτος δὲ διὰ
κλίμακος τεθείσης ἀναβὰς ἐ ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος, ὡς ἥ τε
κλίμαξ συνετρίβη καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ὑφιστα-
μένων παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος ἐλάμβανε πληγὰς κάτωθεν,
ὀλιγοστὸς ὧν συστρέψας ἑ ἑαυτὸν εἰς μέσους ἀφῆκε
τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ κατὰ τύχην ὀρθὸς ἔστη.
τιναξαμένου δὲ τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἔδοξαν οἱ βάρβαροι
σέλας τι καὶ φάσμα πρὸ τοῦ σώματος φέρεσθαι.
διὸ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἔφυγον καὶ διεσκεδάσθησαν"
ὡς δὲ εἶδον αὐτὸν μετὰ δυεῖν ὑπασπιστῶν, ἐπι-
δραμόντες οἱ μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς ξίφεσι καὶ δόρασι διὰ
τῶν ὅπλων συνετίτρωσκον ἀμυνόμενον, εἷς δὲ
μικρὸν ἀπωτέρω στὰς ἐφῆκεν ἀπὸ τόξου βέλος
οὕτως εὔτονον καὶ βίαιον ὥστε τὸν θώρακα δια-
κόψαν ἐμπαγῆναι τοῖς περὶ τὸν μασθὸν ὀστέοις.

1 Hydaspes, Acesines, and Indus (Arrian, Anab, vi. 1).

402

ALEXANDER, -xn. 4- χπι. 3

sacrifices in the Hellenic..manner. Androcottus,
“when he was a stripling. saw Alexander himself, and
we are told that he often said in later times that
Alexander narrowly missed making himself master
of the country, since its king was hated and despised
on account of his baseness and low birth.

LXIII. From thence, being eager to behold the
ocean, and having built many passage-boats equipped
with oars, and many rafts, he was conveyed down the
rivers! in a leisurely course. And yet his voyage
was not made without effort nor even without war,
but he would land and assault the cities on his route
and subdue everything. However, in attacking the
people called Malli, who are said to have been the
most warlike of the Indians, he came within a little
of being cut down. For after dispersing the in-
habitants from the walls with missiles, he was the
first to mount upon the wall by a scaling ladder, and
since the ladder was broken to pieces and he was
exposed to the missiles of the Barbarians who stood
along the wall below, almost alone as he was, he
crouched and threw himself into the midst of the
enemy, and by good fortune alighted on his feet.
Then, as he brandished his arms, the Barbarians
thought that a shape of gleaming fire played in
front of his person. Therefore at first they scattered
and fled; but when they saw that he was accom-
panied by only two of his guards, they ran upon him,
and some tried to wound him by thrusting their
swords and spears through his armour as he de-
fended himself, while one, standing a little further
off, shot an arrow at him with such accuracy and
force that it cut its way through his breastplate and
fastened itself in his ribs at the breast. Such was

403

4

a

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρὸς δὲ τὴν πληγὴν ἐνδόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ σῶμα
κάμψαντος, ὁ μὲν βαλὼν ἐπέδραμε βαρβαρικὴν
μάχαιραν σπασάμενος, Πευκέστας δὲ καὶ Δεμναῖος
προέστησαν: ὧν πληγέντων ἑκατέρων ὁ μὲν
ἀπέθανε, Πευκέστας δὲ a ἀντεῖχε, τὸν δὲ βάρβαρον
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἀπέκτεινεν. αὐτὸς δὲ τραύματα
πολλὰ λαβών, τέλος δὲ πληγεὶς ὑπέρῳ κατὰ τοῦ
τραχήλου, προσήρεισε τῷ τείχει τὸ σῶμα, βλέπων
πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῶν Μακε-
δόνων περιχυθέντων ἁρπασθεὶς ἀναίσθητος ἤδη
τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ σκηνῆς ἐκομίξετο. καὶ
παραυτίκα μὲν ὡς τεθνεῶτος ἦν λόγος ἐν τῷ
στρατοπέδῳ" χαλεπῶς δὲ καὶ πολυπόνως τὸν
ὀϊστὸν ἐκπρισάντων ξύλινον ὄντα, καὶ τοῦ
θώρακος οὕτω μόλις ἀπολυθέντος, περὶ τὴν
ἐκκοπὴν ἐγίνοντο τῆς ἀκίδος ἐνδεδυκυΐας ἑνὶ τῶν
ὀστέων. λέγεται δὲ τὸ μὲν πλάτος τριῶν δακτύ-
λων εἶναι, τὸ δὲ μῆκος τεσσάρων. διὸ ταῖς
λιποθυμίαις ἔγγιστα θανάτου συνελαυνόμενος
ἐξαιρουμένης αὐτῆς, ὅμως ἀνέλαβε. καὶ διαφυγὼν
τὸν κίνδυνον, ἔ ἔτι δὲ ἀσθενὴς ὦ ὧν καὶ πολὺν χρόνον
ἐν διαίτῃ καὶ θεραπείαις ἔχων αὑτόν, ἔξω θορυ-
βοῦντας ὡς ἤσθετο͵ ποθοῦντας αὐτὸν ἰδεῖν τοὺς
Μ ακεδόνας, λαβὼν i ἱμάτιον. προῆλθε. καὶ θύσας
τοῖς θεοῖς αὖθις ἀνήχθη καὶ παρεκομίζετο χώραν
τε πολλὴν καὶ πόλεις μεγάλας καταστρεφόμενος.

LXIV. Τῶν δὲ Ευμνοσοφιστῶν τοὺς μάλιστα
τὸν Σάββαν. ἀναπείσαντας ἀποστῆναι καὶ κακὰ
πλεῖστα τοῖς Μακεδόσι παρασχόντας λαβὼν
δέκα, δεινοὺς δοκοῦντας εἶναι περὶ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις

1 Leonnatus, according to Arrian, vi. 10, 2,
404

ic. ee ae eee νι ὰ

ALEXANDER, ὑχπὶ. 3-LxI1Vv. 1

the force of the blow that Alexander recoiled and
sank to his knees, whereupon his assailant ran at him
with drawn scimitar, while Peucestas and Limnaeus!?
defended him. Both of them were wounded, and
Limnaeus was killed ; but. Peucestas held out, and at
last Alexander killed the Barbarian. But he himself
received many wounds, and at last was smitten on
the neck with a cudgel, and leaned against the wall,
his eyes still fixed upon his foes. At this instant his
Macedonians flocked about him, caught him up,
already unconscious of what was going on about him,
and carried him to his tent. And straightway a
report that he was dead prevailed in the camp; but
when with much difficulty and pains they had sawn
off the shaft of the arrow, which was of wood, and
had thus succeeded at last in removing the king’s
breastplate, they came to the excision of the arrow-
head, which was buried in one of the ribs. We are
told, moreover, that it was three fingers broad and
four long. Its removal, therefore, threw the king
into swoons and brought him to death’s door, but
nevertheless he recovered. And after he was out
of danger, though he was still weak and kept him-
self for a long time under regimen and treatment,
perceiving from their tumult at his door that his
Macedonians were yearning to see him, he took his
cloak and went out to them. And after sacrificing to
the gods he went on board ship again and dropped
down the river, subduing much territory and great
cities as he went.

LXIV. He captured ten of the Gymnosophists
who had done most to get Sabbas to revolt, and had
made the most trouble for the Macedonians. These
philosophers were reputed to be clever and concise

VOL. VII, Oo 495

or

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ βραχυλόγους, ἐρωτήματα προὔβαλεν αὐτοῖς
ἄπορα, φήσας ἀποκτενεῖν τὸν μὴ ὀρθῶς ἀποκρινά-
μενον πρῶτον, εἶτα ἐφεξῆς οὕτω τοὺς ἄλλους"
ἕνα δὲ τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἐκέλευσε κρίνειν. ὁ μὲν
οὖν πρῶτος ἐρωτηθεὶς πότερον οἴεται τοὺς ζῶντας
εἶναι πλείονας ἢ τοὺς τεθνηκότας, ἔφη τοὺς ζῶν-
τας" οὐκέτι γὰρ εἶναι τοὺς τεθνηκότας. ὁ δὲ
δεύτερος, πότερον τὴν γῆν ἢ τὴν θάλατταν μεί-
Cova τρέφειν θηρία, τὴν γῆν" ταύτης γὰρ μέρος
εἶναι τὴν θάλατταν. ὁ δὲ τρίτος, ποῖόν ἐστι
{gov πανουργότατον, “Ὃ μέχρι νῦν, εἶπεν,
“ ἄνθρωπος οὐκ ἔγνωκεν." ὁ δὲ τέταρτος ἀνα-
κρινόμενος τίνι λογισμῷ τὸν Σάββαν ἀπέστησεν,
ἀπεκρίνατο, “ Καλῶς ζῆν βουλόμενος αὐτὸν ἢ
καλῶς ἀποθανεῖν. ὁ δὲ πέμπτος ἐρωτηθεὶς πό-
τερον οἴεται τὴν ἡμέραν ἢ τὴν νύκτα προτέραν
γεγονέναι, “Τὴν ἡμέραν," εἶπεν, “ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ""
καὶ προσεπεῖπεν οὗτος, θαυμάσαντος τοῦ βασι-
λέως, ὅτι τῶν ἀπόρων ἐρωτήσεων ἀνάγκη καὶ τὰς
ἀποκρίσεις ἀπόρους εἶναι. μεταβαλὼν οὖν τὸν
ἕκτον ἠρώτα πῶς ἄν τις φιληθείη μάλιστα: “ἂν
κράτιστος wv, ἔφη, “μὴ φοβερὸς 7.” τῶν δὲ
λοιπῶν τριῶν ὁ μὲν ἐρωτηθεὶς πῶς ἄν τις ἐξ
ἀνθρώπων γένοιτο θεός, “ Εἴ τι πράξειεν," εἶπεν,
“ὃ πρᾶξαι δυνατὸν ἀνθρώπῳ μὴ ἔστιν" ὁ δὲ περὶ
fons καὶ θανάτου, πότερον ἰσχυρότερον, ἀπε-
κρίνατο τὴν Conv τοσαῦτα κακὰ φέρουσαν. ὁ δὲ
τελευταῖος, μέχρι τίνος ἀνθρώπῳ καλῶς ἔχον ζῆν,
“Μέχρι οὗ μὴ νομίζει τὸ τεθνάναι τοῦ ζῆν ἄμει-
νον." οὕτω δὴ τραπόμενος πρὸς τὸν δικαστὴν
ἐκέλευσεν ἀποφαίνεσθαι. τοῦ δὲ ἕτερον ἑτέρου
χεῖρον εἰρηκέναι φήσαντος “ Οὐκοῦν," ἔφη, “σὺ
406

70)

(ee Pere ee

ALEXANDER, υὑχιν. 1-5

in answering questions, and Alexander therefore put
difficult questions to them, declaring that he would
put to death him who first made an incorrect answer,
and then the rest, in an order determined in like
manner; and he commanded one of them, the oldest,
to be judge in the contest. The first one, accord-
ingly, being asked which, in his opinion, were more
numerous, the living or the dead, said that the living
were, since the dead no longer existed. The second,
being asked whether the earth or the sea produced
larger animals, said the earth did, since the sea was
but a part of the earth. The third, being asked what
animal was most cunning, said: “ That which up to
this time man has not discovered.”’ The fourth, when
asked why he had induced Sabbas to revolt, replied :
“ Because I wished him either to live nobly or to die
nobly.” The fifth, being asked which, in his opinion,
was older, day or night, replied: “ Day, by one day’;
and he added, upon the king expressing amazement,
that hard questions must have hard answers. Pass-
ing on, then, ἴθ. the sixth, Alexander asked how a
man could be most.loved ; « If,” said the philosopher,
“he is most powerful, and yet does not inspire fear.”

“Of the three remaining, he who was asked how one
might become a-god instead of man, replied: “ By
doing something which a man-cannot do”; the one
who._was asked which was the stronger, life or death,
-answered ;_“ Life, “sirice it supports~sowmany ills.”
“And the last, asked how long it Weré Well for a man
to live, answered: “ Until he does not regard death
as better than life.” So, then, turning to the judge,
Alexander bade him give his opinion. The judge
declared that they had answered one worse than
another. “ Well, then,’ said Alexander, “thou shalt

4°7

~~

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρῶτος ἀποθανῇ τοιαῦτα κρίνων." “Οὐκ ἄν ye,”
εἶπεν, “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, εἰ μὴ σὺ ψεύδῃ φήσας πρό-
τον ἀποκτενεῖν τὸν ἀποκρινάμενον gee
LXV. Τούτους μὲν οὖν ἀφῆκε δωρησάμενος"
πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐν δόξῃ μάλιστα καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἐν
ἡσυχίᾳ ζῶντας ἔπεμψεν ᾿Ονησίκριτον, ἀφικέσθαι
δεόμενος “πρὸς αὑτόν. ὁ δὲ ᾿᾽Ονησίκριτος ἣν φιλό-
σοφος τῶν Διογένει τῷ Κυνικῷ συνεσχολακότων.
καί φησι τὸν μὲν Καλανὸν ὑβριστικῶς πάνυ καὶ
τραχέως κελεύειν ἀποδύντα τὸν χιτῶνα γυμνὸν
ἀκροᾶσθαι τῶν λόγων" ἄλλως δὲ οὐ διαλέξεσθαι
πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐδ᾽ εἰ παρὰ τοῦ Διὸς ἀφῖκται: τὸν
δὲ Δάνδαμιν πρᾳότερον εἶναι, καὶ διακούσαντα
περὶ Σωκράτους καὶ Πυθαγόρου καὶ Διογένους
εἰπεῖν ὡς εὐφυεῖς μὲν αὐτῷ γεγονέναι δοτοῦσιν οἱ
ἄνδρες, λίαν δὲ τοὺς νόμους αἰσχυνόμενοι βεβιω:
κέναι. ἄλλοι δέ φασι τὸν Δάνδαμιν οὐδὲν εἰπεῖν
ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τοσοῦτον μόνον" “Τίνος χάριν ὁ ᾿Αλέξαν-
δρος ὁδὸν τοσαύτην δεῦρ᾽ ἦλθε; " τὸν μέντοι
Καλανὸν ἔπεισεν ὁ Ταξίλης ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ᾿Αλέ-
ξἕανδρον. ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ Σφίνης" ἐπεὶ δὲ κατ᾽
Ἰνδικὴν γλῶτταν τῷ Καλὲ προσαγορεύων ἀντὶ
τοῦ Χαίρειν τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ἠσπάξετο, Καλα-
νὸς ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὠνομάσθη. τοῦτον δὲ
λέγεται καὶ τὸ παράδειγμα τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ ‘Ane
ξάνδρῳ προθέσθαι. καταβαλὼν γὰρ ἐν μέσῳ
βύρσαν τινὰ ξηρὰν καὶ κατεσκληκυῖαν ἐπάτησε
τὸ ἄκρον" ἡ δὲ εἰς ἕν πιεσθεῖσα τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπήρ-
θη μέρεσι. καὶ τοῦτο περιϊὼν ἐν κύκλῳ καὶ
πιέζων καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐδείκνυε γιγνόμενον, ἄχρι οὗ
τὸ μέσον ἐπιστὰς κατέσχε καὶ πάντα οὕτως ἠρέ-

408

ALEXANDER, vcxiv. 5-Lxv. 4

die first for giving such a verdict.” “That cannot
be, O King,” said the judge, “unless thou falsely
saidst that thou wouldst put to death first him who
answered worst.’

LXV. These philosophers, then, he dismissed with
gifts; but to those who were in the highest repute
and lived quietly by themselves he sent Onesicritus,
asking them to pay him a visit. Now, Onesicritus
was a philosopher of the school of Diogenes the
Cynic. And he tells us that Calanus very harshly
and insolently bade him strip off his tunic and listen
naked to what he had to say, otherwise he would
not converse with him, not even if he came from
Zeus; but he says that Dandamis was gentler, and
that after hearing fully about Socrates, Pythagoras,
and Diogenes, he remarked that the men appeared
to him to have been of good natural parts but to
have passed their lives in too much awe of the laws.
Others, however, say that the only words uttered by
Dandamis were these: “ Why did Alexander make
such a long journey hither?’’ Calanus, nevertheless,
was persuaded by ‘T'axiles to pay a visit to Alexander.
His real name was Sphines, but because he greeted
those whom he met with “ Cale,” the Indian word of
salutation, the Greeks called him Calanus.. It was |.
Calanus, as we are told, who laid before Alexander |
the famous illustration of government. It was this. |
He threw down upon the ground a dry and-shrivelled _
hide, and set his foot upon the outer-edge of it; the
hide was. pressed down in one place, but rose up in
others. He went all round the hide and showed |
that this was the result wherever he pressed the
edge down, and then at last he stood in the middle
-of it, and lo! it was all held down firm and still.

409

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

noe. ἐβούλετο δὲ ἡ εἰκὼν ἔνδειξις εἶναι τοῦ
τὰ μέσα δεῖν μάλιστα τῆς ἀρχῆς πιέζειν καὶ μὴ
μακρὰν ἀποπλανᾶσθαι τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον.

LXVI. Ἢ δὲ διὰ τῶν ποταμῶν πρὸς τὴν θά-
λατταν ὑπαγωγὴ μηνῶν ἑπτὰ χρόνον ἀνάλωσεν.
ἐμβαλὼν δὲ ταῖς ναυσὶν εἰς τὸν ᾿Ωκεανὸν ἀνέ-
πλευσε πρὸς νῆσον ἣν Σκιλλοῦστιν αὐτὸς ὠνό-
μασεν, ἕτεροι δὲ Ψιλτοῦκιν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ ἀποβὰς
ἔθυε τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἐπεῖδε τοῦ πελα-
yous καὶ τῆς παραλίας ὅσον ἐφικτὸν ἣν. εἶτα
ἐπευξάμενος μηδένα μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀνθρώπων ὑπερ-
βῆναι τοὺς ὅρους τῆς στρατείας ἀνέστρεφε. καὶ
τὰς μὲν ναῦς ἐκέλευσε περιπλεῖν ἐν δεξιᾷ τὴν
Ἰνδικὴν ἐχούσας, ἡγεμόνα μὲν Νέαρχον ἀποδεί-
Eas, ἀρχικυβερνήτην δὲ ᾿Ονησίκριτον" αὐτὸς δὲ
πεζῇ δι’ ᾿Ωρειτῶν πορευόμενος εἰς ἐσχάτην ἀπο-
ρίαν προήχθη καὶ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ἀπώλεσεν,
ὥστε τῆς μαχίμου δυνάμεως μηδὲ τὸ τέταρτον
ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ινδικῆς ἀπαγαγεῖν. καίτοι δώδεκα μὲν
μυριάδες ἦσαν οἱ πεζοί, τὸ δ᾽ ἱππικὸν εἰς μυρίους
καὶ πεντακισχιλίους. ἀλλὰ καὶ νόσοι χαλεπαὶ
καὶ δίαιται πονηραὶ καὶ καύματα ξηρὰ καὶ
πλείστους ὁ λιμὸς διέφθειρεν, ἄσπορον χώραν
ἐπιόντας ἀνθρώπων κακοβίων, ὀλίγα καὶ ἀγεννῆ
πρόβατα κεκτημένων, ἃ τοὺς θαλαττίους ἰχθῦς
εἰθισμένα προσφέρεσθαι σάρκα μοχθηρὰν εἶχε
καὶ δυσώδη. μόλις οὖν ἐν ἡμέραις ἑξήκοντα
ταύτην διελθὼν καὶ τῆς Γεδρωσίας ἁψάμενος εὐ-
θὺς ἐν ἀφθόνοις ἣν πᾶσι, τῶν ἔγγιστα σατραπῶν
καὶ βασιλέων παρασκευασάντων.

1 In midsummer of 325 B.o.
3 It is Cilluta in Arrian (Anab. vi. 19, 3).

410

105

/

ALEXANDER, Lxv. 4-Lxvi. 3

The similitude was designed to show that Alexander
ought to put most constraint upon the middle οἵ his
ire-and-not wander far away from it.
~~LXVI_. His descent of the rivers to the sea con-
sumed seven months’ time. And after emerging
with his fleet into the ocean,! he sailed out to an
island to which he himself gave the name of Scillus-
tis, others that of Psiltucis.2 Here he landed and
sacrificed to the gods, and studied the nature of the
sea and of all the sea-coast that was accessible.
Then, after praying that no man after him might
pass beyond the bounds of his expedition, he turned
to go back. His fleet he ordered to go round by sea,
keeping India on the right ; Nearchus was appointed
admiral of the fleet, Onesicritus its chief-pilot. But
he himself proceeded by land through the country
of the Oreites, where he was reduced to the direst
straits and lost a multitude of men, so that not even
the fourth part of his fighting force was brought
back from India. And yet his infantry had once
numbered a hundred and twenty thousand, and his
cayalry fifteen thousand. But grievous diseases,
wretched food, parching heats, and, worst of all,
famine destroyed them, since they traversed an un-
tilled country of men who dragged out a miserable
existence, who possessed but few sheep and those of
a miserable sort, since the sea-fish which they ate
made their flesh unsavoury and rank. It was
with difficulty, then, that Alexander passed through
this country in sixty days; but as soon as he
reached Gedrosia he had all things in abundance,
for the nearest satraps and princes had provided
them.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

LXVII. ᾿Αναλαβὼν οὖν ἐνταῦθα τὴν δύναμιν
ἐξώρμησε κώμῳ χρώμενος. ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ διὰ
τῆς Καρμανίας. αὐτὸν μὲν οὖν ἵπποι σχέδην
ἐκόμιξον ὀκτώ, μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων ὑπὲρ θυμέλης
ἐν ὑψηλῷ καὶ περιφανεῖ πλαισίῳ πεπηγυίας εὐ-
ὠχούμενον συνεχῶς ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτός" ἅμαξαι
δὲ παμπληθεῖς, αἱ μὲν ἁλουργοῖς καὶ ποικίλοις
meptBoraias, αἱ & ὕλης ἀεὶ »προσφάτου καὶ
χλωρᾶς σκιαζόμεναι κλάδοις, εἵποντο τοὺς ἄλ-
λους ἄγουσαι φίλους καὶ ἡγεμόνας ἐστεφανωμέ-
vous καὶ πίνοντας. εἶδες δ᾽ ἂν οὐ πέλτην, οὐ
κρώνος, οὐ σάρισαν, ἀλλὰ φιάλαις καὶ ῥυτοῖς καὶ
θηρικλείοις παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἅπασαν οἱ στρατιῶται
βαπτίζοντες ἐκ πίθων μεγάλων καὶ κρατήρων
ἀλλήλοις προέπινον, οἱ μὲν ἐν τῷ προάγειν ἅμα
καὶ βαδίξειν, οἱ δὲ κατακείμενοι. πολλὴ δὲ μοῦ-
σα συρίγγων καὶ αὐλῶν pois τε καὶ Warpod Kal
βακχείας γυναικῶν κατεῖχε πάντα τόπον. τῷ δὲ
ἀτάκτῳ καὶ πεπλανημένῳ τῆς πορείας παρείπετο
καὶ παιδιὰ βακχικῆς ὕβρεως, ὡς τοῦ θεοῦ παρ-
όντος αὐτοῦ καὶ συμπαραπέμποντος τὸν κῶμον.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἧκε τῆς Γεδρωσίας εἰς τὸ βασίλειον, αὖ-
θις ἀνελάμβανε τὴν στρατιὰν πανηγυρίζων. λέ-
γεται δὲ μεθύοντα αὐτὸν θεωρεῖν ἀγῶνας χορῶν,
τὸν δὲ ἐρώμενον Βαγώαν χορεύοντα νικῆσαι καὶ
κεκοσμημένον διὰ τοῦ θεάτρου παρελθόντα καθί-
σαι παρ᾽ αὐτόν: ἰδόντας δὲ τοὺς Μακεδόνας
κροτεῖν καὶ βοᾶν φιλῆσαι κελεύοντας, ἄχρι οὗ
περιβαλὼν κατεφίλησεν.

1 According to Arrian (Anqab. vi. 28,1 f ), this bacchana-
lian procession through Carmania rests on no credible
authority.

412

ALEXANDER, txvu. 1-4

LXVII. Accordingly, after refreshing his forces
here, he set out and marched for seven days through
Carmania in a revelling rout. He himself was con-
veyed slowly along by eight horses, while he feasted
day and night continuously with his companions on
a dais built upon a lofty and conspicuous scaffolding
of oblong shape; and waggons without number fol-
lowed, some with purple and embroidered canopies,
others protected from the sun by boughs of trees
which were kept fresh and green, conveying the
rest of his friends and commanders, who were all
garlanded and drinking. Not a shield was to be
seen, not a helmet, not a spear, but along the whole
march with cups and drinking-horns and flagons the
soldiers kept dipping wine from huge casks and
mixing-bowls and pledging one another, some as
they marched along, others lying down; while pipes
and flutes, stringed instruments and song, and revel-
ling cries of women, filled every place with abundant
music. Then, upon this disordered and straggling
procession there followed also the sports of bacchan-
alian license, as though Bacchus himself were present
and conducting the revel.t Moreover, when he
came to the royal palace of Gedrosia, he once more
gave his army time for rest and held high festival.
We are told, too, that he was once viewing some
contests in singing and dancing, being well heated
with wine, and that his favourite, Bagoas, won the
prize for song and dance, and then, all in his festal
array, passed through the theatre and took his seat
by Alexander’s side; at sight of which the Mace-
donians clapped their hands and loudly bade the
king kiss the victor, until at last he threw his arms
about him and kissed him tenderly.

413

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

LXVIII. ᾿Ενταῦθα τῶν περὶ Νέαρχον avaBav-
των πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡσθεὶς καὶ διακούσας τὰ περὶ
τὸν πλοῦν, ὥρμησεν αὐτὸς πλεύσας κατὰ τὸν
Εὐφράτην στόλῳ μεγάλῳ, εἶτα περὶ τὴν ᾿Αραβίαν
καὶ τὴν Λιβύην παρακομισθεὶς διὰ στηλῶν Ἥρα-
κλείων ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν ἐντὸς θάλασσαν. καὶ
πλοῖα παντοδαπὰ περὶ Θάψακον ἐπήγνυτο, καὶ
συνήγοντο ναῦται καὶ κυβερνῆται πανταχόθεν.
ἡ δὲ ἄνω στρατεία χαλεπὴ γενομένη καὶ τὸ περὶ
Μαλλοὺς τραῦμα καὶ ἡ φθορὰ πολλὴ λεχθεῖσα
τῆς δυνάμεως ἀ ἀπιστίᾳ τῆς “σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ τά τε
ὑπήκοα, πρὸς ἀποστάσεις ἐ ἐπῆρε καὶ τοῖς στρατη-
γοῖς καὶ σατράπαις ἀδικίαν" πολλὴν καὶ πλεονε-
ξίαν καὶ ὕβριν ἐνεποίησε' καὶ ὅλως διέδραμε
σάλος ἁπάντων καὶ νεωτε ἐσμός. ὅπου καὶ
πρὸς ᾿Αντίπατρον ᾿Ολυμπιὰς. καὶ Κλεοπάτρα
στασιάσασαι διείλοντο τὴν ἀρχήν, ᾿Ολυμπιὰς
μὲν Ἤπειρον, Κλεοπάτρα, δὲ Μακεδονίαν παρα-
λαβοῦσα. καὶ τοῦτο ἀκούσας ᾿Αλέξανδρος βέλ-
tiov ἔφη βεβουλεῦσθαι τὴν μητέρα' Μακεδόνας
γὰρ οὐκ ἂν ὑπομεῖναι βασιλευομένους ὑπὸ
γυναικός.

Διὰ ταῦτα Νέαρχον μὲν αὖθις ἐπὶ θάλασσαν
ἔπεμψεν, ἐμπλῆσαι πολέμων ἅπασαν ἐγνωκὼς
τὴν παραλίαν, αὐτὸς δὲ καταβαίνων ἐκόλαζε τοὺς
πονηροὺς τῶν στρατηγῶν. τῶν δὲ ᾿Αβουλήτου
παίδων ἕνα μὲν ᾿Οξνάρτην αὐτὸς ἀπέκτεινε
σαρίσῃ διελάσας, ᾿Αβουλήτου δὲ «μηδὲν τῶν
ἀναγκαίων παρασκευάσαντος, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τρισχίλια
τάλαντα νομίσματος αὐτῷ προσαγαγόντος, ἐκέ-

1 ἀδικίαν Bekker reads ἀκηδίαν (indifference) with a Munich
MS. (M.).

414

70)

ALEXANDER, txvit. 1-4

LXVIII. Here Nearchus came up to meet him, and
Alexander was so delighted to hear of his voyage
that he eagerly desired to sail down the Euphrates
himself with a large fleet, and then, after circum-
navigating Arabia and Africa, to enter the Mediter-
ranean by way of the pillars of Heracles. And vessels
of every sort were built for him at Thapsacus, and
sailors and pilots were assembled from all parts.
But the increasing difficulties of his march back, his
wound among the Malli, and the losses in his army,
which were reported to be heavy, led men to doubt his
safe return, inclined subject peoples to revolt,and bred
great injustice, rapacity, and insolence in the generals
and satraps whom he had appointed. In a_word, rest-
lessness and a desire for change spread everywhere.
For even against Antipater, Olympias and Cleopatra
had raised a faction, and had divided his realm
between them, Olympias taking Epirus, and Cleopatra
Macedonia. When he heard of this, Alexander said
that his mother had made the better choice; for the
Macedonians would not submit to be reigned over
by a woman.

For these reasons he sent Nearchus back to the
568,32 determined to fill all the regions along the sea
with wars, while he himself, marching down from
Upper Asia, chastised those of his commanders who
had done wrong. One of the sons of Abuletes, Oxy-
artes, he slew with his own hand, running him through
with a spear; and when Abuletes failed to furnish
him with the necessary provisions, but brought him
instead three thousand talents in coin, Alexander

1 Tt was after his return to Persepolis that this desire
seized him (Arrian, Anab. vii. 1, 1).
3 Early in 324 8.6,

415

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a 4 \ > 4 a τ
λευσε τοῖς ἵπποις τὸ ἀργύριον παραβαλεῖν. ὡς
gay 4. ὕ. 72) , cD, δύνα con a

οὐκ ἐγεύοντο, φήσας, “Τί οὖν ὄφελος ἡμῖν τῆς

a a ” a \ >? ,
ons παρασκευῆς; καθεῖρξε τὸν ᾿Αβουλήτην.

LXIX. ’Ev δὲ Πέρσαις πρῶτον μὲν ἀπέδωκε τὸ
νόμισμα ταῖς γυναιξίν, ὥσπερ εἰώθεισαν οἱ βασι-
λεῖς, ὁσάκις εἰς Πέρσας ἀφίκοιντο, διδόναι χρυ-
σοῦν ἑκάστῃ. καὶ διὰ τοῦτό φασιν ἐνίους μὴ
πολλάκις, Ὦχον δὲ μηδὲ ἅπαξ εἰς Πέρσας παρα-
γενέσθαι, διὰ μικρολογίαν ἀποξενώσαντα τῆς

/ ε / » \ ¢ 4 ε
πατρίδος ἑαυτόν. ἔπειτα τὸν Κύρου τάφον εὑ-
ρὼν διορωρυγμένον ἀπέκτεινε τὸν ἀδικήσαντα,

, a 5 » n > ΄ ae
καίτοι Πελλαῖος ἣν οὐ τῶν ἀσημοτάτων ὁ πλημ-

΄, Μ , \ \ ᾽ \
Herrjcas, ὄνομα Πολύμαχος. τὴν δὲ ἐπιγραφὴν
᾽ \ ᾿] 7 ¢ a” ΄ ,ὕ
ἀναγνοὺς ἐκέλευσεν EdAnvixois ὑποχαράξαι

[4 3 δὲ Lcd ‘ 7 C) ” θ ΄
γράμμασιν. εἶχε δὲ οὕτως ἄνθρωπε, ὅστις
“ \ [τ is μέ Ν \ [4 Φ > \
εἶ καὶ ὅθεν ἥκεις, ὅτι μὲν yap ἥξεις, οἶδα, ἐγὼ
Κῦρος εἰμὶ ὁ ἸΙέρσαις κτησάμενος τὴν ἀρχήν.
μὴ οὖν τῆς ὀλίγης μοι ταύτης γῆς φθονήσῃς ἣ
τοὐμὸν σῶμα περικαλύπτει." ταῦτα μὲν οὖν
ἐμπαθῆ σφόδρα τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐποίησεν, ἐν νῷ
λαβόντα τὴν ἀδηλότητα καὶ μεταβολήν.

fal ,

ὋὉ δὲ Kadavos ἐνταῦθα χρόνον οὐ πολὺν ὑπὸ
κοιλίας ἐνοχληθεὶς ἠτήσατο πυρὰν αὐτῷ γενέ-
σθαι. καὶ κομισθεὶς ἵππῳ πρὸς αὐτήν, ἐπευξά-
μενος καὶ κατασπείσας ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν τριχῶν
ἀπαρξάμενος, ἀναβαίνων ἐδεξιοῦτο τοὺς παρόντας
τῶν Μακεδόνων, καὶ παρεκάλει τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκεί-

416

ALEXANDER, cxvu. 4-Lx1x. 3

ordered the money to be thrown to his horses. And
when they would not touch it, “Of what use to us,
then,” he cried, “is the provision you have made?”’
and threw Abuletes into prison.

LXIX. In Persia, to begin with, he distributed the
money among the women, just as their kings were
accustomed, as often as they came into Persia, to
give each one of them a gold piece. And for this
reason, it is said, some of their kings did not come
often into Persia, and Ochus not even once, being so
penurious as to expatriate himself. In the second
place, having discovered that the tomb of Cyrus had
been rifled, he put to death the perpetrator of the
deed, although the culprit was a prominent Mace-
donian native of Pella, by name Polymachus. After
reading the inscription upon this tomb, he ordered it
to be repeated below in Greek letters. It ran thus:
“0 man, whosoever thou art and whencesoever thou
comest, for I know that thou wilt come, I am Cyrus,
and I won for the Persians their empire. Do not,
therefore, begrudge me this little earth which covers
my body.” These words, then, deeply affected
Alexander, who was reminded of the uncertainty and
mutability of life.

In Persia, too, Calanus, who had suffered for a
little while from intestinal disorder, asked that a
funeral pyre might be prepared for him.? To this
he came on horseback, and after offering prayers,
sprinkling himself, and casting some of his hair upon
the pyre, he ascended it, greeting the Macedonians
who were present, and exhorting them to make that

1 Cf, Arrian, Anah. vi. 29, 4-8.
* The self-sacrifice of Calanus is narrated by Arrian
(Anab. vii. 3).

47

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

eo?/ / \ a a
vnv ἡδέως γενέσθαι καὶ μεθυσθῆναι μετὰ τοῦ
/ > Ν Ν > a »” 3... ott / 2
βασιλέως, αὐτὸν δὲ ἐκεῖνον ἔφη μετ᾽ ὀλίγον χρό-
νον ἐν Βαβυλῶνι ὄψεσθαι. ταῦτα δ᾽ εἰπὼν κατα-
Ν > ’ / a
κλιθεὶς καὶ συγκαλυψάμενος οὐκ ἐκινήθη τοῦ
\ ‘ > >» 3» e / /
πυρὸς πλησιάζοντος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ᾧ κατεκλίθη σχή-
ματι, τοῦτο διατηρῶν ἐκαλλιέρησεν ἑαυτὸν τῷ
πατρίῳ νόμῳ τῶν ἐκεῖ σοφιστῶν. τοῦτο πολλοῖς
Ν LA Μ > \ > ᾽ / /
ἔτεσιν ὕστερον ἄλλος ᾿Ινδὸς ἐν ᾿Αθήναις Καίσαρι
/ af n
συνὼν ἐποίησε: Kal δείκνυται μέχρι νῦν τὸ μνη-
μεῖον ᾿Ινδοῦ προσαγορευόμενον.
c a “

LXX. Ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἀπὸ τῆς πυρᾶς γενό-
μενος, καὶ συναγαγὼν πολλοὺς τῶν φίλων καὶ
τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐπὶ δεῖπνον, ἀγῶνα προὔθηκε καὶ

/ ¢ “-
στέφανον ἀκρατοποσίας. ὁ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστον
πιὼν Πρόμαχος ἄχρι χοῶν τεσσάρων προῆλθε'

/ “
καὶ λαβὼν τὸ νικητήριον, στέφανον ταλαντιαῖον,
ἡμέρας τρεῖς ἐπέζησε. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων, ὡς Χάρης
φησί, τετταράκοντα καὶ εἷς ἀπέθανον πιόντες,
ἰσχυροῦ τῇ μέθῃ κρύους ἐπιγενομένου.

'Γῶν δὲ ἑταίρων γάμον ἐν Σούσοις ἐπιτελῶν, καὶ
λαμβάνων μὲν αὐτὸς γυναῖκα τὴν Δαρείου θυγα-
τέρα Στάτειραν, διανέμων δὲ τὰς ἀρίστας τοῖς
ἀρίστοις, κοινὸν δὲ τῶν ἤδη προγεγαμηκότων
Μακεδόνων γάμον ἄλλον ἑστιάσας, ἐν ᾧ φασιν
ἐννακισχιλίων τῶν παρακεκλημένων ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖ-
πνον ὄντων ἑκάστῳ χρυσῆν φιάλην πρὸς τὰς
σπονδὰς δοθῆναι, τά τε ἄλλα θαυμαστῶς ἐλαμ-
πρύνατο καὶ τὰ χρέα τοῖς δανείσασιν ὑπὲρ τῶν
> / > A / ἴω Ν > 4
ὀφειλόντων αὐτὸς διαλύσας, τοῦ παντὸς ἀναλώ-

’ὔ ΄
ματος ἐλάσσονος μυρίων ταλάντων ἑκατὸν τριά-

1 ἄλλον Bekker, after Coraés; καλὸν with the MSS,
418

ALEXANDER, txix. 3-Lxx. 2

day one of pleasure and revelry with the king, whom,
he declared, he should soon see in Babylon. After
thus speaking, he lay down and covered his head,
nor did he move as the fire approached him, but
continued to lie in the same posture as at first, and
so sacrificed himself acceptably, as the wise men of
his country had done from of old. The same thing
was done many years afterwards by another Indian
who was in the following of Caesar,! at Athens;
and the “Indian’s Tomb” is shown there to this
day.

LXX. But Alexander, afte: returning from the
funeral pyre and assembling many of his friends and
officers for supper, proposed a contest in drinking
neat wine, the victor to be crowned. Well, then,
the one who drank the most, Promachus, got as far
as four pitchers;? he took the prize, a crown of a
talent’s worth, but lived only three days afterwards.
And of the rest, according to Chares, forty-one died
of what they drank, a violent chill having set in
after their debauch.

At Susa he brought to pass the marriage of his
companions, took to wife himself the daughter of
Dareius, Stateira, assigned the noblest women to his
noblest men, and gave a general wedding feast for
those of his Macedonians who had already contracted
other marriages. At this feast, we are told, nine
thousand guests reclined at supper, to each of whom
a golden cup for the libations was given. All the
other appointments too, were amazingly splendid,
and the host paid himself the debts which his guests
owed, the whole outlay amounting to nine thousand

1 Augustus Caesar.
3 The “ chous,” or pitcher, held about three quarts.

419

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 κοντὰ ταλάντοις γενομένου. ἐπεὶ δὲ ᾿Αντιγένης.

ὁ ἑτερόφθαλμος ὡς ὀφείλων ἀπεγράψατο ψευδῶς,
καὶ παραγαγών τινα φάσκοντα. δεδανεικέναι πρὸς
τὴν τράπεζαν, ἀπέτισε τὸ ἀργύριον, εἶτα ἐφωρά-
θη ψευδόμενος, ὀργισθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπήλασε
τῆς αὐλῆς αὐτὸν καὶ παρείλετο τὴν ἡγεμονίαν.
ἣν δὲ λαμπρὸς ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ὁ ᾿Αντιγένης"
καὶ ἔτι δὲ νέος ὦν, Φιλίππου πολιορκοῦντος Πέ-
ρινθον, ἐμπεσόντος αὐτῷ καταπελτικοῦ βέλους
εἰς τὸν ὀφθαλμόν, οὐ παρέσχε βουλομένοις ἐξε-
λεῖν τὸ βέλος οὐδὲ ὑφήκατο πρὶν ὦσασθαι προσ-
μαχόμενος καὶ κατακλεῖσαι τοὺς πολεμίους εἰς
τὸ τεῖχος. οὐ μετρίως οὖν τότε τὴν ἀτιμίαν
ἔφερεν, ἀλλὰ δῆλος ἣν ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ λύπης καὶ
βαρυθυμίας διαχρησόμενος. καὶ τοῦτο δείσας ὁ
βασιλεὺς ἀνῆκε τὴν ὀργὴν καὶ τὰ χρήματα ἔχειν
ἐκέλευσεν αὐτόν.

ΠΧΧΙ. Tav δὲ παίδων τῶν τρισμυρίων, obs
ἀσκουμένους καὶ μανθάνοντας ἀπέλιπε, τοῖς τε
σώμασιν ἀνδρείων φανέντων καὶ τοῖς εἴδεσιν
εὐπρεπῶν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ ταῖς μέλέταις εὐχέρειαν
καὶ κουφότητα θαυμαστὴν ἐπιδειξαμένων, αὐτὸς
μὲν ἥσθη, τοῖς δὲ Μακεδόσι δυσθυμία παρέστη
καὶ δέος, ὡς ἧττον «αὐτοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως προσέ-
ξοντος. διὸ καὶ τοὺς ἀσθενεῖς καὶ πεπηρωμένους
αὐτοῦ ,καταπέμποντος ἐπὶ θάλατταν ὕβριν ἔφα-
σαν εἶναι καὶ ᾿προπηλακισμόν, ἀνθρώποις ἀπο-
χρησάμενον. εἰς ἅπαντα νῦν ἀποτίθεσθαι σὺν
αἰσχύνῃ καὶ προσρίπτειν ταῖς πατρίσι καὶ τοῖς

1 Alexander also paid the debts of all his soldiers,
amounting to 20,000 talents (Arrian, Anal. vii. 5, 1-3),

420

70

ALEXANDER, υχχ. 3-Lxx1. 2

eight hundred and seventy talents.1 Now Antigenes,
the One-eyed, had got himself enrolled as a debtor
fraudulently and, on producing somebody who affirmed
that he had made a loan to him at the bank, the
money was paid over; then his fraud was discovered,
and the king, in anger, drove him from his court and
deprived him of his command, Antigenes, however,
was a splendid soldier, and while he was still a young
man and Philip was besieging Perinthus, though a
bolt from a catapult smote him in the eye, he would
not consent to have the bolt taken out nor give up
fighting until he had repelled the enemy and shut
them up within their walls. Accordingly, he could
not endure with any complacency the disgrace that
now fell upon him, but was evidently going to make
away with himself from grief and despondency. So
the king, fearing this, put away his wrath and
ordered him to keep the money.

LXXI. The thirty thousand boys whom he had left
behind him under instruction and training? were now
so vigorous in their bodies and so comely in their
looks, and showed besides such admirable dexterity
and agility in their exercises, that Alexander himself
was delighted ; his Macedonians, however, were filled
with dejection and fear, thinking that their king
would now pay less regard to them. Therefore when
he also sent the weak and maimed among them
down to the sea-board, they said it was insult and
abuse, after using men up in every kind of service,
now to put them away in disgrace and cast them back
upon their native cities and their parents, no longer

unless this is the donation which Plutarch has here erro-
neously connected with the great wedding feast. Cf.
Athenaeus, xii. pp. 538 ff 3 Cf. chapter xlvii. 3.

421

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

γονεῦσιν, ov τοιούτους παραλαβόντα. πάντας
οὖν ἐκέλευον ἀφιέναι καὶ πάντας ἀχρήστους
νομίζειν Μακεδόνας, ἔχοντα τοὺς νέους τούτους
πυρριχιστάς, σὺν οἷς ἐπιὼν κατακτήσεται τὴν
οἰκουμένην. πρὸς ταῦτα χαλεπῶς ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος
ἔσχε, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἐλοιδόρησεν αὐτοὺς πρὸς
ὀργήν, ἀπελάσας δὲ τὰς φυλακὰς παρέδωκε
Πέρσαις καὶ κατέστησεν ἐκ τούτων δορυφόρους
καὶ ῥαβδοφόρους, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ὁρῶντες αὐτὸν παρα-
πεμπόμενον, αὑτοὺς δὲ ἀπειργομένους καὶ προπη-
λακιζομένους, ἐταπεινοῦντο' καὶ διδόντες λόγον
εὕρισκον αὑτοὺς ὀλίγου δεῖν μανέντας ὑπὸ ζηλο-
τυπίας καὶ ὀργῆς. τέλος δὲ συμφρονήσαντες
ἐβάδιζον ἄνοπλοι καὶ μονοχίτωνες ἐπὶ τὴν σκη-
νήν, μετὰ βοῆς καὶ κλαυθμοῦ παραδιδόντες
ἑαυτοὺς καὶ χρήσασθαι κελεύοντες ὡς κακοῖς καὶ
ἀχαρίστοις. ὁ δ᾽ οὐ προσίετο, καίπερ ἤδη
μαλασσόμενος: οἱ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀπέστησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡμέρας
δύο καὶ νύκτας οὕτω προσεστῶτες καὶ ὀλοφυρό-
μενοι καὶ κοίρανον ἀνακαλοῦντες ἐκαρτέρησαν.
τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ προελθὼν καὶ θεασάμενος οἰκτροὺς
καὶ τεταπεινωμένους ἐδάκρυε πολὺν χρόνον" εἶτα
μεμψάμενος μέτρια καὶ προσαγορεύσας φιλαν-
θρώπως ἀπέλυσε τοὺς ἀχρήστους δωρησάμενος
μεγαλοπρεπῶς, καὶ γράψας πρὸς ᾿Αντίπατρον
ὅπως ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἀγῶσι καὶ τοῖς θεάτροις προε-
δρίαν ἔχοντες ἐστεφανωμένοι καθέζοιντο. τῶν δὲ
τεθνηκότων τοὺς παῖδας ὀρφανοὺς ὄντας ἐμμί-
σθους ἐποίησεν.

1 The account of the quarrel between Alexander and the
Macedonians in Arrian (Anab. vii. 8-11) differs materially
from that of Plutarch.

422

a ae oe. ew |

ALEXANDER, Lxxl. 2-5

the men they were when he took them. Accordingly,
they bade him send them all away and hold all his
Macedonians of no account, since he had these
young war-dancers, with whom he could go on and
conquer the world.1_ At these words of theirs Alex-
ander was displeased, and heaped much abuse upon
them in his anger, and drove them away, and com-
mitted his watches to Persians, and out of these
constituted his body-guards and attendants. When
the Macedonians saw him escorted by these, while
they themselves were excluded from him and treated
with contumely, they were humbled; and when
they reasoned the matter out they found that they
had been almost mad with jealousy and rage. So
finally, after coming to their senses, they went to his
tent, without their arms and wearing their tunics
only, and with loud cries and lamentations put
themselves at his mercy, bidding him deal with
them as base and thankless men. But Alexander
would not see them, although his heart was softening.
And the men would not desist, but for two days and
nights persisted in standing thus before his door,
weeping and calling upon their master. So on the
third day he came forth, and when he saw their
piteous and humble plight, wept for some time;
then, after chiding them gently and speaking kindly
to them, he dismissed those who were past service
with magnificent gifts, and wrote to Antipater that
at all the public contests and in the theatres they
should have the foremost seats and wear garlands.
He also ordained that the orphan children of those
who had lost their lives in his service should receive
their father’s pay.?

8 Cf. Arrian, Anab, vii. 12.
423

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

« fol
ΤΙ ΧΧΤΙ. ‘Os δὲ ἧκεν εἰς ᾿Εκβάτανα τῆς Μηδίας
\ , 4 / 2 /
καὶ διῴκησε τὰ κατεπείγοντα, πάλιν ἣν ἐν θεά-
, a
τροις Kal πανηγύρεσιν, ἅτε δὴ τρισχιλίων αὐτῷ
an > \ a « ’ . 7 »
τεχνιτῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος ἀφιγμένων. ἔτυχε
΄ , « /
δὲ περὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας Hdatotiwy πυρέσ-
\ /
cov: ola δὲ νέος Kal στρατιωτικὸς οὐ φέρων
> -“ / iid “ Ν 3 \ fal
ἀκριβῆ δίαιταν, ἅμα τῷ Tov ἰατρὸν Τλαῦκον
a ,
ἀπελθεῖν εἰς τὸ θέατρον περὶ ἄριστον γενόμενος
\ \ > , ε \ \ aA
καὶ καταφαγὼν ἀλεκτρυόνα ἐφθὸν καὶ ψυκτῆρα
a \
μέγαν ἐκπιὼν olvov κακῶς ἔσχε καὶ μικρὸν δια-
λιπὼν ἀπέθανε. τοῦτο οὐδενὶ λογισμῷ τὸ πάθος
?
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἤνεγκεν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς μὲν ἵππους τε
κεῖραι πάντας ἐπὶ πένθει καὶ ἡμιόνους ἐκέλευσε
\ a / Υ͂ 2 tal \ > 4 Γ \
καὶ τῶν πέριξ πόλεων ἀφεῖλε Tas ἐπάλξεις, τὸν
Ν y > \ > 4 > \ \ ,
δὲ ἄθλιον ἰατρὸν ἀνεσταύρωσεν, αὐλοὺς δὲ κατέ-
παυσε καὶ μουσικὴν πᾶσαν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ
\ , “ > ” ΠῚ ,
πολὺν χρόνον, ἕως ἐξ Ἄμμωνος ἦλθε. μαντεία
- € / \ / ¢ loa - ,
τιμᾶν Ηφαιστίωνα καὶ θύειν ws ἥρωϊ παρακελεύ-
nr / a
ovoa. τοῦ δὲ πένθους παρηγορίᾳ τῷ πολέμῳ
lA “ Site / \ /
χρώμενος, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ θήραν καὶ κυνηγέσιον av-
’ὔ Seen \ Ν r 7 »
θρώπων ἐξῆλθε καὶ τὸ Koocatwy ἔθνος κατε-
, , ε = > ΄ a \
στρέφετο, πάντας ἡβηδὸν ἁποσφάττων. τοῦτο δὲ
ς ΄ > Ν > ἕω , \
Ηφαιστίωνος ἐναγισμὸς ἐκαλεῖτο. τύμβον δὲ
la) \ an
καὶ ταφὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ Tov περὶ ταῦτα κόσμον ἀπὸ
μυρίων ταλάντων ἐπιτελέσαι διανοούμενος, ὑπερ-
λέ θ δὲ “ x 7 \ nw nw
βαλέσθαι ὲ τῷ φιλοτέχνῳ καὶ περιττῷ τῆς
iol / > οἷ
κατασκευῆς τὴν δαπάνην, ἐπόθησε μάλιστα τῶν
τεχνιτῶν Στασικράτην, μεγαλουργίαν τινὰ καὶ
/ “
τόλμαν καὶ κόμπον ἐν ταῖς καινοτομίαις ἐπαγ-

424

ALEXANDER, -xxt. 1-3

LXXII. When he came to Ecbatana in Media and
had transacted the business that was urgent, he was
once more much occupied with theatres and festivals,
since three thousand artists had come to him from
Greece. But during this time it chanced that
Hephaestion had a fever; and since, young man and
soldier that he was, he could not submit to a strict
regimen, as soon as Glaucus, his physician, had gone
off to the theatre, he sat down to breakfast, ate a
boiled fowl, drank a huge cooler of wine, fell sick,
and in a little while died. Alexander's grief at this
loss knew no bounds.!_ He immediately ordered
that the manes and tails of all horses and mules
should be shorn in token of mourning; and took
away the battlements of the cities round about ; he
also crucified the wretched physician, and put a stop
to the sound of flutes and every kind of music in
the camp for a long time, until an oracular response
from Ammon came bidding him honour Hephaestion
as a hero and sacrifice to him. Moreover, making
war a solace for his grief, he went forth to hunt and
track down men, as it were, and overwhelmed the
nation of the Cossaeans, slaughtering them all from
the youth upwards. This was called an offering to
the shade of Hephaestion. Upon a tomb and obse-
quies for his friend, and upon their embellishments, he
purposed to expend ten thousand talents, and wished
that the ingenuity and novelty of the construction
should surpass the expense. He therefore longed
for Stasicrates above all other artists, because in
his innovations there was always promise of great

1 Arrian finds great diversity in the accounts of Alex-
ander’s displays of grief at Hephaestion’s death (Anab.
vii. 14),

425

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 γελλό ὗ ὰρ αὐτῷ πρότερον ἐντυχὰ
γελλόμενον. οὗτος γὰρ αὐτῷ πρότερον ἐντυχὼν
»” al > al Ἀ
ἔφη τῶν ὀρῶν μάλιστα τὸν Θράκιον Λθων διατύ-

> , ,

πωσιν ἀνδρείκελον δέχεσθαι καὶ διαμόρφωσιν'
ἂν οὖν κελεύῃ, μονιμώτατον ἀγαλμάτων αὐτῷ

Ν / 3 / \ ΝΜ lal
καὶ περιφανέστατον ἐξεργάσεσθαι τὸν Αθων, τῇ
μὲν ἀριστερᾷ χειρὶ περιλαμβάνοντα μυρίανδρον
πόλιν οἰκουμένην, τῇ δὲ δεξιᾷ σπένδοντα ποταμοῦ
ῥεῦμα δαψιλὲς εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπορρέοντος.
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν παρῃτήσατο, πολλῷ δὲ ἀτοπώτερα
καὶ δαπανηρότερα τούτων σοφιζόμενος τότε καὶ
συμμηχανώμενος τοῖς τεχνίταις διέτριβεν.

LXXIII. Els δὲ Βαβυλῶνα προάγοντος αὐτοῦ

/ ? , \ 5 > , > A
Νέαρχος (ἀφίκετο yap αὖθις εἰσπλεύσας εἰς τὸν
Εὐφράτην διὰ τῆς μεγάλης θαλάσσης) ἔφη τινὰς
ἐντυχεῖν αὐτῷ Χαλδαίους, παραινοῦντας ἀπέχε-
σθαι Βαβυλῶνος τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ὁ δὲ οὐκ
ΕῚ Ud > ᾽ b] / ἈΝ a ld
ἐφρόντισεν, GAN érropevero: καὶ πρὸς τοῖς τεί-
χεσι γενόμενος ὁρᾷ κόρακας πολλοὺς διαφερομέ-
νους καὶ τύπτοντας ἀλλήλους, ὧν ἔνιοι κατέπεσον

ῶ παρ᾽ αὐτόν. ἔπειτα μηνύσεως γενομένης κατὰ
᾿Απολλοδώρου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῆς Βαβυλῶνος ὡς

» Ν > a 4 - RE 4 , Ν

εἴη περὶ αὐτοῦ τεθυμένος, ἐκάλει Πυθαγόραν τὸν
μάντιν. οὐκ ἀρνουμένου δὲ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἠρώτησε
τῶν ἱερῶν τὸν τρόπον. φήσαντος δὲ ὅτι τὸ
ἧπαρ ἦν ἄλοβον, “Παπαί," εἶπεν, “ἰσχυρὸν τὸ

an ” \ νὴ , 5." 50}

σημεῖον" καὶ τὸν Πυθαγόραν οὐδὲν ἠδίκησεν.
ἤχθετο δὲ μὴ πεισθεὶς τῷ Νεάρχῳ, καὶ τὰ πολλὰ
τῆς Βαβυλῶνος ἔξω κατασκηνῶν καὶ περιπλέων

426

ALEXANDER, txxu. 4-Lxxit. 2

magnificence, boldness, and ostentation. This man,
indeed, had said to him at a former interview that
of all mountains the Thracian Athos could most
readily be given the form and shape of a man; if,
therefore, Alexander should so order, he would make
out of Mount Athos a most enduring and most con-
spicuous statue of the king, which in its left hand
should hold a city of ten thousand inhabitants, and
with its right should pour forth a river running with
generous current into the sea. This project, it is
true, Alexander had declined ; but now he was busy
devising and contriving with his artists projects far
more strange and expensive than this.

LXXIII. As he was on his way to enter Babylon,
Nearchus (who had joined him again after sailing
through the ocean into the Euphrates) told the
king that certain Chaldaeans had met him and
advised that Alexander should keep away from
Babylon.! Alexander paid no heed to this, but con-
tinued on his march; and when he was arrived at
the walls, he saw many ravens flying about and
clawing one another, and some of them fell dead
at his feet. Again, being informed that Apollodorus
the commandant of Babylon had sacrificed to learn
Alexander’s fate, Alexander called Pythagoras the
seer. Pythagoras did not deny the fact, whereupon
Alexander asked him what was the character of the
sacrifice, And when the seer told that the victim’s
liver had no lobe, “ Ah me!”’ said Alexander, “a
forcible omen!” and did Pythagoras no harm. He
was sorry, too, that he had not obeyed Nearchus,
and passed most of his time outside of Babylon, either

1 According to Arrian (Anab. vii. 16, 5), the Chaldaeans

besought Alexander in person to suspend his march to
Babylon. It was in the spring of 323 B.o.

427

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 tov Εὐφράτην διέτριβεν. ἠνώχλει δ᾽ αὐτὸν
σημεῖα πολλά. καὶ γὰρ λέοντα τῶν τρεφομένων
, / 4 v 5 \
μέγιστον Kal κάλλιστον ἥμερος ὄνος ἐπελθὼν
καὶ λακτίσας ἀνεῖλεν. ἀποδυσαμένου δὲ πρὸς
ἄλειμμα καὶ σφαῖραν αὐτοῦ παίζοντος οἱ νεανί-
σκοι οἱ σφαιρίζοντες, ὡς ἔδει πάλιν λαβεῖν τὰ
ἱμάτια, καθορῶσιν ἄνθρωπον ἐν τῷ θρόνῳ καθεζό
μ ’ ρ ρ ra ρ ra ασέεςο-

n \ 7 \ \ \ \
μενον σιωπῇ, TO διάδημα Kal THY στολὴν THY Ba-
4 σιλικὴν περικείμενον. οὗτος ἀνακρινόμενος ὅστις
" \ , Μ φ Ud \
εἴη, πολὺν χρόνον ἄναυδος ἦν" μόλις δὲ συμῴφρο-
/ , \ » -“ ,ὔ
νήσας Διονύσιος μὲν ἔφη καλεῖσθαι, Μεσσήνιος
δὲ εἶναι τὸ γένος" ἐκ δέ τινος αἰτίας καὶ κατη-
, > “ \ , \ / \
yopias ἐνταῦθα κομισθεὶς ἀπὸ θαλάσσης πολὺν
χρόνον γεγονέναι ἐν δεσμοῖς" ἄρτι δὲ αὐτῷ τὸν
Σάραπιν ἐπιστάντα τοὺς δεσμοὺς ἀνεῖναι καὶ
προαγαγεῖν δεῦρο, καὶ κελεῦσαι λαβόντα τὴν
Ν a
στολὴν Kal TO διάδημα καθίσαι Kal σιωπᾶν.
LXXIV. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος τὸν
\ » φ . e ΄ὔ 3 ΄
μὲν ἄνθρωπον, ὥσπερ ἐκέλευον οἱ μάντεις, ἠφά-
> \ \ > 4 \ 4 9 \ Ν
νίσεν: αὐτὸς δὲ ἠθύμει καὶ δύσελπις ἦν πρὸς τὸ
θεῖον ἤδη καὶ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ὕποπτος. μά-
Nota δὲ ᾿Αντίπατρον ἐφοβεῖτο καὶ τοὺς παῖδας,
- 7) \ > , ns ε \ , .
ὧν ᾿Ιόλας μὲν ἀρχιοινοχόος ἣν, ὁ δὲ Κάσανδρος
3 al : \ , / \ ΄
ἀφῖκτο μὲν νεωστί, θεασάμενος δὲ βαρβάρους
τινὰς προσκυνοῦντας, ἅτε δὴ τεθραμμένος “EX-
ληνικῶς καὶ τοιοῦτο πρότερον μηδὲν ἑωρακώς,
2 ἐγέλασε προπετέστερον. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὠργί-
σθη, καὶ δραξάμενος αὐτοῦ τῶν τριχῶν σφόδρα
428

ALEXANDER, cxxi. 3-Lxxiv. 2

living in his tent, or sailing about on the Euphrates.
And he was troubled by many omens. For instance,
the largest and handsomest lion in his menagerie
was attacked by a tame ass and kicked to death.
Again, he once took off his clothes for exercise
and was playing at ball, and when it was time to
dress again, the young men who were playing with
him beheld a man seated on the king’s throne,
in silence, wearing the royal diadem and robes.
When the man was asked who he was, he was
speechless for a long time; but at last he came to
his senses and said that his name was Dionysius, and
that he was a native of Messenia; in consequence
of some charge brought against him, he said, he
had been brought thither from the sea-board, and
for a long time had been in chains; but just now
the god Serapis had come to him and loosed his
chains and brought him to this spot, bidding him
put on the robe and diadem and sit on the throne
and hold his peace.

LXXIV. On hearing of this, Alexander put the
man out of the way, as the seers directed; but he
began to be low-spirited, and was distrustful now
of the favour of Heaven and suspicious of his
friends. He was particularly afraid of Antipater
and of his sons, one of whom, lolas, was his chief
cupbearer; the other, Cassander, had only recently
come to Babylon, and when he saw some Barbarians
doing obeisance to Alexander, since he had been
reared as a Greek and had never seen such a sight
as this before, he laughed boisterously.. But Alex-
ander was enraged, and clutching him fiercely by

1 Other predictions of Alexander’s death are given in
Arrian (Anab. vii. 18, 22, and 24).

429

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a A
ταῖς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις ἔπαισε THY κεφαλὴν πρὸς
a \ a
τὸν τοῖχον. αὖθις δὲ πρὸς τοὺς κατηγοροῦντας
᾿Αντεπάτρου λέγειν τε βουλόμενον τὸν Κάσανδρον
; ; “Ds 7 7 » “ , ἐδ
ἐκκρούων, tb λέγεις; ἔφη, “τοσαύτην οδὸν
ἀνθρώπους μηδὲν ἀδικουμένους, ἀλλὰ ge 4
τοῦντας ἐλθεῖν; φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Κασάνδρου
τοῦτο αὐτὸ σημεῖον εἶναι τοῦ συκοφαντεῖν, ὅτι
“ na 7 Ε] ree
μακρὰν ἥκουσι τῶν ἐλέγχων, ἀναγελάσας ὁ ᾿Αλέ-
fal “ / lal
Eavdpos, “Ταῦτα ἐκεῖνα," ἔφη, “ σοφίσματα τῶν

U /
᾿Αριστοτέλους eis ἑκάτερον τὸν λόγον: οἰμωξομέ-.

νων, ἂν καὶ μικρὸν ἀδικοῦντες τοὺς ἀνθρώπους
φανῆτε." τὸ δὲ ὅλον οὕτω φασὶ δεινὸν ἐνδῦναι
καὶ δευσοποιὸν ἐγγενέσθαι τῇ ψυχῇ τοῦ Kacav-
δρου τὸ δέος, ὥστε ὕστερον χρόνοις πολλοῖς, ἤδη
Μακεδόνων βασιλεύοντα μάν pico τῆς “EX-
λάδος, ἐν Δελφοῖς περιπατοῦντα καὶ θεώμενον
τοὺς ἀνδριάντας, εἰκόνος ᾿Αλεξάνδρου φανείσης,
ἄφνω πληγέντα φρῖξαι καὶ κραδανθῆναι τὸ σῶμα
καὶ μόλις ἀναλαβεῖν ἑαυτόν, ἰλιγγιάσαντα πρὸς
τὴν ὄψιν.

LXXV. Ὁ & οὖν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὡς ἐνέδωκε τότε
πρὸς τὰ θεῖα ταραχώδης γενόμενος καὶ περίφοβος
τὴν διάνοιαν, οὐδὲν ἣν μικρὸν οὕτως τῶν ἀήθων
καὶ ἀτόπων ὃ μὴ τέρας ἐποιεῖτο καὶ σημεῖον"
ἀλλὰ θυομένων καὶ καθαιρόντων καὶ μαντευόν-
των μεστὸν ἣν τὸ βασίλειον. οὕτως ἄρα δεινὸν
μὲν ἡ ἀπιστία πρὸς τὰ θεῖα καὶ καταφρόνησις
αὐτῶν, δεινὴ δὲ αὖθις ἡ δεισιδαιμονία, ἥ,2 δίκην

ὕδατος ἀεὶ πρὸς τὸ ταπεινούμενον καταρρέοντος,"

1 οἰμωξομένων Sint. with the best MSS.; οἰμωξομένου γε
Coraés ; οἰμώξῃ μὲν οὖν Bekker.
* ἥ, karappéovtos supplied by Bekker, after Coraés.

430

70°

ALEXANDER, ὑχχιν. 2-Lxxv. 2

the hair with both hands dashed his head against
the wall. And at another time, when Cassander
would have said something in opposition to those
who were bringing charges against Antipater, Alex-
ander interrupted him, saying: “What meanest
thou? Would men come so long a journey if they
had not been wronged and were making false
charges?”? And when Cassander declared that this
very fact of their coming a long distance away from
the proofs showed that they were making false
charges, Alexander burst out laughing and said:
“ These are the famous sophisms of Aristotle’s dis-
ciples for either side of the question ; but ye shall rue
the day if it appear that ye have done these men
even a slight wrong.” And in general, as we are told,
Cassander’s spirit was deeply penetrated and imbued
with a dreadful fear of Alexander, so that many
years afterwards, when he was now king of Mace-
donia and master of Greece, as he was walking
about and surveying the statues at Delphi, the sight
of an image of Alexander smote him suddenly with
a shuddering and trembling from which he could
scarcely recover, and made his head swim.

LXXV. Alexander, then, since he had now become
sensitive to indications of the divine will and per-
turbed and apprehensive in his. mind, converted
every unusual and strange occurrence, were it never
so insignificant, into a prodigy and portent; and
sacrificers, purifiers, and diviners filled his palace.
So, you see, while it is a dire thing to be incredulous
towards indications of the divine will and to have con-
tempt for them, superstition is likewise a dire thing,
which, after the manner of water ever seeking the

431

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Ν 3 4
ἀνεπλήρουϊ ἀβελτερίας κατάφοβον" τὸν ᾿Αλέ-
᾽ \ a“
Eavdpov γενόμενον. ov μὴν ἀλλὰ Kal χρησμῶν
a lal la
ye τῶν περὶ «Ἡφαιστίωνος ἐκ θεοῦ κομισθέντων
> / \ 4 φ δ 3 ’ \
ἀποθέμενος τὸ πένθος αὖθις ἣν ἐν θυσίαις καὶ
rn \ /
πότοις. ἑστιάσας δὲ λαμπρῶς τοὺς περὶ Νέ-
΄ /
apxov, εἶτα λουσάμενος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει μέλλων
καθεύδειν, Μηδίου δεηθέντος χετο κωμασόμενος
a lol ,
πρὸς αὐτόν: κἀκεῖ πιὼν ὅλην τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέ-
ΕΣ / ” / - /
ραν ἤρξατο πυρέττειν, οὔτε σκύφον Ἡρακλέους
, Ἁ 4
ἐκπιὼν οὔτε ἄφνω διαλγὴς γενόμενος τὸ μετά-
, \ r /
φρενον ὥσπερ λόγχῃ πεπληγώς, ἀλλὰ ταῦτά
Ε - ΄ ΄
τίνες ῴοντο δεῖν γράφειν ὥσπερ δράματος μεγά-
λου τραγικὸν ἐξόδιον καὶ περιπαθὲς πλάσαντες.
Ε] / / > \ /
Ἀριστόβουλος δέ φησιν αὐτὸν πυρέττοντα μανι-
n , \ , nr 3 ΕῚ 7,
κῶς, διψήσαντα δὲ σφόδρα πιεῖν οἶνον" ἐκ τούτου
δὲ φρενιτιᾶσαι, καὶ τελευτῆσαι τριακάδι Δαισίου
,
μηνός.
, rn
LXXVI. Ἔν δὲ ταῖς ἐφημερίσιν οὕτως yéypa-
πται τὰ περὶ τὴν νόσον. ὀγδόῃ ἐπὶ δεκάτῃ
Δαισίου μηνὸς ἐκάθευδεν ἐν τῷ λουτρῶνι διὰ τὸ
ες n a ν
πυρέξαι. τῇ δὲ ἑξῆς λουσάμενος εἰς τὸν θάλαμον
a \ , \ , ἢ feed
μετῆλθε, καὶ διημέρευε πρὸς Μήδιον κυβεύων.
et ee, \ , \ on \ a a >
εἶτ᾽ ὀψὲ λουσάμενος καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τοῖς θεοῖς ἐπι-
\ a
Geis ἐμφαγὼν διὰ νυκτὸς ἐπύρεξε. τῇ εἰκάδι
λουσάμενος πάλιν ἔθυσε τὴν εἰθισμένην θυσίαν"
\ / a al “
καὶ κατακείμενος ἐν τῷ λουτρῶνι τοῖς περὶ Νέαρ-
1 ἀνεπλήρου Coraés’ correction of the MSS. καὶ ἀναπληροῦν,

adopted by Bekker.

2 κατάφοβον Coraés’ correction of the MSS. καὶ φόβου,
adopted by Bekker.

432

ALEXANDER, Lxxv, 2- ἸΧΧΥΙ. 2

lower levels, filled with folly the Alexander who was
now become a prey to his féars-—Notwitlistanding,
in consequence of oracular responses regarding
Hephaestion which were brought him, he laid aside
his grief and betook himself once more to sacrifices
and drinking-bouts. He gave a splendid entertain-
ment to Nearchus, and then, although he had taken
his customary bath before going to bed, at the
request of Medius he went to hold high revel with
him ;! and here, after drinking all the next day, he
began to have a fever. This did not come upon
him after he had quaffed a “ bowl of Heracles,” nor
after he had been seized with a sudden pain in the
back as though smitten with a spear; these par-
ticulars certain writers felt obliged to give, and so,
as it were, invented in tragic fashion a moving finale
for a great action. But Aristobulus says that he
had a raging fever, and that when he got very
thirsty he drank wine, wheréupon he-beeame de-

“Tirious, and died on-the thirtieth-day.of the month
Daesius.

LXXVI. Moreover, in the court “ Journals” there
are recorded the following particulars regarding his
sickness.? On the eighteenth of the month Daesius
he slept in the bathing-room because he had a fever.
On the following day, after his bath, he removed
into his bed-chamber, and spent the day at dice
with Medius. Then, when it was late, he took a
bath, performed his sacrifices to the gods, ate a
little, and had a fever through the night. On the
twentieth, after bathing again, he performed his
customary sacrifice; and lying in the bathing-room

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. vii. 25.

2 They are given also by Arrian (Anab. vii. 25).
8. June 2, 223 B.o.

433

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

yov ἐσχόλαζεν, ἀκροώμενος τὰ περὶ τὸν πλοῦν
καὶ τὴν μεγάλην θάλατταν. τῇ δεκάτῃ φθίνον-
τος ταὐτὰ ποιήσας μᾶλλον ἀνεφλέχθη, καὶ τὴν
νύκτα βαρέως ἔσχε, καὶ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν
ἐπύρεττε σφόδρα. καὶ μεταρθεὶς κατέκειτο παρὰ

\ 4 / 7 4 nw e ,

τὴν μεγάλην κολυμβήθραν, ὅτε δὴ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι
rt , 7
διελέχθη περὶ τῶν ἐρήμων ἡγεμονίας τάξεων,
΄

ὅπως καταστήσωσι δοκιμάσαντες. ἑβδόμῃ σφό-
Spa πυρέττων ἔθυσεν ἐξαρθεὶς πρὸς τὰ ἱερά" τῶν
δὲ ἡγεμόνων ἐκέλευε τοὺς μεγίστους διατρίβειν ἐν
τῇ αὐλῇ, ταξιάρχους δὲ καὶ πεντακοσιάρχους ἔξω
νυκτερεύειν. εἰς δὲ τὰ πέραν βασίλεια διακομι-
σθεὶς τῇ ἕκτῃ μικρὸν ὕπνωσεν, ὁ δὲ πυρετὸς οὐκ
ἀνῆκεν. ἐπελθόντων δὲ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἦν ἄφω-
vos, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὴν πέμπτην διὸ καὶ τοῖς
Μακεδόσιν ἔδοξε τεθνάναι, καὶ κατεβόων ἐλθόντες
ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας, καὶ διηπειλοῦντο τοῖς ἑταίροις ἕως
ἐβιάσαντο" καὶ τῶν θυρῶν αὐτοῖς ἀνοιχθεισῶν ἐν
τοῖς χιτῶσι καθ᾽ ἕνα πάντες παρὰ τὴν κλίνην

“ / \ n [2 ͵7ὔ [ὦ \ ’
παρεξῆλθον. ταύτης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας οἱ περὶ Πύ-
θωνα καὶ Σέλευκον εἰς τὸ Σαραπεῖον ἀποσταλ-
7] >] ’ » , >. “ \ > ,
έντες ἠρώτων εἰ κομίσωσιν ἐκεῖ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον"
e \ Ν \ / 5“ > ~ wn A ,
ὁ δὲ θεὸς κατὰ χώραν ἐᾶν ἀνεῖλε. τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ
φθίνοντος πρὸς δείλην ἀπέθανε.

LXXVIL. Τούτων τὰ πλεῖστα κατὰ λέξιν ἐν
ταῖς ἐφημερίσιν οὕτω γέγραπται. φαρμακείας
δὲ ὑποψίαν παραυτίκα μὲν οὐδεὶς ἔσχεν, ἕκτῳ δὲ 70"
434

ALEXANDER, txxvi. 2-Lxxvu. 1

he devoted himself to Nearchus, listening to his
story of his voyage and of the great sea. The
twenty-first he spent in the same way and was still
more inflamed, and during the night he was in a
grievous plight, and all the following day his fever
was very high. So he had his bed removed and lay
by the side of the great bath, where he conversed
with his officers about the vacant posts in the army,
and how they might be filled with experienced men.
On the twenty-fourth his fever was violent and he
had to be carried forth to perform his sacrifices ;
moreover, he ordered his principal officers to tarry
in the court of the palace, and the commanders ot
divisions and companies to spend the night outside.
He was carried to the palace on the other side ot
the river on the twenty-fifth, and got a little sleep,
but his fever did not abate. And when his com-
manders came to his bedside, he was speechless, as
he was also on the twenty-sixth; therefore the
Macedonians made up their minds that he was dead,
and came with loud shouts to the doors of the
palace, and threatened his companions until all
opposition was broken down; and when the doors
had been thrown open to them, without cloak or
armour, one by one, they all filed slowly past his
couch. During this day, too, Python and Seleucus
were sent to the temple of Serapis to enquire
whether they should bring Alexander thither; and
the god gave answer that they should leave him
where he was. And on the twenty-eighth,! towards
evening, he died.

LXXVII. Most of this account is word for word
as written in the “ Journals.”’~And as for suspicions
of poisoning, no one had any immediately, but five

" τος Ὁ June 18, 829 3.0. 435

‘
PLEUTARCH’S LIVES

ἔτει φασὶ “μηνύσεως γενομένης τὴν ᾿Ολυμπιάδα
πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνελεῖν, ἐκρῖψαι δὲ τὰ λείψανα τοῦ
Ἰόλα τεθνηκότος, ὡς τούτου τὸ φάρμακον eyXE-
avtos. οἱ δὲ ᾿Αριστοτέλην φάσκοντες ᾿Αντιπά-
τρῷ σύμβουλον γεγενῆσθαι τῆς πράξεως, καὶ
ὅλως δι᾽ ἐκείνου πορισθῆναι τὸ φάρμακον, “Αγνό-
θεμίν τινα διηγεῖσθαι λέγουσιν ὡς ᾿Αντιγόνου
τοῦ βασιλέως ἀκούσαντα" τὸ δὲ φάρμακον ὕδωρ
εἶναι wu ρὸν καὶ παγετῶδες ἀ ἀπὸ πέτρας τινὸς ἐν
Novdpids οὔσης, ἣν ὥσπερ δρόσον λεπτὴν ἀνα-
λαμβάνοντες εἰς ὄνου χηλὴν ἀποτίθενται: τῶν
γὰρ ἄλλων οὐδὲν ἀγγεῖον στέγειν, ἀλλὰ διακό-
Trew ὑπὸ Ψυχρότητος καὶ δριμύτητος. οἱ δὲ
πλεῖστοι τὸν λόγον ὅλως οἴονται πεπλάσθαι τὸν
περὶ τῆς φαρμακείας" καὶ τεκμήριον αὐτοῖς ἐστιν
οὐ μικρὸν ὅτι τῶν ἡγεμόνων στασιασάντων ἐφ᾽
ἡμέρας πολλὰς ἀθεράπευτον τὸ σῶμα κείμενον
ἐν τόποις θερμοῖς καὶ πνυγώδεσιν οὐδὲν ἔσχε
τοιαύτης φθορᾶς σημεῖον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔμεινε καθαρὸν.
καὶ πρόσφατον.

Ἢ δὲ Ῥωξάνη κύουσα μὲν ἐτύγχανε καὶ διὰ
τοῦτο τιμωμένη παρὰ τοῖς Μακεδόσι" δυσξήλως
δὲ ἔχουσα πρὸς τὴν Στάτειραν ἐξηπάτησεν αὐτὴν
ἐπιστολῇ τινι πεπλασμένῃ παραγενέσθαι, καὶ
προσαγαγοῦσα μετὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ
τοὺς νεκροὺς εἰς τὸ φρέαρ κατέβαλε καὶ συνέ-
VW EV, εἰδότος ταῦτα Περδίκκου καὶ συμπράτ-
TOVTOS. ἦν γὰρ « ἐκεῖνος εὐθὺς ἐν δυνάμει μεγίστῃ,
τὸν ᾿Αρριδαῖον ὥ ὥσπερ δορυφόρημα τῆς βασιλείας
ἐφελκόμενος, γεγονότα μὲν ἐκ γυναικὸς ἀδόξου
καὶ κοινῆς Φιλίννης, ἀτελῆ δὲ τὸ φρονεῖν ὄντα

436

ALEXANDER, -txxvil. 1-5

years afterwards, as we are told, upon information
given, Olympias put many men to death, and scat-
tered abroad the ashes of [olas, alleging that he had
administered the poison. But those who affirm that
_..Aristotle counselled Antipater to do the deed,! and
_that it was entirely through his agency that the poison
was provided, mention one Hagnothemis as their au-
~thority, who professed to have heard the story from
~Antigonus the king; and the poison was water, icy
_cold,; from a certain cliff-in Nonacris; this_ they
gathered up like a delicate dew and stored it in an
ass’s hoof ; for no other vessel.would hold the water,
but would all be eaten through by it, owing to its
coldness and pungency. Most writers, however,
think that the story of the poisoning is altogether a
~fabrication; and it is no slight evidence in their
favour that during the dissensions of Alexander’s
commanders, which lasted many days, his body, al-
though it lay without special care in places that
were moist and stifling, showed no sign of such a
destructive influence, but remained pure and fresh.
Now, Roxana was with child, and on this account
was held in honour among the Macedonians; but
she was jealous of Stateira, and therefore deceived
her by a forged letter into coming where she was,
and when she had got her there, slew her, together
with her sister, threw their bodies into the well, and
filled the well with earth, Perdiccas being privy to
the deed and partner in it. For it was he who was
at once in the greatest authority, dragging Ar-
rhidaeus around after him to safe-guard, as it were,
the royal power. Arrhidaeus was Philip’s son by
an obscure and common woman named Philinna, and

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. vii. 28.
VOL, VII. p 437

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

διὰ σώματος νόσον od φύσει προσπεσοῦσαν οὐδὲ
αὐτομάτως, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ φασὶ παιδὸς ὄντος

> a , / Φ > > ,
αὐτοῦ διαφαίνεσθαι χάριεν ἦθος καὶ οὐκ ἀγεννές,
εἶτα μέντοι φαρμάκοις ὑπὸ ᾿Ολυμπιάδος κακω-
θέντα διαφθαρῆναι τὴν διάνοιαν.

438

ΕΝ μμνι μμ.......». 0. -

ALEXANDER, txxvu. 5

was deficient in intellect owing to bodily disease.
This, however, did not come upon him in the course
of nature or of its own accord, indeed, it is said that
as a boy he displayed an exceedingly gifted and
noble disposition: but afterwards Olympias gave
him drugs which injured his body and ruined his
mind,

439

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I. KAIZAP

I. Τὴν Κίννα τοῦ povapyncavtos θυγατέρα
Κορνηλίαν, ὡς ἐπεκράτησε Σύλλας, οὔτε ἐλπίσιν
οὔτε φόβῳ δυνηθεὶς ἀποσπάσαι Καίσαρος, ἐδή-
μευσε τὴν φερνὴν αὐτῆς. αἰτία δὲ Καίσαρι τῆς
πρὸς Σύλλαν ἀπεχθείας ἡ πρὸς Μάριον οἰκειότης

ν. ᾿ἸἸουλίᾳ γάρ, πατρὸς ἀδελφῇ Καίσαρος, ὁ
πρεσβύτερος συνῴκει Μάριος, ἐξ ἧς ἐγεγόνει
Μάριος ὁ νεώτερος, ἀνεψιὸς ὧν Καίσαρος. ὡς δὲ
ὑπὸ πλήθους φόνων ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ δι’ ἀσχολίας
ὑπὸ Σύλλα παρορώμενος οὐκ ἠγάπησεν, ἀλλὰ
μετιὼν ἱερωσύνην. εἰς τὸν δῆμον προῆλθεν οὔπω
πάνυ μειράκιον ὦν, ταύτης μὲν ἐκπεσεῖν αὐτὸν
ὑπεναντιωθεὶς Σύλλας παρεσκεύασε, περὶ δὲ ἀναι-
ρέσεως βουλευόμενος, ἐνίων λεγόντων ὡς οὐκ
ἔχοι λόγον ἀποκτιννύναι παῖδα τηλικοῦτον, οὐκ
ἔφη νοῦν ἔχειν αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ πολλοὺς ἐν τῷ παιδὶ
τούτῳ Μαρίους ἐνορῶσι. ταύτης τῆς φωνῆς ἀνε-
νεχθείσης πρὸς Καίσαρα συχνὸν μέν τινα χρόνον
πλανώμενος ἐν Σαβίνοις ἔκλεπτεν ἑαυτόν: ἔπειτα
δι’ ἀρρωστίαν εἰς οἰκίαν ἑτέραν μετακομιζόμενος
κατὰ νύκτα περιπίπτει στρατιώταις τοῦ Σύλλα

1 Many think that opening paragraphs of this Life, de-
scribing the birth and boyhood of Caesar, have been lost.

2 In 86 B.c., after the death of his colleague, Valerius
Flaccus.

442

CAESAR

I. Tue wife of Caesar } was Cornelia, the daughter
of the Cinna who had once held the sole power at
Rome,? and when Sulla became master of affairs,? he
could not, either by promises or threats, induce
Caesar to put her away, and therefore confiscated
her dowry. Now, the reason for Caesar’s hatred
of Sulla was Caesar’s relationship to Marius. For
Julia, a sister of Caesar’s father, was the wife of
Marius the Elder, and the mother of Marius the
Younger, who was therefore Caesar’s cousin. More-
over, Caesar was not satisfied to be overlooked at
first by Sulla, who was busy with a multitude of
proscriptions, but he came before the people as candi-
date for a priesthood, although he was not yet much
more than a stripling. To this candidacy Sulla
secretly opposed himself, and took measures to make
Caesar fail in it, and when he was deliberating about
putting him to death and some said there was no
reason for killing a mere boy like him, he declared
that they had no sense if they did not see in this
boy many Mariuses.* When this speech was re-
ported to Caesar, he hid himself for some time,
wandering about in the country of the Sabines.
Then, as he was changing his abode by night on ac-
count of sickness, he fell in with soldiers of Sulla who

3 In 82B.0. Cf. the Pompey, ix. 1 f.

4 Nam Caesari multos Marios inesse (Suetonius, Divus
Julius, i.).

443

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--
ΕΞ

νἀ ἐμ, om are νὰ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

διερευνωμένοις ἐκεῖνα τὰ χωρία καὶ τοὺς κεκρυμ-
μένους συλλαμβάνουσιν. ὧν τὸν ἡγεμόνα Κορνή-
Nov πείσας δυσὶ ταλάντοις ἀφείθη, καὶ καταβὰς
εὐθὺς ἐπὶ θάλατταν ἐξέπλευσεν εἰς Βιθυνίαν ᾿
πρὸς Νικομήδην τὸν βασιλέα. παρ᾽ ᾧ διατρίψας 10.
χρόνον οὐ πολύν, εἶτα ἀποπλέων ἁλίσκεται περὶ ᾿:
τὴν Φαρμακοῦσσαν νῆσον ὑπὸ πειρατῶν ἤδη τότε ͵
στόλοις μεγάλοις καὶ σκάφεσιν ἀπλέτοις κατε- i:
χόντων τὴν θάλατταν. ͵
11. Πρῶτον μὲν οὖν αἰτηθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν λύτρα
εἴκοσι τάλαντα κατεγέλασεν ὡς οὐκ εἰδότων ὃν ὁ
ἡρήκοιεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ὡμολόγησε πεντήκοντα δώσειν
ἔπειτα τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἄλλον εἰς ἄλλην διαπέμ-
ψας πόλιν ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν χρημάτων πορισμόν, ἐν
ἀνθρώποις φονικωτάτοις Κίλιξι μεθ᾽ ἑνὸς φίλου.
καὶ: δυοῖν ἀκολούθοιν “ἀπολελειμμένος οὕτω κατα-
φρονητικῶς εἶχεν ὥστε πέμπων ὁσάκις ἀνα-
παύοιτο προσέταττε ν αὐτοῖς σιωπᾶν. ἡμέραις
δὲ τεσσαράκοντα δυεῖν δεούσαις, ὥ ὥσπερ οὐ φρου-
ρούμενος, ἀλλὰ δορυφορούμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, ἐπὶ
πολλῆς ἀδείας συνέπαιζε καὶ συνεγυμνάζετο. καὶ
ποιήματα γράφων καὶ λόγους τινὰς ἀκροαταῖς
ἐκείνοις ἐχρῆτο, καὶ τοὺς μὴ θαυμάζοντας ἄντι-
κρυς ἀπαιδεύτους καὶ βαρβάρους ἀπεκάλει, καὶ
σὺν γέλωτι πολλάκις ἠπείλησε κρεμᾶν αὐτούς.
οἱ δὲ ἔ ἔχαιρον, ἀφελείᾳ τινὶ καὶ παιδιᾷ τὴν παρ-
ρησίαν ταύτην νέμοντες. ὡς δὲ ἧκον ἐκ Μιλήτου
τὰ λύτρα καὶ δοὺς ἀφείθη, πλοῖα πληρώσας
εὐθὺς ἐκ τοῦ Μιλησίων λιμένος ἐπὶ τοὺς λῃστὰς

1 Caesar served under Marcus Thermus, praetor of Asia,
in 81-80 3.c., being then nineteen years of age, and by him

444

CAESAR, 1. 3-1. 3

were searching those regions and arresting the men in
hiding there. Caesar gave their leader, Cornelius, two
talents to set him free, and at once went down to the
sea and sailed to King Nicomedes in Bithynia.! With
him he tarried a short time, and then, on his voyage
back,” was captured, near the island Pharmacusa, by
pirates, who already at that time controlled the sea
with large armaments and countless small vessels.
II. To begin with, then, when the pirates de-
manded twenty talents for his ransom, he laughed
at them for not knowing who their captive was, and
of his own accord agreed to give them fifty. In the
next place, after he had sent various followers to
various cities to procure the money and was left
with one friend and two attendants among Cilicians,
most murderous of men, he held them in such dis-
dain that whenever he lay down to sleep he would
send and order them to stop talking. For eight
and thirty days, as if the men were not his watchers,
but his royal body-guard, he shared in their sports
and exercises with great unconcern. He also wrote
poems and sundry speeches which he read aloud
to them, and those who did not admire these he
would call to their faces illiterate Barbarians, and
often laughingly threatened to hang them all. The
pirates were delighted at this, and attributed his
boldness of speech to a certain simplicity and boyish
mirth. But after his ransom had come from Miletus
and he had paid it and was set free, he immediately
manned vessels and put to sea from the harbour

was sent to Bithynia in order to raise a fleet to assist in the
siege of Mitylene.

2 According to Suetonius (Div. Jul. 4), it was ona voyage
from Rome to Rhodes (after 77 B.c.) that Caesar was cap-
tured by pirates.

445

νῷ»

τῷ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀνήγετο" Kal καταλαβὼν ἔτι πρὸς τῇ νήσῳ ναυ-
λοχοῦντας ἐκράτησε τῶν πλείστων. καὶ τὰ μὲν
χρήματα λείαν ἐποιήσατο, τοὺς δὲ ἄνδρας ἐν
Περγάμῳ καταθέμενος εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον αὐτὸς
ἐπορεύθη πρὸς τὸν διέποντα τὴν ᾿Ασίαν Ἰούνιον,"
ὡς ἐκείνῳ προσῆκον ὄντι στρατηγῷ κολάσαι τοὺς
ἑαλωκότας. ἐκείνου. δὲ καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν. ἐπο-
φθαλμιῶντος (ἣν γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγα) καὶ περὶ τῶν
αἰχμαλώτων σκέψεσθαι φάσκοντος ἐπὶ σχολῆς,
χαίρειν ἐάσας αὐτὸν ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς Πέργαμον
ῴχετο, eal προαγαγὼν τοὺς λῃστὰς ἅπαντας
ἀνεσταύρωσεν, ὥσπερ αὐτοῖς δοκῶν παίζειν ἐν τῇ
νήσῳ προειρήκει π πολλάκις.

IIT. Ex δὲ τούτου τῆς Σύλλα δυνάμεως ἤδη
μαραινομένης καὶ τῶν οἴκοι καλούντων αὐτὸν
ἔπλευσεν εἰς Ῥόδον ἐπὶ σχολὴν πρὸς ᾿Απολλώ-
νιον τὸν τοῦ Μόλωνος, οὗ καὶ Κικέρων ἢ ἠκρόατο,
σοφιστεύοντος ἐπιφανῶς καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐπίει-
κοῦς εἶναι δοκοῦντος. λέγεται δὲ καὶ φῦναι πρὸς
λόγους πολιτικοὺς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἄριστα, καὶ δια-
πονῆσαι φιλοτιμότατα τὴν φύσιν, ὡς τὰ δευτερεῖα
μὲν ἀδηρίτως ἔχειν, τὸ δὲ πρωτεῖον, ὅπως τῇ
δυνάμει καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις πρῶτος εἴη μᾶλλον
ἀσχοληθείς, ἀφεῖναι, πρὸς ὅπερ ἡ φύσις ὑφηγεῖτο
τῆς ἐν τῷ λέγειν δεινότητος, ὑπὸ στρατειῶν κα
πολιτείας, ἡ κατεκτήσατο τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, οὐκ
ἐξικόμενος. αὐτὸς δ᾽ οὖν ὕστερον ἐν τῇ πρὸς
Κικέρωνα περὶ Κάτωνος ἀντιγραφῇ παραιτεῖται
μὴ στρατιωτικοῦ λόγον ἀνδρὸς ἀντεξετάζειν πρὸς

1 Ἴουγκον Sintenis.

1 According to Suetonius (Div. Jul. 4), this voyage, on
which he was captured by pirates, was undertaken after his

446

CAESAR, π΄. 3-11. 2

ot Miletus against the robbers. He caught them,
too, still lying at anchor off the island, and got most
of them into his power. Their money he made his
booty, but the men themselves he lodged in the
prison at Pergamum, and then went in person to
᾿ς Junius, the governor of Asia, on the ground that
it belonged to him, as praetor of the province, to
punish the captives. But since the praetor cast
longing eyes on their money, which was no small
sum, and kept saying that he would consider the
case of the captives at his leisure, Caesar left him
to his own devices, went to Pergamum, took the
robbers out of prison, and crucified them all, just
as he had often warned them on the island that he
would do, when they thought he was joking.

III. After this, Sulla’s power being now on the
wane, and Caesar’s friends at home inviting him to
return, Caesar sailed to Rhodes! to study under Apol-
lonius the son of Molon, an illustrious rhetorician with
the reputation of a worthy character, of whom Cicero
also was a pupil. It is said, too, that Caesar had
the greatest natural talent for political oratory, and
cultivated his talent most ambitiously, so that he
had an undisputed second rank; the first rank, how-
ever, he renounced, because he devoted his efforts to
being first as a statesman and commander rather,
and did not achieve that effectiveness in oratory to
which his natural talent directed him, in consequence
of his campaigns and of his political activities, by
means of which he acquired the supremacy. And so
it was that, at a later time, in his reply to Cicero’s
Cato,’ he himself deprecated comparison between
the diction of a soldier and the eloquence of an

unsuccessful prosecution of Dolabella, mentioned in the next
chapter. See the note oni. 4,
447

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δεινότητα ῥήτορος εὐφυοῦς καὶ σχολὴν ἐπὶ τοῦτο
πολλὴν ἄγοντος. #5
IV. ᾿Επανελθὼν δ᾽ εἰς Ῥώμην Δολοβέλλαν
ἔκρινε κακώσεως ἐπαρχίας, καὶ πολλαὶ τῶν ἀπὸ
τῆς Ἑλλάδος πόλεων μαρτυρίας αὐτῷ παρέσχον.
ὁ μὲν οὖν Δολοβέλλας ἀπέφυγε τὴν δίκην, ὁ δὲ
Καῖσαρ ἀμειβόμενος τὴν “Ἑλλάδα τῆς προθυμίας
συνηγόρευσεν αὐτῇ Πόπλιον ᾿Αντώνιον διωκούσῃ
δωροδοκίας ἐπὶ Λευκούλλου τοῦ Μάρκου Μακε-
δονίας στρατηγοῦ. καὶ τοσοῦτον ἴσ υσεν ὥστε
τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐπικαλέσασθαι τοὺς μάρχους,
σκηψάμενον οὐκ ἔχειν τὸ ἴσον ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι
πρὸς “Ἕλληνας. ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ πολλὴ μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ
λόγῳ περὶ τὰς συνηγορίας αὐτοῦ χάρις ἐξέλαμπε,
πολλὴ δὲ τῆς περὶ τὰς δεξιώσεις καὶ ὁμιλίας
φιλοφροσύνης εὔνοια παρὰ τῶν δημοτῶν ἀπήντα,
θεραπευτικοῦ παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν ὄντος. ἣν δέ τις καὶ
ἀπὸ δείπνων καὶ τραπέζης καὶ ὅλως τῆς περὶ τὴν
δίαιταν λαμπρότητος αὐξανομένη κατὰ μικρὸν
αὐτῷ δύναμις εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν. ἣν τὸ πρῶτον
οἱ φθονοῦντες οἰόμενοι ταχὺ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων
ἐπιλιπόντων ἐξίτηλον ἔσεσθαι, περιεώρων ἀνθοῦ-
σαν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς" ὀψὲ δὲ ἤσθοντο, μεγάλης
καὶ δυσανατρέπτου͵ γενομένης καὶ βαδιξούσης
ἄντικρυς ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὅλων μεταβολήν, ὡς οὐδε-
μίαν ἀρχὴν πράγματος ἡγητέον ἢ μικράν, ἣν οὐ
ταχὺ ποιεῖ μεγάλην τὸ ἐνδελεχὲς ἐκ τοῦ κατα-
φρονηθῆναι τὸ μὴ κωλυθῆναι λαβοῦσαν. ὁ γοῦν
πρῶτος ὑπιδέσθαι δοκῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ φοβηθῆναι
ἫΝ πολιτείας ὥσπερ θαλάττης τὰ διαγελῶντα

1 ἡγητέον MSS. and Sint.?; ἡγητέον οὕτω Coraés, after
Stephanus ; οὕτω ἡγητέον Sint. κι οὕτως aryarter oye

448

70

CAESAR, m. 2-1v. 4

orator who was gifted by nature and had plenty of
leisure to pursue his studies.

IV, After his return to Rome he impeached Dola-
bella? for maladministration of his province, and
many of the cities of Greece supplied him with
testimony. Dolabella, it is true, was acquitted, but
Caesar, in return for the zealous efforts of the Greeks
in his behalf, served as their advocate when they
prosecuted Publius Antonius for corruption before
Marcus Lucullus, the praetor of Macedonia. And
he was so effective that Antonius appealed to the
tribunes at Rome, alleging that he could not have
a fair trial in Greece against Greeks. At Rome,
moreover, Caesar won a great and brilliant popu-
larity by his eloquence as an advocate, and much
good will from the common people for. the friendli-

ness of his manners in intercourse with them, since |

he was ingratiating beyond his years. He had also —

a large and gradually increasing political influence
in consequence of his lavish hospitality and the
general splendour of his mode of life. At first his
enemies thought this influence would quickly vanish
when his expenditures ceased, and therefore suffered
it to thrive among the common people ; but later on

when it had become great and hard to subvert, and.
aimed directly at a complete revolution in the state, |

they perceived that no beginnings should be con-
sidered too small to be quickly made great by con-
tinuance, after contempt of them has left them
unobstructed. At all events, the man who is thought
to have been the first to see beneath the surface
of Caesar's public policy and to fear it, as one might
fear the smiling surface of the sea, and who com-

1 In 77 B.c.
449

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ ἱλαρῷ Kexpup-
μένην δεινότητα τοῦ ἤθους καταμαθὼν Κικέρων
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διῆλθε, καὶ περὶ τὴν ἐκφορὰν ἐτόλμησεν εἰκόνας
Μαρίου προθέσθαι, τότε πρῶτον ὀφθείσας μετὰ
τὴν ἐπὶ Σύλλα πολιτείαν, πολεμίων τῶν ἀνδρῶν
κριθέντων. ἐπὶ τούτῳ γὰρ ἐνίων καταβοησάντων
τοῦ Καίσαρος ὁ δῆμος ἀντήχησε λαμπρῶς, δεξά-
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τὴν πόλιν. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ γυναιξὶ πρεσβυτέραις
Ul 2 / / "4 9 € /
λόγους ἐπιταφίους διεξιέναι πάτριον ἣν Ῥωμαίοις,
/ \ > x > ἔθ a 3 K »ο» >
νέαις δὲ οὐκ dv ἐν ἔθει πρῶτος εἶπε Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ
τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικὸς ἀποθανούσης: καὶ τοῦτο
ἤνεγκεν αὐτῷ χάριν τινὰ καὶ συνεδημαγώγησε
2 , \ \ e ψ ” \
τῷ πάθει τοὺς πολλοὺς ὡς ἥμερον ἄνδρα καὶ
περίμεστον ἤθους ἀγαπᾶν.

450

CAESAR, ιν. 4-ν. 2

prehended the powerful character hidden beneath
his kindly and cheerful exterior, namely Cicero, said
that in most of Caesar’s political plans and projects ©
he saw a tyrannical purpose; “On the other hand,” |
said he, “ when I look at his hair, which is arranged |
with so much nicety, and see him scratching his ,
head with one finger, I cannot think that this man
would ever conceive of so great a crime as the over-
throw of the Roman constitution.”’ ‘This, it is true,
belongs to a later period.

V. The first proof of the people’s good will to-
wards him he received when he competed against
Caius Popilius for a military tribuneship and was
elected over him; a second and more conspicuous
proof he received when, as nephew of Julia the
deceased wife of Marius, he pronounced a splendid
encomium upon her in the forum,! and in her funeral
procession ventured to display images of Marius,
which were then seen for the first time since the ad-
ministration of Sulla, because Marius and his friends
had been pronounced public enemies. When, namely,
some cried out against Caesar for this procedure, the
people answered them with loud shouts, received
Caesar with applause, and admired him for bringing
back after so long a time, as it were from Hades, the
honours of Marius into the city. Now, in the case
of elderly women, it was ancient Roman usage to
pronounce funeral orations over them ; but it was not
customary in the case of young women, and Caesar
was the first to do so when his own wife died.2 This
also brought him much favour, and worked upon the
sympathies of the multitude, so that they were fond
of him, as a man who was gentle and full of feeling.

1 In 68 8.6. 2 In 68 Β.0.
451

9

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

e » ’
Θάψας δὲ τὴν γυναῖκα ταμίας εἰς "1Bnpiav ἑνὶ
τῶν στρατηγῶν Βέτερι συνεξῆλθεν, ὃν αὐτόν τε
n > , \ \ eX / speed |
τιμῶν ἀεὶ διετέλεσε καὶ τὸν υἱὸν πάλιν αὐτὸς
ἄρχων ταμίαν ἐποίησε. γενόμενος δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς
ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης τρίτην ἠγάγετο γυναῖκα Ἰ]ομπηΐαν,
" ᾽ ’ / ‘ cf
ἔχων ἐκ Κορνηλίας θυγατέρα τὴν ὕστερον ἸΠομ-
πηΐῳ Μάγνῳ γαμηθεῖσαν. χρώμενος δὲ ταῖς
δαπάναις ἀφειδῶς, καὶ δοκῶν μὲν ἐφήμερον καὶ
βραχεῖαν ἀντικαταλλάττεσθαι μεγάλων ἀναλω-
΄ , > 4 \ a > , \
μάτων δόξαν, ὠνούμενος δὲ ταῖς ἀληθείαις τὰ
μέγιστα μικρῶν, λέγεται πρὶν εἰς ἀρχήν τινα
καθίστασθαι χιλίων καὶ τριακοσίων γενέσθαι
, , > ἈΝ Ν a \ ς nr
χρεωφειλέτης ταλάντων. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο μὲν ὁδοῦ
τῆς ᾿Αππίας ἀποδειχθεὶς ἐπιμελητὴς πάμπολλα
χρήματα προσανάλωσε τῶν ἑαυτοῦ, τοῦτο δὲ
ἀγορανομῶν ζεύγη μονομάχων τριακόσια καὶ
εἴκοσι παρέσχε καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις περὶ θέατρα καὶ
πομπὰς καὶ δεῖπνα χορηγίαις καὶ πολυτελείαις
τὰς πρὸ αὑτοῦ κατέκλυσε φιλοτιμίας, οὕτω διέ-
θηκε τὸν δῆμον ὡς καινὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς καινὰς δὲ
τιμὰς ζητεῖν ἕκαστον, αἷς αὐτὸν ἀμείψαιντο.

VI. Δυεῖν δὲ οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει στάσεων, τῆς

Ν > \ ἊΝ / , ὃ / An δὲ an
μὲν ἀπὸ Σύλλα μέγα δυναμένης, τῆς δὲ Μαριανῆς,
ἣ τότε κατεπτήχει καὶ διέσπαστο κομιδῆ ταπεινὰ
πράττουσα, ταύτην ἀναρρῶσαι καὶ προσαγαγέ-
σθαι βουλόμενος ἐν ταῖς ἀγορανομικαῖς φιλοτιμί-

1 In 67 Β.6.
452

CAESAR, v. 3-v1. i

_ After the funeral of his wife, he went out to
Spain + as quaestor under Vetus, one of the praetors,
whom he never ceased to hold in high esteem, and
whose son, in turn, when he himself was praetor,
he made his quaestor. After he had served in this
office, he married for his third wife? Pompeia, having
already by Cornelia a daughter who was afterwards
married to Pompey the Great. He was unsparing
in his outlays of money, and was thought to be
purchasing a transient and short-lived fame at a great
price, though in reality he was buying things of the
highest value at a small price. We are told, accord-
ingly, that before he entered upon any public office
he was thirteen hundred talents in debt. Again,
being appointed curator of the Appian Way, he ex-
pended upon it vast sums of his own money; and
again, during his aedileship,? he furnished three
hundred and twenty pairs of gladiators, and by
lavish provision besides for theatrical performances,
processions, and public banquets, he washed away all
memory of the ambitious efforts of his predecessors
in the office. By these means he put the people in
such a humour that every man of them was seeking
out new offices and new honours with which to
requite him.

VI. There were two parties in the city, that of
Sulla, which had been all powerful since his day,
and that of Marius, which at that time was in an
altogether lowly state, being cowed and scattered.
This party Caesar wished to revive and attach to
himself, and therefore, when the ambitious efforts of
his aedileship were at their height, he had images

2 Caesar was first married to Cossutia, the daughter of a
rich Roman knight. 3 In 66 B.o.

453

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> \ ᾽ 4 > Υ͂ > / ,
ais ἀκμὴν ἐχούσαις εἰκόνας ἐποιήσατο Μαρίου
κρύφα καὶ Νίκας τροπαιοφόρους, ἃς φέρων νυκτὸς
εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀνέστησεν. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ

\ / / 1 , , μ ile pe
τοὺς θεασαμένους μαρμαίροντα πάντα χρυσῷ Kal
τέχνῃ κατεσκευασμένα περιττῶς (διεδήλου δὲ

/ \ \ , ΄
γρώμμασι τὰ Κιμβρικὰ κατορθώματα) θάμβος
ἔσχε τῆς τόλμης τοῦ ἀναθέντος (οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἄδη-

\ \ “Ν ς / ” ’

λος), ταχὺ δὲ περιϊὼν ὁ λόγος ἤθροιζε πάντας
᾽ , \ \ » ᾽ ? € \ »Q/

ἀνθρώπους πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν. ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἐβόων
τυραννίδα πολιτεύεσθαι Καίσαρα, νόμοις καὶ
δόγμασι κατορωρυγμένας ἐπανιστάντα τιμάς, καὶ
τοῦτο πεῖραν ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον εἶναι προμαλαττό-
μενον, εἰ τετιθάσευται ταῖς φιλοτιμίαις ὑπ᾽ av-
τοῦ καὶ δίδωσι παίζειν τοιαῦτα καὶ καινοτομεῖν,
οἱ δὲ Μαριανοὶ παραθαρρύναντες ἀλλήλους πλή-
θει τε θαυμαστοὶ ὅσοι διεφάνησαν ἐξαίφνης, καὶ

‘ n \ / a \
κρότῳ κατεῖχον τὸ Καπιτώλιον: πολλοῖς δὲ καὶ

δάκρυα τὴν Μαρίου θεωμένοις ὄψιν ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς

ἐχώρει, καὶ μέγας ἣν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐγκωμίοις αἰρό-
μενος, ὡς ἀντὶ πάντων ἄξιος εἴη ὁ ἀνὴρ τῆς
Μαριου συγγενείας. συναχθείσης δὲ περὶ τού-
των τῆς βουλῆς, Κάτλος Λουτάτιος, ἀνὴρ εὐδοκι-
μῶν τότε μάλιστα Ῥωμαίων, ἀναστὰς καὶ κατη-
γορήσας Καίσαρος ἐπεφθέγξατο τὸ μνημονευό-
‘ec > 7 Ν ς , 3, » “ n
μενον" “Οὐκέτι yap ὑπονόμοις, ἔφη, “ Καῖσαρ,
> ΡΣ » a e lal \ / 3} >
ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη μηχαναῖς αἱρεῖ τὴν πολιτείαν." ἐπεὶ
δὲ ἀπολογησάμενος πρὸς ταῦτα Καῖσαρ ἔπεισε
\ / » “Ὁ ς / > \
τὴν σύγκλητον, ETL μᾶλλον οἱ θαυμάζοντες αὐτὸν
1 εἴη 6 bracketed by δ᾽ηῦ. 3,
454

11

CAESAR, νι. 1-4

of Marius secretly made, together with trophy-
bearing Victories, and these he ordered to be carried
by night and set up on the Capitol. At day-break
those who beheld all these objects glittering with
gold and fashioned with the most exquisite art (and
they bore inscriptions setting forth the Cimbrian
successes of Marius!) were amazed at the daring
of the man who had set them up (for it was evident
who had done it), and the report of it quickly
spreading brought everybody together for the sight.
But some cried out that Caesar was scheming to
usurp sole power in the state when he thus revived
honours which had been buried by laws and decrees,
and that this proceeding was a test of the people,
whose feelings towards him he _ had _ previously
softened, to see whether they had been made docile
by his ambitious displays and would permit him to
amuse himself with such innovations. The partisans
of Marius, however, encouraged one another and
showed themselves on a sudden in amazing numbers,
and filled the Capitol with their applause. Many,
too, were moved to tears of joy when they beheld
the features of Marius, and Caesar was highly ex-
tolled by them, and regarded as above all others
worthy of his kinship with Marius. But when the
senate met to discuss these matters, Catulus Lutatius,
a man of the highest repute at that time in Rome,
rose up and denounced Caesar, uttering the memor-

able words: “No longer, indeed, by sapping and ©
mining, Caesar, but with engines of war art thou |
capturing the government.” Caesar, however, de- ἃ

fended himself against this charge and convinced
the senate, whereupon his admirers were still more

1 See the Marius, chapters xi.-xxii.

455

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> ἰ \ ΄ ὃ \ a b
ἐπήρθησαν, καὶ παρεκελεύοντο μηδενὶ τοῦ φρονή-
ματος ὑφίεσθαι: πάντων γὰρ ἑκόντι τῷ δήμῳ
περιέσεσθαι καὶ πρωτεύσειν.

VII. Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ Μετέλλου τοῦ ἀρχιε-
ρέως τελευτήσαντος καὶ τὴν ἱερωσύνην περιμά-
xntov οὗσαν ᾿Ισαυρικοῦ καὶ Κάτλου μετιόντων,
ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ μέγιστον ἐν βουλῇ
δυναμένων, οὐχ ὑπεῖξεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἀλλὰ
καταβὰς εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἀντιπαρήγγελλεν. ay-

, \ a a / e /
χωμάλου δὲ τῆς σπουδῆς φαινομένης, ὁ Κάτλος,
> \ / ν᾽ , “ > lal \ b] ,
ἀπὸ μείζονος ἀξίας μᾶλλον ὀρρωδῶν τὴν ἀδηλό-
τητα, προσέπεμψε πείθων ἀποστῆναι τὸν Καί-
σαρα τῆς φιλοτιμίας ἐπὶ πολλοῖς χρήμασιν. ὁ δὲ
καὶ πλείω προσδανεισάμενος ἔφη διαγωνιεῖσθαι.

Τῆς δ᾽ ἡμέρας ἐνστάσης καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἐπὶ
τὰς θύρας αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀδακρυτὶ προπεμπούσης,
ἀσπασάμενος αὐτήν, “ἾὮΩ μῆτερ," εἶπε, “ τήμερον

> / \ e\ A 7 » ᾽᾽ ᾽ὔ
ἢ ἀρχιερέα τὸν υἱὸν ἢ φυγάδα ὄψει." διενεχθεί-

\ n 7 \ Δ 3 ᾿ J ͵ὔ
σης δὲ τῆς ψήφου καὶ γενομένης ἁμίλλης ἐκρά-
τῆσε, καὶ παρέσχε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τοῖς ἀρίστοις
φόβον ὡς ἐπὶ πᾶν θρασύτητος προάξων τὸν δῆ-

“ e \ ’ \ / ᾽ an
pov. ὅθεν ot περὶ Iletowva καὶ Κάτλον ἠτιῶντο
Κικέρωνα φεισάμενον Καίσαρος ἐν τοῖς περὶ
Κατιλίναν λαβὴν παρασχόντος. ὃ γὰρ δὴ Κατι-
λίνας οὐ μόνον τὴν πολιτείαν μεταβαλεῖν, ἀλλ᾽
ὅλην ἀνελεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ πάντα τὰ πρά-
γματα συγχέαι διανοηθεὶς αὐτὸς μὲν ἐξέπεσε,

1 In 63 Β.0.
456

CAESAR, vi. 4-υτι. 4

elated and exhorted him not to lower his pretensions
for any man, since the people would be glad to have |
him triumph over all opposition and be the first man |
in the state. |

VII. At this time, too, Metellus, the pontifex
maximus, or high priest, died,! and though Isauricus
and Catulus were candidates for the priesthood, which
was an object of great ambition, and though they
were most illustrious men and of the greatest in-
fluence in the senate, Caesar would not give way to
them, but presented himself to the people as a rival
candidate. The favour of the electors appeared to
be about equally divided, and therefore Catulus,
who, as the worthier of Caesar’s competitors, dreaded
more the uncertainty of the issue, sent and tried to
induce Caesar to desist from his ambitious project,
offering him large sums of money. But Caesar de-
clared that he would carry the contest through even
though he had to borrow still larger sums.

The day for the election came, and as Caesar’s
mother accompanied him to the door in tears, he
kissed her and said : “ Mother, to-day thou shalt see
thy son either pontifex maximus or an exile.” The
contest was sharp, but when the vote was taken Caesar
prevailed, and thereby made the senate and nobles
afraid that he would lead the people on to every
extreme of recklessness. Therefore Piso and Catulus
blamed Cicero for having spared Caesar when, in the
affair of Catiline, he gave his enemies a hold upon
him. Catiline, namely, had purposed not only to
subvert the constitution, but to destroy the whole
government and throw everything into confusion:
He himself, however, was expelled from the city,?

5 In 63 B.c, Cf. the Cicero, chapters x.-xxii.
457

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A
περιπταίσας ἐλάττοσιν ἐλέγχοις πρὸ τοῦ τὰς
> / > an \ > n
ἐσχάτας αὐτοῦ βουλὰς ἀποκαλυφθῆναι, Λέντλον
δὲ καὶ Κέθηγον ἐν τῇ πόλει διαδόχους ἀπέλιπε

a Pee.
τῆς συνωμοσίας, ols εἰ μὲν κρύφα παρεῖχέ τι
θάρσους καὶ δυνάμεως ὁ Καῖσαρ ἄδηλόν ἐστιν,

fal a /
ἐν δὲ τῇ βουλῇ κατὰ κράτος ἐξελεγχθέντων καὶ
Κικέρωνος τοῦ ὑπάτου γνώμας ἐρωτῶντος περὶ
/ “ « \ ” / /
κολάσεως ἕκαστον, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι μέχρι Καίσαρος
θανατοῦν ἐκέλευον, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἀναστὰς λόγον
διῆλθε πεφροντισμένον, ὡς ἀποκτεῖναι μὲν ἀκρί-
tous ἄνδρας ἀξιώματι καὶ γένει λαμπροὺς οὐ
δοκεῖ πάτριον οὐδὲ δίκαιον εἶναι, μὴ μετὰ τῆς

> 7 3 / > a / 3
ἐσχάτης ἀνάγκης, εἰ δὲ φρουροῖντο δεθέντες ἐν
πόλεσι τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας ἃς ἂν αὐτὸς ἕληται ἹΚικέρων,
μέχρι οὗ καταπολεμηθῇ Κατιλίνας, ὕστερον ἐν
εἰρήνῃ καὶ καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν περὶ ἑκάστου τῇ βουλῇ
γνῶναι παρέξει.

VIII. Οὕτω δὲ τῆς γνώμης φιλανθρώπου
φανείσης καὶ τοῦ λόγου δυνατῶς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ ῥηθέν-
τος οὐ μόνον οἱ μετὰ τοῦτον ἀνιστάμενοι προσ-

iQ \ δὲ \ a \ > “ \
ετίθεντο, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ Tas
εἰρημένας γνώμας ἀπειπάμενοι πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνου
μετέστησαν, ἕως ἐπὶ Κάτωνα τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ
Κάτλον περιῆλθε. τούτων δὲ νεανικῶς ἐναντιω-
θέντων, Κάτωνος δὲ καὶ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἅμα τῷ
λόγῳ συνεπερείσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ συγκατεξανα-
στάντος ἐρρωμένως, οἱ μὲν ἄνδρες ἀποθανούμενοι
παρεδόθησαν, Καίσαρι δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ἐξιόντι

1 Of. the Cato Minor, xxii. 4 f,
458

71]

CAESAR, vu. 4-νπι. 2

having been overwhelmed by proofs of lesser in-
iquities before his most far reaching plans were dis-
covered ; but he left Lentulus and Cethegus behind
him in the city to promote the conspiracy in his
place. Now, whether or not Caesar secretly gave
these men any countenance and help, is uncertain ;
but after they had been overwhelmingly convicted
in the senate, and Cicero the consul asked each
senator to give his opinion on the manner of their
punishment, the rest, down to Caesar, urged that
they be put to death, but Caesar rose in his place
and delivered a long and studied speech against this.
He pleaded that to put to death without legal trial
men of high rank and brilliant lineage was not, in
his opinion, traditional or just, except.under ex-
tremest necessity ; but that if they should be bound
and kept in custody, in such cities of Italy as Cicero
himself might elect, until the war against Catiline had
been brought to a successful end, the senate could
afterwards, in a time of peace and at their leisure,
vote upon the case of each one of them.

VIL. This opinion seemed so humane, and the
speech in support of it was made with such power,}
that not only those who rose to speak after Caesar
sided with him, but many also of those who had pre-
ceded him took back the opinions which they had
expressed and went over to his, until the question
came round to Cato and Catulus. These warmly
opposed Caesar’s proposal, and Cato even helped to
raise suspicion against Caesar by what he said.2 As
a result, the men were handed over to the execu-
tioner, and many of the young men who at that
time formed a body-guard for Cicero ran together

2 See the Cato Minor, chapter xxiii,
459

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πολλοὶ τῶν Κικέρωνα φρουρούντων τότε νέων
γυμνὰ τὰ ξίφη συνδραμόντες ἐπέσχον. ἀλλὰ
/ / n /
Κουρίων τε λέγεται TH τηβέννῳ περιβαλὼν ὑπεξ-
- , e /
ayayeiv, αὐτός te ὁ Κικέρων, ὡς οἱ νεανίσκοι
προσέβλεψαν, ἀνανεῦσαι, φοβηθεὶς τὸν δῆμον, ἢ
τὸν φόνον ὅλως ἄδικον καὶ παράνομον ἡγούμενος.
Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ οἷδα ὅπως ὁ Κικέρων, εἴπερ
i ᾽ / ᾽ a Ν “ e 7 > ”
ἣν ἀληθές, ἐν τῷ περὶ τῆς ὑπατείας οὐκ ἔγραψεν"
αἰτίαν δὲ εἶχεν ὕστερον ὡς ἄριστα τῷ καιρῷ τότε
, rn ,
παρασχόντι κατὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος μὴ χρησάμενος,
> 9735 , Ν n ε al ,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀποδειλιάσας τὸν δῆμον ὑπερφυῶς περιεχοό-
μενον τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὅς γε καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας
φ \ \ > Ud > a \ ᾶΦ >
εἰς τὴν βουλὴν εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ Kal περὶ ὧν ἐν
ὑποψίαις ἦν ἀπολογουμένου καὶ περιπίπτοντος
θορύβοις πονηροῖς, ἐπειδὴ πλείων τοῦ συνήθους
ΓΝ, a an / , > a
ἐγίγνετο τῇ βουλῇ καθεζομένῃ χρόνος, ἐπῆλθε
μετὰ κραυηῆς καὶ περιέστη τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀπαι-
cal \ v \ 4 > las Ν \
τῶν τὸν ἄνδρα Kal κελεύων ἀφεῖναι. διὸ Kal
Κάτων φοβηθεὶς μάλιστα τὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀπόρων
νεωτερισμόν, οἱ τοῦ παντὸς ὑπέκκαυμα πλήθους
ἦσαν ἐν τῷ Καίσαρι τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχοντες, ἔπεισε
τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπονεῖμαι σιτηρέσιον αὐτοῖς ἔμ-
μηνον, ἐξ οὗ δαπάνης μὲν ἑπτακόσιαι πεντήκοντα
μυριάδες ἐνιαύσιοι προσεγίνοντο τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνα-
λώμασι, τὸν μέντοι μέγαν ἐν τῷ παρόντι φόβον
ἔσβεσε περιφανῶς τὸ πολίτευμα τοῦτο, καὶ τὸ
πλεῖστον ἀπέρρηξε τῆς Καίσαρος δυνάμεως καὶ

460

CAESAR, vin. 2-4

with drawn swords and threatened Caesar as he was
leaving the senate. But Curio, as we are told,
threw his toga round Caesar and got him away,
while Cicero himself, when the young men looked
to him for a sign, shook his head, either through
fear of the people, or because he thought the
murder would be wholly contrary to law and
justice.

Now, if this is true, I do not see why Cicero did
not mention it in the treatise on his consulship ;!
however, he was afterwards blamed for not having
improved that best of all opportunities for removing
Caesar. Instead, he showed a cowardly fear of the
people, who were extravagantly attached to Caesar ;
in fact, a few days afterward, when Caesar came into
the senate and tried to defend himself in the matters
wherein suspicion had been fixed upon him, and met
with a tumult of disapproval, the people, seeing that
the session of the senate was lasting a longer time
than usual, came up with loud cries and surrounded
the senate-house, demanding Caesar, and ordering
the senate to let him go. It was for this reason, too,
that Cato, fearing above all things a revolutionary|
movement set on foot by the poorer classes, who
were setting the whole multitude on fire with the
hopes which they fixed upon Caesar, persuaded the
senate to assign them a monthly allowance of grain,
in consequence of which an annual outlay of seven
million five hundred thousand drachmas was added
to the other expenditures of the state.2 However,
the great fear which prevailed at the time was mani-
festly quenched by this measure, and the greatest
part of Caesar’s power was broken down and dissi-

1 No longer extant. 8. Cf. the Cato Minor, xxvi. 1.
461

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

διεσκέδασεν ἐν καιρῷ, στρατηγεῖν μέλλοντος Kal
φοβερωτέρου διὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὄντος.

IX. Οὐ μὴν ἀπέβη τι ταραχῶδες ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς,
> \ / » a ΚΑ
ἀλλὰ καὶ τύχη τις ἄχαρις τῷ Καίσαρι συνηνέ-
χθὴ περὶ τὸν οἶκον. Πόπλιος Κλώδιος ἣν ἀνὴρ

/ \ > / \ , \ ,
γένει μὲν εὐπατρίδης καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ λόγῳ λαμ-

͵ Pa \ \ ΄ a ᾿ ,
πρός, ὕβρει δὲ καὶ θρασύτητι τῶν ἐπὶ βδελυρίᾳ

/ 2 4 ,
περιβοήτων οὐδενὸς δεύτερος. οὗτος ἤρα ἸΙομ-
πηΐας τῆς Καίσαρος γυναικὸς οὐδὲ αὐτῆς ἀκού-

> \ / fol 4 >
ons. ἀλλὰ φυλακαί τε τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος aKpt-
an ᾿ Ψ 7 al 7] ΕῚ /
Bets ἦσαν, ἥ τε μήτηρ τοῦ Καίσαρος Αὐρηλία,
γυνὴ σώφρων, περιέπουσα τὴν νύμφην ἀεὶ χαλε-
πὴν καὶ παρακεκινδυνευμένην αὐτοῖς ἐποίει τὴν
ἔντευξιν.

Ἔστι δὲ Ρωμαίοις θεὸς ἣν ᾿Αγαθὴν ὀνομάζου-

σιν, ὥσπερ “Ἰὕλληνες Γυναικείαν. καὶ Φρύγες μὲν
> 4 , ’ a / /
οἰκειούμενοι Μίδα μητέρα τοῦ βασιλέως γενέσθαι
ϑ᾽ a \ 4 / 4
φασί, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ νύμφην Apvdda Φαύνῳ συνοι-

7 ad \ n 4 / \
Knoacav,” EXdnves δὲ τῶν Διονύσου μητέρων τὴν
ἄρρητον. ὅθεν ἀμπελίνοις τε τὰς σκηνὰς κλή-
μασιν ἑορτάζουσαι κατερέφουσι, καὶ δράκων
ἱερὸς παρακαθίδρυται τῇ θεῷ κατὰ τὸν μῦθον.
BA \ a b] ’ὔ +3909 >’ \ n >
ἄνδρα δὲ προσελθεῖν ov θέμις οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς οἱ-
κίας γενέσθαι τῶν ἱερῶν ὀργιαζομένων" αὐταὶ δὲ

> ¢ \ « a \ “ > a
καθ᾽ ἑαυτὰς al γυναῖκες πολλὰ τοῖς ᾿Ορφικοῖς
ὁμολογοῦντα δρᾶν λέγονται περὶ τὴν ἱερουργίαν.
ὅταν οὖν ὁ τῆς ἑορτῆς καθήκῃ χρόνος, ὑπατεύ-
οντος ἢ στρατηγοῦντος ἀνδρός, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐξί-
462

CAESAR, vil. 4-Χ. 4

pated in the nick of time, since he was etor
elect,! and would be more formidable on account of
his office.

IX. However, there were no disturbances in con-
sequence cf Caesar’s praetorship, but an unpleasant
incident happened in his family. Publius Clodius
was a man of patrician birth, and conspicuous for
wealth and eloquence, but in insolence and effrontery
he surpassed all the notorious scoundrels of his time.
This man was in love with Pompeia the wife of
Caesar, and she was not unwilling. But close watch
was kept upon the women’s apartments, and Aurelia,
Caesar’s mother, a woman of discretion, would never
let the young wife out of her sight, and made it
difficult and dangerous for the lovers to have an
interview.

Now, the Romans have a goddess whom they call
Bona, corresponding to the Greek Gynaeceia. The
Phrygians claim this goddess as their own, and say
that she was the mother of King Midas; the Romans
say she was a Dryad nymph and the wife of Faunus ;
the Greeks that she was the unnameable one among
the mothers of Dionysus. And this is the reason why
the women cover their booths with vine-branches
when they celebrate her festival, and why a sacred
serpent is enthroned beside the goddess in conformity
with the myth. It is not lawful for a man to attend
the sacred ceremonies, nor even to be in the house
when they are celebrated ; but the women, apart by
themselves, are said to perform many rites during
their sacred service which are Orphie in their char-
acter. Accordingly, when the time for the festival
is at hand, the consul or praetor at whose house it is
to be held goes away, and every male with him,

1 For the year 62 B.o.
463

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σταται καὶ πᾶν τὸ ἄρρεν, ἡ δὲ γυνὴ THY οἰκίαν
παραλαβοῦσα διακοσμεῖ. καὶ τὰ μέγιστα νύ-
κτωρ τελεῖται, παιδιᾶς ἀναμεμιγμένης ταῖς παν-
νυχίσι καὶ μουσικῆς ἅμα πολλῆς παρούσης.

X. Ταύτην “τότε τὴν ἑορτὴν τῆς Hoprnias
ἐπιτελούσης, ὁ Κλώδιος οὔπω γενειῶν Kal διὰ
τοῦτο λήσειν οἰόμενος ἐσθῆτα καὶ σκευὴν ψαλ-
τρίας ἀναλαβὼν ἐχώρει, νέᾳ γυναικὶ τὴν ὄψιν
ἐοικώς. καὶ ταῖς θύραις ἐπιτυχὼν ἀνεῳγμέναις
εἰσήχθη μὲν ἀδεῶς ὑπὸ τῆς συνειδυίας θεραπαινί-
δος, ἐκείνης δὲ προδραμούσης ὡς τῇ Πομπηΐᾳ
φράσειε, καὶ γενομένης διατριβῆς, περιμένειν. μὲν
ὅπου κατελείφθη τῷ Κλωδίῳ μὴ καρτεροῦντι,
πλανωμένῳ δ᾽ ἐν οἰκίᾳ μεγάλῃ καὶ περιφεύγοντι
τὰ φῶτα προσπεσοῦσα τῆς Αὐρηλίας ἀκόλουθος
ὡς δὴ γυνὴ γυναῖκα παίζειν προὐκαλεῖτο, καὶ μὴ
βουλόμενον εἰς τὸ μέσον εἷλκε, καὶ τίς ἐστι καὶ
πόθεν ἐπυνθάνετο. τοῦ δὲ Κλωδίου φήσαντος
ἼἌβραν περιμένειν ἸΙομπηΐας, αὐτὸ τοῦτο κα-
λουμένην, καὶ τῇ φωνῇ γενομένου καταφανοῦς,
ἡ μὲν ἀκόλουθος εὐθὺς ἀπεπήδησε κραυγῇ
πρὸς τὰ φῶτα καὶ τὸν ὄχλον, ἄνδρα πεφωρακέ-
val βοῶσα, τῶν δὲ γυναικῶν διαπτοηθεισῶν ἡ
Αὐρηλία τὰ μὲν ὄργια τῆς θεοῦ κατέπαυσε καὶ
συνεκάλυψεν, αὐτὴ δὲ τὰς θύρας ἀποκλεῖσαι
κελεύσασα περιήει τὴν οἰκίαν ὑπὸ λαμπάδων,
ζητοῦσα τὸν “Κλώδιον. εὑρίσκεται δ᾽ εἰς οἴκημα
παιδίσκης ἡ συνεισῆλθε. καταπεφευγώς" καὶ
γενόμενος φανερὸς ὑπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν ἐξελαύνε-
ται διὰ τῶν θυρῶν. τὸ δὲ πρᾶγμα καὶ νυκτὸς
εὐθὺς αἱ γυναῖκες ἀπιοῦσαι τοῖς αὑτῶν ἔφραζον

464

ΤῈΣ

CAESAR, Ix. 4-. 4

while his wife takes possession of the premises and
puts them in due array. The most important rites
are celebrated by night, when mirth attends the
revels, and much music, too, is heard.

X. At the time of which I speak, Pompeia was
celebrating this festival, and Clodius, who was still
beardless and on this account thought to pass un-
noticed, assumed the dress and implements of a
lute-girl and went to the house, looking like a young
woman. He found the door open, and was brought
in safely by the maid-servant there, who was in the
secret; but after she had run on ahead to tell
Pompeia and some time had elapsed, Clodius had
not the patience to wait where he had been left,
and so, as he was wandering about in the house
(a large one) and trying to avoid the lights, an
attendant of Aurelia came upon him and asked him
to play with her, as one woman would another, and
when he refused, she dragged him forward and
asked who he was and whence he came. Clodius
answered that he was waiting for Pompeia’s Abra
(this was the very name by which the maid was
called), and his voice betrayed him. The attendant
of Aurelia at once sprang away with a scream to the
lights and the throng, crying out that she had
caught aman. ‘The women were panic-stricken, and
Aurelia put a stop to the mystic rites of the goddess
and covered up the emblems. Then she ordered the
doors to be closed and went about the house with
torches, searching for Clodius. He was found where
he had taken refuge, in the chamber of the girl who
had let him into the house; and when they saw
who he was, the women drove him out of doors.
Then at once, and in the night, they went off and

465

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀνδράσι, καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐχώρει διὰ THs πόλεως
λόγος ὡς ἀθέσμοις ἐπικεχειρηκότος τοῦ Κλωδίου
καὶ δίκην οὐ τοῖς ὑβρισμένοις μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ
τῇ πόλει καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς ὀφείλοντος. ἐγράψατο
\ 4. Ν , a / bd /
μὲν οὖν τὸν Κλώδιον εἷς τῶν δημάρχων ἀσεβείας,
καὶ συνέστησαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν οἱ δυνατώτατοι τῶν
ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς, ἄλλας τε δεινὰς ἀσελγείας
καταμαρτυροῦντες καὶ μοιχείαν ἀδελφῆς, ἣ Δευ-
κούλλῳ συνῳκήκει. πρὸς δὲ τὰς τούτων σπουδὰς
ς a > / «ς \ ») a /
ὁ δῆμος ἀντιτάξας ἑαυτὸν ἤμυνε τῷ Κλωδίῳ, καὶ
“ Ν \ \ 4 4 >
μέγα πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς ὄφελος ἣν ἐκπεπλη-
/ ὃ ὃ , Ν a © ὃ ral
γμένους καὶ δεδοικότας τὸ πλῆθος. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ
> / \ > \ \ eh / \
ἀπεπέμψατο μὲν εὐθὺς τὴν Πομπηΐαν, μάρτυς δὲ
\ \ δί \ 2>O\ ” “ /
πρὸς τὴν δίκην κληθεὶς οὐδὲν ἔφη τῶν λεγομένων
Ν “ / / ¢ a ,
κατὰ τοῦ Κλωδίου γιγνώσκειν. ws δὲ τοῦ λόγου
παραδόξου φανέντος ὁ κατήγορος ἠρώτησε, “ Πῶς
e > / \ “ 3) κε ”»> » “ce \
οὖν ἀπεπέμψω τὴν γυναῖκα; ““Οτι, ἔφη, “ τὴν
ἐμὴν ἠξίουν μηδὲ ὑπονοηθῆναι.᾽"
Ταῦτα οἱ μὲν οὕτω φρονοῦντα τὸν Καίσαρα
λέγουσιν εἰπεῖν, οἱ δὲ τῷ δήμῳ χαριζόμενον ὧρ-
͵ , \ , ᾽ 7 > @
μημένῳ σώζειν τὸν Κλώδιον. ἀποφεύγει δ᾽ οὖν
τὸ ἔγκλημα τῶν πλείστων δικαστῶν συγκεχυ-
μένοις τοῖς γράμμασι τὰς γνώμας ἀποδόντων,
ὅπως μήτε παρακινδυνεύσωσιν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς
/ > 4 > /
καταψηφισάμενοι μήτε ἀπολύσαντες ἀδοξήσωσι
παρὰ τοῖς ἀρίστοις.
XI. Ὃ δὲ Καῖσαρ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς στρατηγίας
“Ὁ » fal \ 3 / / ες - 4
τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν τὴν ᾿Ιβηρίαν λαβών, ὡς ἦν δυσδιά-
466

CAESAR, x. 4-x1 1

told the matter to their husbands, and when day
came a report spread through the city that Clodius
had committed sacrilege and owed satisfaction, not
only to those whom he had insulted, but also to the
city and to the gods. Accordingly, one of the
tribunes of the people indicted Clodius for sacrilege,
and the most infiuential senators leagued themselves
together and bore witness against him that, among
other shocking abominations, he had committed
adultery with his sister, who was the wife of Lucullus.
But against the eager efforts of these men the people
arrayed themselves in defence of Clodius, and were
of great assistance to him with the jurors in the
case, who were terror-stricken and afraid of the
multitude. Caesar divorced Pompeia at once, but
when he was summoned to testify at the trial, he
said he knew nothing about the matters with which
Clodius was charged. His statement appeared
strange, and the prosecutor therefore asked, “ Why,
then, didst thou divorce thy wife?” “ Because,”
said Caesar, “I thought my wife ought not even to
be under suspicion.”

Some say that Caesar made this deposition
honestly ; but according to others it was made to
gratify the people, who were determined to rescue
Clodius. At any rate, Clodius was acquitted of the
charge, the majority of the jurors giving their ver-
dicts in illegible writing, in order that they might
neither risk their lives with the populace by con-
demning him, nor get a bad name among the nobility
by acquitting him.’

ΧΙ. Immediately after his praetorship Caesar re-
ceived Spain as his province, and since he found it

1 The sacrilege and trial of Clodius are described at length
also in the Cicero, chapters xxviii. and xxix.

467

PLUTARCH’'S LIVES

θετον αὐτῷ τὸ περὶ τοὺς δανειστὰς ἐνοχλοῦντας
ἐξιόντι καὶ κατα βοῶντας, ἐπὶ Κράσσον κατέφυγε
πλουσιώτατον ὄντα Ῥωμαίων, δεόμενον δὲ τῆς
Καίσαρος ἀκμῆς καὶ θερμότητος ἐπὶ τὴν πρὸς
Πομπήϊον ἀντιπολιτείαν. ἀναδεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ
Κράσσου τοὺς μάλιστα χαλεποὺς καὶ ἀπαραιτή-
τους τῶν δανειστῶν καὶ διεγγυήσαντος ὀκτακο-
σίων καὶ τριάκοντα ταλάντων, οὕτως ἐξῆλθεν ἐπὶ
τὴν ἐπαρχίαν.

Λέγεται δέ, τὰς Αλπεις ὑπερβάλλοντος αὐτοῦ
καὶ πολίχνιόν τι βαρβα ικὸν οἰκούμενον ὑπὸ
ἀνθρώπων παντάπασιν ὀλίγων καὶ λυπρὸν παρερ-
χομένου, τοὺς ἑταίρους ἅμα γέλωτι καὶ μετὰ
παιδιᾶς “Ἢ που φάναι ὰ κἀνταῦθά τινές εἰσιν
ὑπὲρ ἀρχῶν φιλοτιμίαι καὶ περὶ πρωτείων ἅμιλ-
λαι καὶ φθόνοι τῶν δυνατῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους;
τὸν δὲ Καίσαρα σπουδάσαντα πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰπεῖν,
“᾿Ἐ)σχὼ μὲν ἐβουλόμην παρὰ τούτοις εἶναι μᾶλλον

γὼ μὲν ἐ μὴν map μ
πρῶτος ἢ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις δεύτερος. uf ὁμοίως δὲ
πάλιν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ σχολῆς οὔσης ἀναγινώσκοντά
τι τῶν περὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου γεγραμμένων σφόδρα
γενέσθαι πρὸς ἑαυτῷ πολὺν χρόνον, εἶτα καὶ δα-
κρῦσαι: τῶν δὲ φίλων θαυμασάντων τὴν αἰτίαν
εἰπεῖν" “ οὐ δοκεῖ ὑμῖν ἄξιον εἶναι λύπης, εἰ τηλε-
κοῦτος μὲν ὧν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἤδη τοσούτων ἐβασέ-
Never, ἐμοὶ δὲ λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν οὔπω πέπρακται; tg

XII. Τῆς γοῦν ᾿Ιβηρίας ἐπιβὰς εὐθὺς ἣν évep-
γός, ὥσθ᾽ ἡμέραις ὀλίγαις δέκα σπείρας συνα-
γαγεῖν πρὸς ταῖς πρότερον οὔσαις εἴκοσι, καὶ
στρατεύσας ἐπὶ Καλλαϊκοὺς καὶ Λυσιτανοὺς κρα-

᾿"

1 Early in 61 8.6.
468

115

CAESAR, χι. 1-x11. 1

hard to arrange matters with his creditors, who
obstructed his departure and were clamorous, he
had recourse to Crassus, the richest of the Romans,
who had need of Caesar’s vigour and fire for his
political campaign against Pompey. And it was
only after Crassus had met the demands of the most
importunate and inexorable of these creditors and
given surety for eight hundred and thirty talents,
that Caesar could go out to his province.?

We are told that, as he was crossing the Alps
and passing by a barbarian village which had very
few inhabitants and was a sorry sight, his companions
asked with mirth and laughter, ‘Can it be that
here too there are ambitious strifes. for office,
struggles for primacy, and mutual jealousies of
powerful men?’ Whereupon Caesar said to them

in all seriousness, “I would rather be-first-here than ἢ
second at Rome.” In like manner we are told again _/

that, in Spain, when he was at leisure and was
reading from the history of Alexander, he was lost
in thought for a long time, and then burst into
tears. His friends were astonished, and asked the

reason for his tears. “Do you not think,” said he, |

“it is matter for sorrow that while Alexander, at
my age, was already king of so many peoples, I have
as yet achieved no brilliant success? ” ?

XII. At any rate, as soon as he reached Spain he |
set himself to work, and in a few days raised ten |

cohorts in addition to the twenty which were there
before. Then he led his army against the Callaici

2 Suetonius (Div. Jul. 7) and Dio Cassius (xxxvii. 52, 2)
connect this anecdote more properly with Caesar’s quaestor-
ship in Spain (67 B.c.), when he was thirty-three years of
age, the age at which Alexander died.

VOL. VII. Qq 469

:

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τῆσαι καὶ προελθεῖν ἄχρι τῆς ἔξω θαλάσσης τὰ
μὴ πρότερον ὑπακούοντα “Ῥωμαίοις ἔθνη κατα-
στρεφόμενος. θέμενος δὲ τὰ τοῦ | πολέμου καλῶς,
οὐ χεῖρον ἐβράβευε τὰ τῆς εἰρήνης, ὁμόνοιάν τε
ταῖς πόλεσι καθιστάς, καὶ μάλιστα τὰς τῶν
χρεωφειλετῶν καὶ δανειστῶν ἰώμενος διαφοράς.
ἔταξε γὰρ τῶν “προσιόντων τοῖς ὀφείλουσι καθ᾽
ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν δύο μὲν μέρη τὸν δανειστὴν
ἀναιρεῖσθαι, τῷ δὲ λοιπῷ χρῆσθαι τὸν δεσπότην,
ἄχρι ἂν οὕτως ἐκλυθῇ τὸ δάνειον. ἐπὶ τούτοις
εὐδοκιμῶν ἀπηλλάγη τῆς ἐπαρχίας, αὐτός τε
πλούσιος γεγονὼς, καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὠφεληκὼς
ἀπὸ τῶν στρατειῶν, καὶ προσηγορευμένος αὐτο-
κράτωρ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν.

XIII. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τοὺς “μὲν μνωμένους θρίαμβον
ἔξω διατρίβειν ἔδει, τοὺς δὲ μετιόντας ὑπατείαν
παρόντας ἐ ἐν τῇ πόλει τοῦτο πράττειν, ἐν τοιαύτῃ
γεγονὼς ἀντινομίᾳ καὶ πρὸς αὐτὰς τὰς ὑ ὑπατικὰς
ἀφιγμένος ἀρχαιρεσίας ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλη-
τον αἰτούμενος αὐτῷ δοθῆναι παραγγέλλειν εἰς
ὑπατείαν ἀπόντι διὰ τῶν φίλων. Κάτωνος δὲ
πρῶτον μὲν ἰσχυριξομένου τῷ νόμῳ πρὸς τὴν
ἀξίωσιν, εἶτα, ὡς ἑώρα πολλοὺς τεθεραπευμένους
ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος, ἐκκρούσαντος τῷ χρόνῳ τὸ
πρᾶγμα καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐν τῷ λέγειν κατατρί-
ψαντος, ἔγνω τὸν θρίαμβον ᾿ἀφεὶς ὁ Καῖσαρ
ἔχεσθαι τῆς ὑπατείας. καὶ παρελθὼν εὐθὺς ὑπο-
δύεται πολίτευμά τι πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἐξαπα-
τῆσαν πλὴν Κάτωνος. ἣν δὲ τοῦτο ᾿διαλλαγὴ
Πομπηΐου καὶ Κράσσου τῶν μέγιστον ἐν τῇ πόλει
δυναμένων" ods συναγαγὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς φιλίαν

470°

CAESAR, xu. 1 ΧΠῚ. 2

and Lusitani, overpowered them, and marched on as
far as the outer sea, subduing the tribes which before
were not obedient to Rome. After bringing the war
to a successful close, he was equally happy in adjust-
ing the problems of peace, by establishing concord
between the cities, and particularly by healing the
dissensions between debtors and creditors. For he
ordained that the creditor should annually take two
thirds of his debtor’s income, and that the owner
of the property should use the rest, and so on until
the debt was cancelled. In high repute for this
administration he retired from the province; he had
become wealthy himself, had enriched his soldiers
from their campaigns, and had been saluted by them
as Imperator.

XIII. Now, since those who sued for the privilege
of a triumph must remain outside the city, while
those who were candidates for the consulship must
be present in the city, Caesar was in a great dilemma,
and because he had reached home at the very time
for the consular elections, he sent a request to the
senate that he might be permitted to offer himself
for the consulship im absentid, through the agency of
his friends. But since Cato began by insisting upon
the law in opposition to Caesar’s request, and then,
when he saw that many senators had been won over
by Caesar’s attentions, staved the matter off by con-
suming the day in speaking, Caesar decided to give
up the triumph and try for the consulship. So as
soon as he entered the city he assumed a policy
which deceived everyone except Cato, This policy
was to reconcile P ey and Crassus, the most in-
fluential men in the city. These men Caesar brought
together in friendship after their quarrel, and by

471

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐκ διαφορᾶς, καὶ τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἀμφοῖν συνενεγκάμενος
ἰσχὺν εἰς ἑαυτόν, ἔργῳ φιλάνθρωπον ἔ ἔχοντι προσ-
ηγορίαν ἔλαθε μεταστήσας τὴν πολιτείαν. οὐ
γάρ, ὡς οἱ πλεῖστοι νομίζουσιν, ἡ Καίσαρος καὶ
Πομπηΐου διαφορὰ τοὺς ἐμφυλίους ἀπειργάσατο
πολέμους, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἡ φιλία, συστάντων ἐπὶ
καταλύσει τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα
οὕτως καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαστάντων. Κάτωνι
δὲ πολλάκις τὰ μέλλοντα προθεσπίζοντι περιῆν
δυσκόλου μὲν ἀνθρώπου τότε καὶ πολυπρώγμονος,
ὕστερον δὲ φρονίμου μέν, οὐκ εὐτυχοῦς δὲ συμ-
βούλου λαβεῖν δόξαν.

XIV. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐν μέσῳ τῆς
Κράσσου καὶ Πομπηΐου φιλίας δορυφορούμενος
ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν κατήχθη: καὶ λαμπρῶς ἀνα-
γορευθεὶς μετὰ Καλπουρνίου Βύβλου καὶ κατα-
στὰς εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐθὺς εἰσέφερε νόμους οὐχ
ὑπάτῳ προσήκοντας, ἀλλὰ δημάρχῳ τινὶ θρασυ-
τάτῳ, πρὸς ἡδονὴν τῶν πολλῶν κληρουχίας τινὰς
χώρας καὶ διανομὰς εἰσηγούμενος. ἐν δὲ TH
βουλῇ τῶν καλῶν τε καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἀντικρουσάντων,
πάλαι δεόμενος προφάσεως, ἀνακραγὼν καὶ μαρ-
τυράμενος ὡς εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἄκων ἐξελαύνοιτο
θεραπεύσων ἐκεῖνον ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὕβρει καὶ χαλε-
πότητι τῆς βουλῆς, πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐξεπήδησε: καὶ
περιστησάμενος ἔνθεν μὲν Κράσσον, ἔνθεν δὲ
Πομπήϊον, ἠρώτησεν εἰ τοὺς νόμους ἐπαινοῖεν.
ἐπαινεῖν δὲ φασκόντων, παρεκάλει βοηθεῖν ἐπὶ
τοὺς ἐνίστασθαι μετὰ ξιφῶν ἀπειλοῦντας. ἐκεῖνοι

412

CAESAR, xu. 2-xiv. 3

concentrating their united strength upon himself,
succeeded, before men were aware of it, and by an
act which could be called one of kindness, in chang-
ing the form of government. For it was not, as most
men supposed, the quarrel between Caesar and Pom-
pey that brought on the civil wars, but rather their
friendship, since they worked together for the over-
throw of the aristocracy in the first place, and then,
when this had been accomplished, they quarrelled
with one another. And Cato, who often foretold
what was to come of their alliance, got the reputa-
tion of a morose and troublesome fellow at the time,
but afterwards that of a wise, though unfortunate,
counsellor.t

XIV. Caesar, however, encompassed and protected
by the friendship of Crassus and Pompey, entered the
canvass for the consulship ; and as soon as he had been
triumphantly elected, along with Calpurnius Bibulus,
and had entered upon his office,? he proposed laws
which were becoming, not for a consul, but for a
most radical tribune of the people; for to gratify
the multitude he introduced sundry allotments and
distributions of land. In the senate the opposition of
men of the better sort gave him the pretext which
he had long desired, and crying with loud adjurations
that he was driven forth into the popular assembly
against his wishes, and was compelled to court its
favour by the insolence and obstinacy of the senate,
he hastened before it, and stationing Crassus on one
side of him and Pompey on the other, he asked them
if they approved his laws. They declared that they
did approve them, whereupon he urged them to give
him their aid against those who threatened to oppose

1 Cf. the Pompey, xlvii. 1-5. 2 In 59 B.o.
473

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δὲ ὑπισχνοῦντο' Ἰ]ομπήϊος δὲ καὶ προσεπεῖπεν
ὡς ἀφίξοιτο πρὸς τὰ ξίφη μετὰ τοῦ ξίφους καὶ
θυρεὸν κομίζων. ἐπὶ τούτῳ τοὺς μὲν ἀριστοκρα-
τικοὺς ἠνίασεν, οὐκ ἀξίαν τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν αἰδοῦς,
οὐδὲ τῆς πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον εὐλαβείας πρέπου-
σαν, ἀλλὰ μανικὴν καὶ μειρακιώδη φωνὴν ἀκού-
cavtas, ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἥσθη.

Καῖσαρ δὲ μειζόνως ἔτε τῆς Πομπηΐου δυνάμεως
ὑποδραττόμενος, ἣν γὰρ αὐτῷ ᾿Ιουλία θυγάτηρ
ἐγγεγυημένη Σερουϊλίῳ Καιπίωνι, ταύτην ἐνεγ-
γύησε Ἰ]ομπηΐῳ, τὴν δὲ Πομπηΐου τῷ Σερουϊλίῳ
δώσειν ἔφησεν, οὐδὲ αὐτὴν ἀνέγγυον οὖσαν, ἀλλὰ
Φαύστῳ τῷ Σύλλα παιδὶ καθωμολογημένην.
~ 7 ν ὦ a ee. ,
ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Καῖσαρ ἠγάγετο Καλπουρνίαν
θυγατέρα ἸΠείσωνος, τὸν δὲ Πείσωνα κατέστησεν
ὕπατον εἰς τὸ μέλλον, ἐνταῦθα δὴ καὶ σφόδρα
μαρτυρομένου Κάτωνος καὶ βοῶντος οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν
εἶναι, γάμοις διαμαστροπευομένης τῆς ἡγεμονίας
καὶ διὰ γυναίων εἰς ἐπαρχίας καὶ στρατεύματα
καὶ δυνάμεις ἀλλήλους ἀντεισαγόντων.

‘O μὲν οὖν συνάρχων τοῦ Καίσαρος Βύβλος,
ἐπεὶ κωλύων τοὺς νόμους οὐδὲν ἐπέραινεν, ἀλλὰ
πολλάκις ἐκινδύνευε μετὰ Κάτωνος ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγο-
ρᾶς ἀποθανεῖν, ἐγκλεισάμενος οἴκοι τὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς
χρόνον διετέλεσε. ἸΠομπήϊος δὲ γήμας εὐθὺς ἐνέ-
πλὴησε τὴν ἀγορὰν ὅπλων καὶ συνεπεκύρου τῷ
δήμῳ τοὺς νόμους, Καίσαρι δὲ τὴν ἐντὸς "Αλπεων
καὶ τὴν ἐκτὸς ἅπασαν Κελτικήν, προσθεὶς τὸ
Ἰλλυρικὸν μετὰ ταγμάτων τεσσάρων εἰς πενταε-
τίαν. Κάτωνα μὲν οὖν ἐπιχειρήσαντα τούτοις
ἀντιλέγειν ἀπῆγεν εἰς φυλακὴν ὁ Καῖσαρ, οἰόμενος
αὐτὸν ἐπικαλέσεσθαι τοὺς δημάρχους" ἐκείνου δὲ

414

CAESAR, xiv. 3-7

him with swords. They promised him such aid,
and Pompey actually added that he would come up
against swords with sword and buckler too. At this
impulsive and mad speech, unworthy of the high
esteem in which Pompey stood and unbecoming to
the respect which was due to the senate, the nobility
were distressed but.the te camer pete oa

Moreover, Caesar tried to avail himself still more
of the influence of Pompey. He had a daughter,
Julia, who was betrothed to Servilius Caepio. This
daughter he betrothed to Pompey, and said he would
give Pompey’s daughter in marriage to Servilius,
although she too was not unbetrothed, but had been
promised to Faustus, the son of Sulla. “And a little
while afterwards Caesar took Calpurnia to wife, a
daughter of Piso, and got Piso made consul for the
coming year, although here too Cato vehemently pro-
tested, and cried out that it was intolerable to have
the supreme power prostituted by marriage alliances
and to see men helping one another to powers and
armies and provinces by means of women.

As for Caesar’s colleague, Bibulus, since he availed
nothing by obstructing Caesar’s laws, but often ran
the risk with Cato of being killed in the forum, he
shut himself up at home for the remainder of his
term of office. Pompey, however, immediately after
his marriage, filled the forum with armed men and
helped the people to enact Caesar’s laws and give
him as his consular province Gaul on both sides of the
Alps for five years, together with Illyricum and four
legions. Cato, of course, tried to speak against these
measures, but Caesar had him led off to prison, sup-
posing that he would appeal to the popular tribunes ;
but when Cato walked off without a word and Caesar

475

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ag wvov βαδίξοντος ὁρῶν ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐ “μόνον τοὺς
κρατίστους δυσφοροῦντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν
αἰδοῖ τῆς Κάτωνος a ἀρετῆς σιωπῇ καὶ μετὰ κατη-
φείας ἑπόμενον, αὐτὸς ἐδεήθη κρύφα τῶν δημάρ-
χων ἑνὸς ἀφελέσθαι τὸν Κάτωνα.

Τῶν δὲ ἄλλων συγκλητικῶν ὀλίγοι παντάπασιν
αὐτῷ συνήεσαν εἰς βουλήν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ δυσχεραί-
νοντες ἐκποδὼν ἦσαν. εἰπόντος δὲ Κονσιδίου
τινὸς τῶν σφόδρα γερόντων ὡς φοβούμενοι τὰ
ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας οὐ συνέρχοιντο, “ΠΝ
οὗν," ἔφη ὁ Καῖσαρ, “ οὐ καὶ σὺ ταῦτα δεδιὼς
oixoupeis;” καὶ ὁ Κονσίδιος εἶπεν' "Ors με ποιεῖ
μὴ φοβεῖσθαι τὸ γῆρας: ὁ γὰρ ἔτι λειπόμενος
βίος οὐ πολλῆς ὀλίγος ὧν δεῖται προνοίας."
αἴσχιστον δὲ τῶν τότε πολιτευμάτων ἔδοξεν ἐν
τῇ Καίσαρος ὑπατείᾳ δήμαρχον αἱρεθῆναι Κλώ-
διον ἐκεῖνον, ὑφ᾽ οὗ “Ta περὶ τὸν γάμον Kal Tas
ἀπορρήτους παρενομήθη παννυχίδας. ἡἠρέθη δὲ
ἐπὶ τῇ Κικέρωνος καταλύσει" καὶ Καῖσαρ οὐ πρό-
τερον ἐξῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἢ καταστασιάσαι
Κικέρωνα μετὰ Κλωδίου καὶ συνεκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς
᾿Ιταλίας.

XV. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν λέγεται γενέσθαι τὰ
πρὸ τῶν Γαλατικῶν. ὁ δὲ τῶν πολέμων ods
ἐπολέμησε μετὰ ταῦτα, καὶ τῶν στρατειῶν αἷς

ἡμερώσατο τὴν Κελτικήν, χρόνος, ὥσπερ ἄλλην
ἀρχὴν λαβόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ καταστάντος εἰς ἑτέ-
ραν τινὰ βίου καὶ πραγμάτων καινῶν ὁδόν, οὐκ
ἔστιν ὅτου τῶν μάλιστα τεθαυμασμένων ἐφ᾽
ἡγεμονίᾳ καὶ μεγίστων γεγονότων ἀπολείποντα
πολεμιστὴν καὶ στρατηλάτην ἀπέδειξεν αὐτόν,

416

CAESAR, xiv. 7-xv. 2

saw not only that the most influential men were
displeased, but also that the populace, out of respect
for Cato’s virtue, were following him in silence and
with downcast looks, he himself secretly asked one
of the tribunes to take Cato out of arrest.

Of the other senators, only a very few used to go’
with Caesar to the senate; the rest, in displeasure,
stayed away. Considius, a very aged senator, once
told Caesar that his colleagues did not come together
because they were afraid of the armed soldiers.
“Why, then,” said Caesar, “dost thou too not stay
at home out of the same fear?’’ To this Considius
replied: “Because my old age makes me fearless;
for the short span of life that is still left me does:
not require much anxious thought.” But the most |
disgraceful public measure of the time was thought |
to be the election to the tribuneship, during Caesar’s
consulate, of the notorious Clodius, who had tres-
passed upon his rights as a husband, and upon the
secret nocturnal vigils. He was elected, however,
for the overthrow of Cicero; and Caesar did not go
forth upon his campaign until, with the help of
Clodius, he had raised a successful faction against
Cicero and driven him out of Italy.!

XV. Such, then, is said to have been the course
of Caesar’s life before his Gallic campaigns. But
the period of the wars which he afterwards fought,
and of the campaigns by which he subjugated Gaul,
as if he had made another beginning and entered
upon a different path of life and one of new achieve-
ments, proved him to be inferior as soldier and
commander to no one soever of those who have won
most admiration for leadership and shown themselves

1 Cf. the Cicero, chapters xxx. and xxxi.

477

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀλλ᾽ εἴτε Φαβίους καὶ Σκηπίωνας καὶ Μετέλλους
καὶ τοὺς κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἢ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ,
Σύλλαν καὶ Μάριον ἀμφοτέρους τε Λευκούλλους
a \ 7.- > , Φ ; ¢€ / »
ἢ καὶ Πομπήϊον αὐτόν, οὗ κλέος ὑπουράνιον ἤνθει
τότε παντοίας περὶ πόλεμον ἀρετῆς, παραβάλοι
ς , ς / / \ \
τις, ai Καίσαρος ὑπερβάλλουσι πράξεις τὸν μὲν
χαλεπότητι τόπων ἐν οἷς ἐπολέμησε, τὸν δὲ μεγέ-
θει χώρας ἣν προσεκτήσατο, τὸν δὲ πλήθει καὶ
βίᾳ πολεμίων ods ἐνίκησε, τὸν δὲ ἀτοπίαις καὶ
> / 3242 5 ἃ , \ 2 ΄,
ἀπιστίαις ἠθῶν ἃ καθωμίλησε, τὸν δὲ ἐπιεικείᾳ
καὶ πρᾳότητι πρὸς τοὺς ἁλισκομένους, τὸν δὲ
δώροις καὶ χάρισι πρὸς τοὺς συστρατευομένους,
πάντας δὲ τῷ πλείστας μεμαχῆσθαι μάχας καὶ
πλείστους ἀνῃρηκέναι τῶν ἀντιταχθέντων. ἔτη
\ >O\ / / \ 7 /
yap οὐδὲ δέκα πολεμήσας περὶ Ἰ'αλατίαν πόλεις
Ν e \ > / \ 4 »
μὲν ὑπὲρ ὀκτακοσίας κατὰ κράτος εἷλεν, ἔθνη δὲ
ἐχειρώσατο τριακόσια, μυριάσι δὲ παραταξάμε-
νος KaTa μέρος τριακοσίαις ἑκατὸν μὲν ἐν χερσὶ
᾿ διέφθειρεν, ἄλλας δὲ τοσαύτας ἐζώγρησεν.
XVI. Εὐνοίᾳ δὲ καὶ προθυμίᾳ στρατιωτῶν
ἐχρήσατο τοσαύτῃ περὶ αὑτὸν ὥστε τοὺς ἑτέρων
\ > a Ν , /
μηδὲν ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις στρατείαις διαφέροντας
ἀμάχους καὶ ἀνυποστάτους φέρεσθαι πρὸς πᾶν
δεινὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς Καίσαρος δόξης. οἷος ἣν τοῦτο
Ν > 7, ἃ > a / ,
μὲν Axirsos, ὃς ἐν τῇ περὶ Μασσαλίαν ναυμαχίᾳ
Ν / > \ \ \ \ 3 ᾿
νεὼς πολεμίας ἐπιβεβηκὼς τὴν μὲν δεξιὰν ἀπε-
κόπη χεῖρα μαχαίρᾳ, τῇ δὲ ἑτέρᾳ τὸν θυρεὸν οὐκ
> a > Ψ' > \ , \
ἀφῆκεν, ἀλλὰ τύπτων εἰς τὰ πρόσωπα τοὺς
478

val

CAESAR, xv. 2-xvi. 1

greatest therein. Nay, if one compare him with
such men as Fabius and Scipio and Metellus, and ὁ
with the men of his own time or a little before him, |
like Sulla, Marius, the two Luculli, or even Pompey |
himself, whose fame for every sort of military excel: |
lence was at this time flowering out and reaching t
the skies, Caesar will be found to surpass them all in
his achievements. One he surpassed in the difficulty’
of the regions where he waged his wars; another
in the great extent of country which he acquired ;
another in the multitude and might of the enemies
over whom he was victorious ; another in the savage
manners and perfidious dispositions of the people
whom he conciliated ; another in his reasonableness
and mildness towards his captives; another still in
the gifts and favours which he bestowed upon his ,
soldiers; and all in the fact that he fought the most
battles and killed the most enemies. For although
it was not full ten years that he waged war in Gaul,
he took by storm more than eight hundred cities,
subdued three hundred nations, and fought pitched
battles at different times with three million men, of
whom he slew one million in hand to hand fighting
and took as many more prisoners.

XVI. His soldiers showed such good will and
zeal in his service that those who in their previous
campaigns had been in no way superior to others
were invincible and irresistible in confronting every
danger to enhance Caesar’s fame. Such a man, for
instance, was Acilius, who, in the sea-fight at
Massalia,! boarded a hostile ship and had his right
hand cut off with a sword, but clung with the other
hand to his shield, and dashing it into the faces ot

1 Described by Caesar in Bell. Civ. ii. 4-7.
479

oo

~

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πολεμίους ἀπέστρεψε πάντας καὶ τοῦ σκάφους
ἐπεκράτησε" τοῦτο δὲ Κάσσιος Σκεύας, ὃς ἐν τῇ
περὶ Δυρράχιον μάχῃ τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν ἐκκοπεὶς
τοξεύματι, τὸν δὲ ὦμον ὑσσῷ καὶ τὸν μηρὸν ἑτέρῳ
διεληλαμένος, τῷ δὲ θυρεῷ βελῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ
τριάκοντα πληγὰς ἀναδεδεγμένος, ἐκάλει τοὺς
πολεμίους ὡς παραδώσων ἑαυτόν. δυεῖν δὲ
προσιόντων, τοῦ μὲν ἀπέκοψε τὸν ὦμον τῇ
μαχαίρᾳ, τὸν δὲ κατὰ τοῦ προσώπου πατάξας
ἀπέστρεψεν, αὐτὸς δὲ διεσώθη τῶν οἰκείων περι-
σχόντων. ἐν δὲ Βρεττανίᾳ τῶν πολεμίων εἰς τόπον
ἑλώδη καὶ μεστὸν ὑδάτων ἐμπεσοῦσι τοῖς πρώ-
τοις ταξιάρχοις ἐπιθεμένων στρατιώτης, Kai-
σαρος αὐτοῦ τὴν μάχην ἐφορῶντος, ὠσάμενος εἰς
μέσους καὶ πολλὰ καὶ περίοπτα τόλμης ἀποδει-
ξάμενος ἔργα τοὺς μὲν ταξιάρχους ἔσωσε, τῶν
βαρβάρων φυγόντων, αὐτὸς δὲ χαλεπῶς ἐπὶ πᾶσι
διαβαίνων ἔρριψεν ἑαυτὸν εἰς ῥεύματα τελματώδη,
καὶ μόλις ἄνευ τοῦ θυρεοῦ, τὰ μὲν νηχόμενος, τὰ
δὲ βαδίζων, διεπέρασε. θαυμαζόντων δὲ τῶν
περὶ τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ κραυγῆς
ἀπαντώντων, αὐτὸς εὖ μάλα κατηφὴς καὶ δεδα-
κρυμένος προσέπεσε τῷ Καίσαρι, συγγνώμην ai-
τούμενος ἐπὶ τῷ προέσθαι τὸν θυρεόν. ἐν δὲ
Λιβύῃ ναῦν ἑλόντες οἱ περὶ Σκηπίωνα Καίσαρος,
ἐν ἣ Γράνιος Πέτρων ἐπέπλει ταμίας ἀποδεδει-
γμένος, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐποιοῦντο λείαν, τῷ δὲ
ταμίᾳ διδόναι τὴν σωτηρίαν ἔφασαν. ὁ δὲ εἰπὼν
ὅτι τοῖς Καίσαρος στρατιώταις οὐ λαμβάνειν,
ἀλλὰ διδόναι σωτηρίαν ἔθος ἐστίν, ἑαυτὸν τῷ
ξίφει πατάξας ἀνεῖλε.

480

CAESAR, xvi. 1-4

his foes, routed them all and got possession of the
vessel. Such a man, again, was Cassius Scaeva, who,
in the battle at Dyrrhachium, had his eye struck
out with an arrow, his shoulder transfixed with one
javelin and his thigh with another, and received on
his shield the blows of one hundred and _ thirty
missiles. In this plight, he called the enemy to him as
though he would surrender. Two of them, accord-
ingly, coming up, he lopped off the shou'der of one
with his sword, smote the other in the face and put
him to flight, and came off safely himself with the
aid of his comrades.!. Again, in Britain, when the ~
enemy had fallen upon the foremost centurions, who
had plunged into a watery marsh, a soldier, while
Caesar in person was watching the battle, dashed
into the midst of the fight, displayed many -con-
spicuous deeds of daring, and rescued the centurions,
after the Barbarians had been routed. Then he
himself, making his way with difficulty after all the
rest, plunged into the muddy current, and at last,
without his shield, partly swimming and partly wad-
ing, got across. Caesar and his company were
amazed and came to meet the soldier with cries of
joy; but he, in great dejection, and with a burst
of tears, cast himself at Caesar's feet, begging
pardon for the loss of his shield. Again, in Africa,
Scipio captured a ship of Caesar’s in which Granius
Petro, who had been appointed quaestor, was sailing.
Of the rest of the passengers Scipio made booty,
but told the quaestor that he offered him his life,
Granius, however, remarking that it was the cus-
tom with Caesar’s soldiers not to receive but to offer
mercy, killed himself with a blow of his sword.

2 Cf. Caesar, Bell. Civ. iii, 53
481

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XVII. Ta δὲ τοιαῦτα λήματα Kal τὰς φιλο'
τιμίας αὐτὸς ἀνέθρεψε καὶ κατεσκεύασε Καῖσαρ,
πρῶτον μὲν τῷ χαρίζεσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν ἀφειδῶς
ἐνδεικνύμενος ὅτε τὸν πλοῦτον οὐκ εἰς τρυφὴν
ἰδίαν οὐδέ τινας ἡδυπαθείας ἐκ τῶν πολέμων ἀθροί-
ζει, κοινὰ δὲ ἄθλα τῆς ἀνδραγαθίας παρ᾽ αὐτῷ
φυλασσόμενα ἀπόκειται, καὶ μέτεστιν ἐκείνῳ τοῦ

a “ al > ¢/ “ n δί
πλουτεῖν OTA τοῖς αξιοις Τῶν στρατιώτων υτ-

δωσιν: ἔπειτα τῷ πάντα μὲν κίνδυνον ἑκὼν ὑφί-
στασθαι, πρὸς μηδένα δὲ τῶν πόνων ἀπαγορεύειν.
τὸ μὲν οὖν φιλοκίνδυνον οὐκ ἐθαύμαζον αὐτοῦ
διὰ τὴν φιλοτιμίαν: ἡ δὲ τῶν πόνων ὑπομονὴ
παρὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος δύναμιν ἐγκαρτερεῖν δο-
κοῦντος ἐξέπληττεν, ὅτι καὶ τὴν ἕξιν dy ἰσχνὸς
καὶ τὴν σάρκα λευκὸς καὶ ἁπαλὸς καὶ τὴν κεφα-
λὴν νοσώδης καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐπιληπτικοῖς ἔνο-
χος, ἐν Κορδύβῃ πρῶτον αὐτῷ τοῦ πάθους, ὡς
λέγεται, τούτου προσπεσόντος, οὐ μαλακίας
ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἀρρωστίαν πρόφασιν, ἀλλὰ θερα-
πείαν τῆς ἀρρωστίας τὴν στρατείαν, ταῖς ἀτρύ-
τοις ὁδοιπορίαις καὶ ταῖς εὐτελέσι διαίταις καὶ
τῷ θυραυλεῖν ἐνδελεχῶς καὶ ταλαιπωρεῖν ἀπο-
μαχόμενος τῷ πάθει καὶ τὸ σῶμα τηρῶν δυσά-
λωτον. ἐκοιμᾶτο μέν γε τοὺς πλείστους ὕπνους
ἐν ὀχήμασιν ἢ φορείοις, εἰς πρᾶξιν τὴν ἀνάπαυσιν
κατατιθέμενος, ὠχεῖτο δὲ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ τὰ
φρούρια καὶ τὰς πόλεις καὶ τοὺς χάρακας, ἑνὸς
αὐτῷ συγκαθημένου παιδὸς τῶν ὑπογράφειν ἅμα
διώκοντος εἰθισμένων, ἑνὸς δ᾽ ἐξόπισθεν ἐφεστη-
κότος στρατιώτου ξίφος ἔχοντος. συντόνως δὲ
ἤλαυνεν οὕτως ὥστε τὴν πρώτην ἔξοδον ἀπὸ
“Ῥώμης ποιησάμενος ὀγδοαῖος ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥοδανὸν

ἐλθεῖν.
482

716

CAESAR, xvm. 1-4

XVII. Such spirit and ambition Caesar himself
created and cultivated in his men, in the first place,
because he showed, by his unsparing bestowal of
rewards and honours, that he was not amassing
wealth from his wars for his own luxury or for any
life of ease, but that he treasured it up carefully as
a common prize for deeds of valour, and had no
greater share in the wealth than he offered to the
deserving among his soldiers; and in the second
place, by willingly undergoing every danger and
refusing no toil. Now, at his love of danger his
men were not astonished, knowing his ambition ;
but that he should undergo toils beyond his body’s
apparent power of endurance amazed them, because
he was of a spare habit, had a soft and white skin,
suffered from distemper in the head, and was subject
to epileptic fits, a trouble which first attacked him,
we are told, in Corduba. Nevertheless, he did not
make his feeble health an excuse for soft living, but
rather his military service a cure for his feeble health,
since by wearisome journeys, simple diet, continu-
ously sleeping in the open air, and enduring hard-
ships, he fought off his trouble and kept his body
strong against its attacks. Most of his sleep, at
least, he got in cars or litters, making his rest. con-
duce to action, and in the day-time he would have
himself conveyed to garrisons, cities, or camps, one
slave who was accustomed to write from dictation as
he travelled sitting by his side, and one soldier
standing behind him with a sword. And he drove
so rapidly that, on his first journey from Rome to
Gaul, he reached the Rhone in seven days.

483

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

To μὲν οὖν ἱππεύειν ἐκ παιδὸς ἦν αὐτῷ ῥάδιον'
εἴθιστο γὰρ εἰς τοὐπίσω τὰς χεῖρας ἀπάγων καὶ
τῷ νώτῳ περιπλέκων͵ ἀνὰ κράτος ἐλαύνειν τὸν
ἵππον. ἐν ἐκείνῃ δὲ τῇ στρατείᾳ προσεξήσκησεν
ἱππαξόμενος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ὑπαγορεύειν καὶ
δυσὶν ὁμοῦ γράφουσιν ἐξαρκεῖν, ὡς δὲ ὍὌππιός
φησι, καὶ πλείοσι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὸ διὰ γραμ-
μάτων τοῖς φίλοις ὁμιλεῖν Καίσαρα πρῶτον͵ μη-
χανήσασθαι, τὴν κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔντευξιν ὑπὲρ
τῶν ἐπειγόντων τοῦ καιροῦ διά τε πλῆθος ἀσχο-
λιῶν καὶ τῆς πόλεως τὸ μέγεθος μὴ περιμένοντος.
τῆς δὲ περὶ τὴν δίαιταν εὐκολίας κἀκεῖνο ποιοῦν-
Tat σημεῖον, ὅτι τοῦ δειπνίζοντος αὐτὸν ἐν Μεδιο-
λάνῳ ξένου Οὐαλλερίου Λέοντος παραθέντος
ἀσπάραγον καὶ μύρον ἀντ᾽ ἐλαίου καταχέαντος,
αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφελῶς ἔφαγε, τοῖς δὲ φίλοις δυσχεραί-
νουσιν ἐπέπληξεν. “Ἤρκει γάρ, ᾽ ἔφη, “ τὸ μὴ

σθαι τοῖς ἀπαρέσκουσιν" ὁ δὲ “τὴν τοιαύτην
ἀγροικίαν ἐξελέγχων αὐτός ἐστιν ἄγροικος." ἐν
ὁδῷ δέ ποτε συνελασθεὶς ὑ ὑπὸ χειμῶνος εἰς ἔπαυ-
λιν ἀνθρώπου πένητος, ὡς οὐδὲν εὗρε πλέον οἰκή-
ματος ἑνὸς γλίσχρως ἕνα δέξασθαι δυναμένου,
πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπὼν ὡς τῶν μὲν ἐντίμων παρα-
χωρητέον εἴη τοῖς κρατίστοις, τῶν δὲ ἀναγκαίων
τοῖς ἀσθενεστάτοις, Ὄππιον ἐκέλευσεν ἀναπαύ-
σασθαι" αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὑπὸ τῷ προ-
στεγίῳ τῆς θύρας ἐκάθευδεν.

XVIII. ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ ὁ μὲν πρῶτος αὐτῷ τῶν
Κελτικῶν πολέμων “πρὸς ᾿λ βηττίους συνέστη
καὶ Τιγυρίνους, οἵ τὰς αὑτῶν δώδεκα πόλεις καὶ
κώμας τετρακοσίας ἐμπρήσαντες ἐχώρουν πρόσω

484

CAESAR, xvm. 4-xvui. 1

Horsemanship, moreover, had been easy for him
from boyhood; for he was wont to put his hands
behind his back and, holding them closely there, to
ride his horse at full speed. And in the Gallic cam-
paigns he practised dictating letters on horseback and
keeping two scribes at once busy, or, as Oppius says,
even more. We are told, moreover, that Caesar was
the first to devise intercourse with his friends by
letter, since he could not wait for personal inter-
views on urgent matters owing to the multitude of
his occupations and the great size of the city. Of
his indifference in regard to his diet the following
circumstance also is brought in proof. When the
host who was entertaining him in Mediolanum,
Valerius Leo, served up asparagus dressed with
myrrh instead of olive oil, Caesar ate of it without
ado, and rebuked his friends when they showed
displeasure. ‘Surely,’ said he, “it were enough
not to eat what you don’t like; but he who finds
fault with ill-breeding like this is ill-bred himself.”
Once, too, upon a journey, he and his followers
were driven by a storm into a poor man’s hut, and
when he found that it consisted of one room only,
and that one barely able to accommodate a single
person, he said to his friends that honours must be
yielded to the strongest, but necessities to the
weakest, and bade Oppius lie down there, while he
himself with the rest of his company slept in the

orch.

XVIII. But to resume, the first of his Gallic wars
was against the Helvetii and Tigurini,! who had set
fire to their twelve cities and four hundred villages
and were advancing through that part of Gaul which

1 Cf. Caesar, Bell. Gall. i, 2-29.
485

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

διὰ τῆς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίους Γαλατίας, ὥσπερ πάλαι
Κίμβροι καὶ 'Τεύτονες, οὔτε τόλμαν ἐκείνων ὗπο-
δεέστεροι δοκοῦντες εἶναι καὶ πλῆθος ὁμαλῶς
τριάκοντα μὲν αἱ πᾶσαι μυριάδες ὄντες, εἴκοσι δὲ
αἱ μαχόμεναι μιᾶς δέουσαι. τούτων Τιγυρίνους

Ἁ > > ld > \ \ - >
μὲν οὐκ αὐτός, ἀλλὰ Λαβιηνὸς πεμφθεὶς tr
αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸν “Apapa ποταμὸν συνέτριψεν,
Ἑλβηττίων δὲ αὐτῷ πρός τινα πόλιν φίλην
ἄγοντι τὴν στρατιὰν καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἀπροσδοκήτως
ἐπιθεμένων φθάσας ἐπὶ χωρίον καρτερὸν κατέ-

υγε. κἀκεῖ συναγαγὼν καὶ παρατάξας τὴν
δύναμιν, ὡς ἵππος αὐτῷ προσήχθη, “ Τούτῳ
μέν, ἔφη, “νικήσας χρήσομαι πρὸς τὴν δίωξιν,
νῦν δὲ ἴωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους," καὶ πεζὸς
ὁρμήσας ἐνέβαλε. χρόνῳ δὲ καὶ χαλεπῶς
ὠσάμενος τὸ μάχιμον περὶ ταῖς ἁμάξαις καὶ
τῷ χάρακι τὸν πλεῖστον ἔσχε πόνον, οὐκ αὐτῶν
μόνων ὑφισταμένων ἐκεῖ καὶ μαχομένων, ἀλλὰ
καὶ παῖδες αὐτῶν καὶ γυναῖκες ἀμυνόμενοι μέχρι
θανάτου συγκατεκόπησαν, ὥστε τὴν μάχην μόλις
εἰς μέσας νύκτας τελευτῆσαι. καλῷ δὲ τῷ τῆς
νίκης ἔργῳ κρεῖττον ἐπέθηκε τὸ συνοικίσαι τοὺς
διαφυγόντας ἐκ τῆς μάχης τῶν περιόντων βαρ-
βάρων, καὶ καταναγκάσαι τὴν χώραν ἀναλαβεῖν
ἣν ἀπέλιπον καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἃς διέφθειραν, ὄντας
ὑπὲρ δέκα μυριάδας. ἔπραξε δὲ τοῦτο δεδιὼς
μὴ τὴν χώραν ἔρημον γενομένην οἱ Τερμανοὶ δια-
βάντες κατάσχωσι.

XIX. Δεύτερον δὲ πρὸς Γερμανοὺς ἄντικρυς
ὑπὲρ Κελτῶν ἐπολέμησε, καίτοι τὸν βασιλέα
πρότερον αὐτῶν ᾿Αριόβιστον ἐν Ῥώμῃ σύμμαχον

486

CAESAR, xvut. 1—x1x. 1

was subject to the Romans, as once the Cimbri and
Teutones had done. To these they were thought
to be not inferior in courage and of equal numbers,
being three hundred thousand in al], of whom one
hundred and ninety thousand were fighting men.
The Tigurini were crushed at the river Arar, not by
Caesar himself, but by Labienus, his deputy; the
Helvetii, however, unexpectedly attacked Caesar
himself on the march, as he was leading his forces
towards a friendly city, but he succeeded in reaching
a strong place of refuge. Here, after he had col-
lected and arrayed his forces, a horse was brought
to him. “This horse,” said he, “I will use for the
pursuit after my victory; but now let us go against
the enemy,” and accordingly led the charge on foot.
After a long and hard struggle he routed the
enemy's fighting men, but had the most trouble at
their rampart of waggons, where not only did the
men themselves make a stand and fight, but also
their wives and children defended themselves to
- the death and were cut to pieces with the men.
The battle was hardly over by midnight. To the
noble work of victory Caesar added a nobler still, '
that of settling those of the Barbarians who had
escaped alive from the battle (there were more than
one hundred thousand of them), and compelling
them to resume the territory which they had aban-
doned and the cities which they had destroyed. He
did this because he feared that if the territory
became vacant the Germans would cross the Rhine
and occupy it.

XIX. His second war, directly in defence of the
Gauls, was against the Germans, although pre-
viously, in Rome, he had made their king Ariovistus

1 Cf. Caesar, B.G. i. 30-53.
487

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πεποιημένος" GAN ἦσαν ἀφόρητοι τοῖς ὑπηκόοις
αὐτοῦ γείτονες, καὶ καιροῦ παραδόντος οὐκ ἂν
ἐδόκουν ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀτρεμήσειν, ἀλλ᾽
ἐπινεμήσεσθαι καὶ καθέξειν τὴν Γαλατίαν. ὁρῶν
δὲ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἀποδειλιῶντας, καὶ μάλιστα
ὅσοι τῶν ἐπιφανῶν καὶ νέων αὐτῷ συνεξῆλθον ὡς
δὴ τρυφῇ χρησόμενοι καὶ χρηματισμῷ τῇ μετὰ
Καίσαρος στρατείᾳ, συναγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν
ἐκέλευσεν ἀπιέναι καὶ μὴ κινδυνεύειν παρὰ γνώ-
μην οὕτως ἀνάνδρως καὶ μαλακῶς ἔχοντας, αὐτὸς

δὲ δὲ ἔφη τὸ δέκατον τάγμα μόνον παραλαβὼν ἐπὶ
τοὺς βαρβάρους πορεύσεσθαι, μήτε κρείττοσι
μέλλων Κίμβρων μάχεσθαι πολεμίοις μήτε αὐτὸς
dv Μαρίου χείρων στρατηγός. ἐκ τούτου τὸ μὲν
δέκατον τάγμα πρεσβευτὰς ἔπεμψε πρὸς αὐτὸν
χάριν ἔχειν ὁμολογοῦντες, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα τοὺς Eav-
τῶν ἐκάκιζον ἡγεμόνας, ὁρμῆς δὲ καὶ προθυμίας
γενόμενοι πλήρεις ἅπαντες ἠκολούθουν ὁδὸν ἡμε-
ρῶν πολλῶν, ἕως ἐν διακοσίοις τῶν πολεμίων
σταδίοις κατεστρατοπέδευσαν.

Ἦν μὲν οὖν ὅ τι καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτὴν
ἐτέθραυστο τῆς γνώμης τοῦ ᾿Αριοβίστου. Γ ερ-
μανοῖς γὰρ ἐπιθήσεσθαι Ῥωμαίους, ὦ ὧν ἐπερχομέ-
νων οὐκ ἂν ἐδόκουν ὑποστῆναι, μὴ προσδοκήσας
ἐθαύμαζε τὴν Καίσαρος τόλμαν καὶ τὸν στρα-
τὸν ἑώρα τεταραγμένον. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς
ἤμβλυνε τὰ μαντεύματα τῶν ἱερῶν γυναικῶν, αἱ
ποταμῶν δίναις προσβλέπουσαι καὶ ῥευμάτων
ἑλιγμοῖς καὶ ψόφοις τεκμαιρόμεναι προεθέσπιζον,
488

7h

CAESAR, χιχ. 1-4

an ally.!. But they were intolerable neighbours of
Caesar's subjects, and if an opportunity presented
itself it was thought that they would not remain
quietly in their present homes, but would encroach
upon and occupy Gaul. Seeing that his officers
were inclined to be afraid, and particularly all the
young men of high rank who had come out intend-
ing to make the campaign with Caesar an oppor-
tunity for high living and money-making, he called
them together? and bade them be off, since they
were so unmanly and effeminate, and not force
themselves to face danger; as for himself, he said
he would take the tenth legion alone and march
against the Barbarians; the enemy would be no
better fighters than the Cimbri, and he himself was
no worse a general than Marius. Upon this the tenth
legion sent a deputation to him, expressing their
gratitude, while the other legions reviled their own
commanders, and all the army, now full of impetuous
eagerness, followed Caesar on a march of many days,
and at last encamped within two hundred furlongs
of the enemy.

Now, the very approach of Caesar somewhat shat-
tered the purpose of Ariovistus. For he did not
expect that the Romans would attack the Germans,
whose onset he thought they could not withstand,
and he was amazed at the boldness of Caesar; be-
sides, he saw that his own army was disturbed. Still
more, too, was the spirit of the Germans blunted by
the prophecies of their holy women, who used to
foretell the future by observing the eddies in the
rivers and by finding signs in the whirlings and

1 Acting as consul, in 59 B.o,
2 Cf. Caesar, B.G. i. 40.

489

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

οὐκ ἐῶσαι μάχην τίθεσθαι πρὶν ἐπϊχάμψαι νέαν
σελήνην. ταῦτα τῷ Καίσαρι πυνθανομένῳ καὶ
τοὺς Γερμανοὺς ἡσυχάζοντας ὁρῶντι Karas ἔχειν
ἔδοξεν ἀπροθύμοις οὖσιν αὐτοῖς συμβαλεῖν μᾶλ-
λον ἢ τὸν ἐκείνων ἀναμένοντα καιρὸν καθῆσθαι.
καὶ προσβολὰς ποιούμενος τοῖς ἐρύμασι καὶ
λόφοις ἐφ᾽ ὧν ἐστρατοπέδευον, ἐξηγρίαινε Kal
παρώξυνε καταβάντας πρὸς ὀργὴν διαγωνίσασθαι.
γενομένης δὲ λαμπρᾶς τροπῆς αὐτῶν, ἐπὶ σταδί-
ous τετρακοσίους ἄχρι τοῦ Ῥήνου διώξας κατέ-
πλησε τοῦτο πᾶν νεκρῶν τὸ πεδίον καὶ λαφύρων.
᾿Αριόβιστος δὲ φθάσας μετ᾽ ὀλίγων διεπέρασε
τὸν Ῥῆνον: ἀριθμὸν δὲ νεκρῶν μυριάδας ὀκτὼ
γενέσθαι λέγουσι.

XX. Ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος τὴν μὲν δύναμιν
ἐν Σηκουανοῖς ἀπέλιπε διαχειμάσουσαν, αὐτὸς
δὲ τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ προσέχειν βουλόμενος εἰς τὴν
περὶ Uadov Τ᾿αλατίαν κατέβη, τῆς αὐτῷ δεδο-
μένης ἐπαρχίας οὖσαν: ὁ γὰρ καλόύμενος “Pov-
βίκων ποταμὸς ἀπὸ τῆς ὑπὸ ταῖς "Αλπεσι
Κελτικῆς ὁρίζει τὴν ἄλλην ᾿Ιταλίαν. ἐνταῦθα
καθήμενος ἐδημαγώγει, πολλῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφι-
κνουμένων, διδοὺς ὧν ἕκαστος δεηθείη, καὶ πάντας
ἀποπέμπων τὰ μὲν ἔχοντας ἤδη παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ, τὰ
δὲ ἐλπίζοντας. καὶ παρὰ τὸν ἄλλον δὲ πάντα
τῆς στρατείας χρόνον ἐλάνθανε τὸν Πομπήϊον
ἐν μέρει νῦν μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους τοῖς τῶν πολιτῶν
ὅπλοις καταστρεφόμενος, νῦν δὲ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν
πολεμίων χρήμασιν αἱρῶν τοὺς πολίτας καὶ

4
χειρούμενος.

Επεὶ δὲ Βέλγας ἤκουσε δυνατωτάτους Κελτῶν
καὶ τὴν τρίτην ἁπάσης τῆς Κελτικῆς νεμομένους

490

CAESAR, xix. 4-ΧΧ. 3

splashings of the waters, and now forbade joining
battle before a new moon gave its light. When
Caesar learned this, and saw that the Germans kept
quiet, he decided that it was a good plan to engage
them while they were out of heart, rather than to
sit still and wait for their time. So, by attacking
their entrenchments and the hills on which they
were encamped, he irritated them and incited them
to come down in anger and fight the issue out.
They were signally routed, and Caesar pursued them

a distance of four hundred furlongs, as far as the ©
Rhine, and filled all the intervening plain with dead |

bodies and spoils. Ariovistus, with a few followers,
sueceeded in crossing the Rhine; his dead are said
to have been eighty thousand in number.

XX. After this achievement, Caesar left his forces
among the Sequani to spend the winter,! while he
himself, desirous of giving attention to matters at
Rome, came down to Gaul along the Po,? which was
a part of the province assigned to him; for the river
called Rubicon separates the rest of Italy from Cisal-
pine Gaul. Here he fixed his quarters and carried
on his political schemes. Many came to see him,
and he gave each one what he wanted, and sent all
away in actual possession of some of his favours and
hoping for more. And during all the rest of the
time of his campaigns in Gaul, unnoticed by Pompey,
he was alternately subduing the enemy with the arms
of the citizens, or capturing and subduing the citizens
with the money which he got from the enemy.

But when he heard that the Belgae, who were the
most powerful of the Gauls and occupied the third

1 The winter of 58-57 B.o.

2 Cf. Caesar, B.G. i. 54: ipse in citeriorem Galliam ad
conventus agendos profectus est.

491

———

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀφεστάναι, πολλὰς δή τινας μυριάδας ἐνόπλων
> ὃ nr > , > / > \ ’
ἀνδρῶν ἠθροικότας, ἐπιστρέψας εὐθὺς ἐχώρει
τάχει πολλῷ: καὶ πορθοῦσι τοὺς συμμάχους
Γαλάτας ἐπιπεσὼν τοῖς πολεμίοις τοὺς μὲν
ἀθρουστάτους καὶ πλείστους αἰσχρῶς ἀγωνι-
΄ / ΄ 4 ,
σαμένους τρεψάμενος διέφθειρεν, ὥστε Kal λίμνας
καὶ ποταμοὺς βαθεῖς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις νεκρῶν
πλήθει περατοὺς γενέσθαι, τῶν δ᾽ ἀποστάντων οἱ
μὲν παρωκεάνιοι πάντες ἀμαχεὶ προσεχώρησαν"
ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ἀγριωτάτους καὶ μαχιμωτάτους τῶν
τῇδε, Νερβίους, ἐστράτευσεν, οἵπερ εἰς συμμιγεῖς
δρυμοὺς κατῳκημένοι, γενεὰς δὲ καὶ κτήσεις ἔν
fal a isd > 7 lal
τινι βυθῷ τῆς ὕλης ἀπωτάτω θέμενοι τῶν πολε-
μίων, αὐτοὶ τῷ Καίσαρι ποιουμένῳ χάρακα καὶ
μὴ προσδεχομένῳ τηνικαῦτα τὴν μάχην ἑξακισμύ-
ριοι τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες αἰφνιδίως προσέπεσον, καὶ
τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς ἐτρέψαντο, τῶν δὲ ταγμάτων
τὸ δωδέκατον καὶ τὸ ἕβδομον περισχόντες ἅπαν-
τας ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς ταξιάρχους. εἰ δὲ μὴ Καῖσαρ
ἅρπασας τὸν θυρεὸν καὶ διασχὼν τοὺς πρὸ
δι οἴλίϑ Ἢ ῇ, ον a , \
αὐτοῦ μαχομένους ἐνέβαλε τοῖς βαρβάροις, καὶ
ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων τὸ δέκατον κινδυνεύοντος αὐτοῦ
ἐδ Ν \ ΄ a /
κατέδραμε καὶ διέκοψε τὰς τάξεις τῶν πολεμίων,
οὐδεὶς ἂν δοκεῖ περιγενέσθαι: νῦν δὲ τῇ ΚΚαίσαρος
τόλμῃ τὴν λεγομένην ὑπὲρ δύναμιν μάχην ἀγω-
νισάμενοι τρέπονται μὲν οὐδ᾽ ὡς τοὺς Νερβίους,
κατακόπτουσι δὲ ἀμυνομένους: πεντακόσιοι γὰρ
ἀπὸ μυριάδων ἕξ σωθῆναι λέγονται, βουλευταὶ
δὲ τρεῖς ἀπὸ τετρακοσίων.

492

CAESAR, xx. 3-5

part of all their country, had revolted, and had as-
sembled unknown myriads of armed men, he turned
back at once and marched thither with great speed.
He fell upon the enemy as they were plundering the
Gauls that were in alliance with Rome, and so routed
and destroyed the least scattered and most numerous
of them, after a disgraceful struggle on their part,
that the Romans could cross lakes and deep rivers
for the multitude of dead bodies in them. All
the rebels who dwelt along the ocean submitted
without a battle; against the Nervii, however, the
most savage and warlike of the people in these parts,
Caesar led his forces. The Nervii, who dwelt in
dense woods, and had placed their families and pos-
sessions in a recess of the forest at farthest remove
from the enemy, at a time when Caesar was fortifying
a camp and did not expect the battle, fell upon him
suddenly, sixty thousand strong. They routed his
cavalry, and surrounded the seventh and twelfth
legions and slew all their centurions, and had not
Caesar snatched a shield,? made his way through the
combatants in front of him, and hurled himself upon
the Barbarians; and had not the tenth legion, at
sight of his peril, ran down from the heights and cut
the ranks of the enemy to pieces, not a Roman, it is
thought, would have survived. As it was, however,
owing to Caesar’s daring, they fought beyond their
powers, as the saying is, and even then did not rout
the Nervii, but cut them down as they defended
themselves; for out of sixty thousand only five hun-
dred are said to have come off alive, and only three
of their senators out of four hundred.

1 Caesar’s campaign against the Belgae, in 57 B.c., is

described by himself in B.G. ii. 1-33.
2 Scuto ab novissimis uni militi detracto (B.G. ii. 25, 2).

“493.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXL. Ταῦτα ἡ σύγκλητος πυθομένη πεντεκαί-
δεκα ἡμέρας ἐψηφίσατο θύειν τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ
σχολάζειν ἑορτάζοντας, ὅσας ἐπ᾽ οὐδεμιᾷ νίκῃ
πρότερον. καὶ γὰρ ὁ κίνδυνος ἐφάνη μέγας,
ἐθνῶν ἅμα τοσούτων ἀναρραγέντων, καὶ τὸ νίκημα
λαμπρότερον, ὅτι Καῖσαρ Hv ὁ νικῶν, ἡ πρὸς
ἐκεῖνον εὔνοια τῶν πολλῶν ἐποίει. Καῖσαρ δ᾽
αὐτὸς εὖ θέμενος τὰ κατὰ τὴν Γαλατίαν πάλιν
ἐν τοῖς περὶ Ἰ]άδον χωρίοις διεχείμαξε συσκευα-
ζόμενος τὴν πόλιν. οὐ γὰρ μόνον οἱ τὰς ἀρχὰς
παραγγέλλοντες ἐκείνῳ χρώμενοι χορηγῷ καὶ
τοῖς παρ᾽ ἐκείνου χρήμασι διαφθείροντες τὸν
δῆμον ἀνηγορεύοντο, καὶ πᾶν ἔπραττον ὃ τὴν
ἐκείνου δύναμιν αὔξειν ἔμελλεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν
ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ μεγίστων οἱ πλεῖστοι
συνῆλθον πρὸς αὐτὸν eis Λοῦκαν, Ἰ]ομπήϊός τε
καὶ Κράσσος καὶ "Λππιος ὁ τῆς Σαρδόνος ἡγεμὼν
καὶ Νέπως ὁ τῆς ᾿Ιβηρίας ἀνθύπατος, ὥστε
ῥαβδούχους μὲν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι γενέσθαι, συγκλη-
τικοὺς δὲ πλείονας ἢ διακοσίους.

Βουλὴν δὲ θέμενοι διεκρίθησαν ἐπὶ τούτοις"
ἔδει Πομπήϊον μὲν καὶ Ἰράσσον ὑπάτους ἀποδει-
χθῆναι, Καίσαρι δὲ χρήματα καὶ πενταετίαν ἄλλην
ἐπιμετρηθῆναι τῆς στρατηγίας, ὃ καὶ παραλογώ-
τατον ἐφαίνετο τοῖς νοῦν ἔχουσιν. οἱ γὰρ το-
σαῦτα χρήματα παρὰ Καίσαρος λαμβάνοντες ὡς
οὐκ ἔχοντι διδόναι τὴν βουλὴν ἔπειθον, μᾶλλον
δὲ ἠνάγκαζον ἐπιστένουσαν οἷς ἐψηφίζοντο, Katw-
νος μὲν οὐ παρόντος, ἐπίτηδες γὰρ αὐτὸν εἰς

1 Καῖσαρ δ᾽ αὐτὸς Sint.?; αὐτὸς δ᾽ Bekker; καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς
MSS., Sint.?, and Coraés,

494

CAESAR, χχι. 1-4

XXI. The Roman senate, on learning of these suc- |
cesses, decreed sacrifices to the gods and cessation |
from business, with festival, for fifteen days, a greater
number than for any victory before.! For the danger
was seen to have been great when so many nations
at once had broken out in revolt, and because Caesar |
was the victor, the good will of the multitude to- —
wards him made his victory more splendid. Caesar
himself, after settling matters in Gaul, again spent
the winter? in the regions along the Po, carrying
out his plans at Rome. For not only did the candi-
dates for office there enjoy his assistance, and win
their elections by corrupting the people with money
from him, and do everything which was likely to
enhance his power, but also most of the men of
highest rank and greatest influence came to see him
at Luca,’ including Pompey, Crassus, Appius the
governor of Sardinia, and Nepos the proconsul of
Spain, so that there were a hundred and twenty
lictors in the place and more than two hundred |
senators. \

They held a council and settled matters on the ©
following basis. Pompey and Crassus were to be
elected consuls for the ensuing year, and Caesar
was to have money voted him, besides another five
years in his provincial command. This seemed very
strange to men of understanding. For those who
were getting so much money from Caesar urged the
senate to give him money as if he had none, nay
rather, they forced it to do so, though it groaned
over its own decrees. Cato, indeed, was not there,
for he had purposely been sent out of the way ona
ἴϑ 1 Quod ante id tempus accidit nulli (Caesar, B.G. ii. 35, 4).

2 57-56 s.c. Cf. the Pompey, li. 3 f.
3 In April of 56 B.o,

495

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Κύπρον ἀπεδιοπομπήσαντο, Φαωνίου δέ, ὃς
ἣν ζηλωτὴς Κάτωνος, ὡς οὐδὲν ἐπέραινεν ἀντι-
λέγων, ἐξαλλομένου διὰ θυρῶν καὶ βοῶντος εἰς
τὸ πλῆθος. ἀλλὰ προσεῖχεν οὐδείς, τῶν μὲν
Πομπήϊον αἰδουμένων καὶ Κράσσον, οἱ δὲ πλεῖ-
στοι Καίσαρι χαριζόμενοι καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἀπ᾽
ἐκείνου ζῶντες ἐλπίδας ἡσύχαξον.

XXII. Τραπόμενος δὲ αὖθις ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τὰς
ἐν τῇ Κελτικῇ δυνάμεις πολὺν καταλαμβάνει
πόλεμον ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, δύο Ῥερμανικῶν ἐθνῶν
μεγάλων ἐπὶ κατακτήσει γῆς ἄρτι τὸν “Ῥῆνον
δια βεβηκότων' Οὐσίπας καλοῦσι τοὺς ἑτέρους,
τοὺς δὲ Τεντερίτας. περὶ δὲ τῆς πρὸς τούτους
γενομένης μάχης ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἐν ταῖς ἐφημερίσι
γέγραφεν ὡς οἱ βάρβαροι διαπρεσβευόμενοι πρὸς
αὐτὸν ἐν σπονδαῖς ἐπιθοῖντο καθ᾽ ὁδόν, καὶ διὰ
τοῦτο “τρέψαιντο τοὺς αὐτοῦ πεντακισχιλίους
ὄντας ἱππεῖς ὀκτακοσίοις τοῖς ἐκείνων μὴ προσδο-
κῶντας" εἶτα πέμψειαν ἑτέρους πρὸς αὐτὸν αὖθις
ἐξαπατῶντας, ods κατασχὼν ἐπαγάγοι τοῖς βαρ-
βάροις τὸ στράτευμα, τὴν πρὸς οὕτως ἀπίστους
καὶ παρασπόνδους πίστιν εὐήθειαν ἡγούμενος.
Τανύσιος δὲ λέγει Κάτωνα, τῆς βουλῆς ἐπὶ τῇ
νίκῃ ψηφιξομένης ἑορτὰς καὶ θυσίας, ἀποφή-
νασθαι γνώμην ws ἐκδοτέον ἐστὶ τὸν Καίσαρα
τοῖς βαρβάροις, ἀφοσιουμένους τὸ παρασπόνδημα
ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὴν ἀρὰν εἰς τὸν αἴτιον
τρέποντας.

Τῶν δὲ διαβάντων αἱ μὲν κατακοπεῖσαι τεσσα-
ράκοντα μυριάδες ἧσαν, ὀλίγους δὲ τοὺς ἀπο-

1 Cf. the Cato Minor, xxxiv.

496

CAESAR, χχι. 4—xx. 3

mission to Cyprus,! and Favonius, who was an ardent
follower of Cato, finding himself unable to accomplish
anything by his opposition, bounded out of doors and
clamoured to the populace. But no one gave heed
to him, for some were in awe of Pompey and Crassus,
and most wanted to please Caesar, lived in hopes of
his favours, and so kept quiet.

XXII. On returning to his forces in Gaul,? Caesar
found a considerable war in the country, since two
great German nations had just crossed the Rhine to
possess the land, one called the Usipes,? the other
the Tenteritae.* Concerning the battle which was
fought with them Caesar says in his “Commentaries’’4
that the Barbarians, while treating with him under a
truce, attacked on their march and therefore routed
his five thousand cavalry with their eight hundred,
since his men were taken off their guard; that they
then sent other envoys to him who tried to deceive
him again, but he held them fast and led his army
against the Barbarians, considering that good faith
towards such faithless breakers of truces was folly.
But Tanusius says that when the senate voted sacri-
fices of rejoicing over the victory, Cato pronounced
the opinion that they ought to deliver up Caesar to
the Barbarians, thus purging away the violation of
the truce in behalf of the city, and turning the curse
therefor on the guilty man.

Of those who had crossed the Rhine into Gaul
four hundred thousand were cut to pieces, and the

2 In 55 B.c. Plutarch passes over Caesar’s campaign of
56 B.c. in Gaul, following the conference at Luca. Caesar
describes it in B.G. iii.

8 Caesar calls them Usipetes and Tencteri (B.@. iv. 1).

4 B.G., iv. 13.

497

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

περάσαντας αὖθις ὑπεδέξαντο Σούγαμβροι, Tep-
μανικὸν ἔθνος. καὶ ταύτην λαβὼν αἰτίαν ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἄλλως δὲ δόξης ἐφιέμενος καὶ
τοῦ πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων στρατῷ διαβῆναι τὸν
Ῥῆνον, ἐγεφύρου πλάτος τε πολὺν ὄντα καὶ κατ᾽
ἐκεῖνο τοῦ πόρου μάλιστα πλημμυροῦντα καὶ
τραχὺν καὶ ῥοώδη καὶ τοῖς καταφερομένοις στε-
λέχεσι καὶ ξύλοις πληγὰς καὶ σπαραγμοὺς
ἐνδιδόντα κατὰ τῶν ἐρειδόντων τὴν γέφυραν.
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα προβόλοις ξύλων μεγάλων διὰ τοῦ
πόρου καταπεπηγότων ἀναδεχόμενος, καὶ χαλι-
νώσας τὸ προσπῖπτον ῥεῦμα τῷ ζεύγματι, πίστεως
πάσης θέαμα κρεῖττον ἐπεδείξατο τὴν γέφυραν
ἡμέραις δέκα συντελεσθεῖσαν.

XXIII. Περαιώσας δὲ τὴν δύναμιν, οὐδενὸς
ὑπαντῆσαι τολμήσαντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἡγεμονι-
κωτάτων τοῦ Τερμανικοῦ Σούηβων εἰς βαθεῖς
καὶ ὑλώδεις αὐλῶνας ἀνασκευασαμένων, πυρπο-
λήσας μὲν τὴν τῶν πολεμίων, θαρρύνας δὲ τοὺς
ἀεὶ τὰ Ρωμαίων ἀσπαζομένους, ἀνεχώρησεν αὖθις
εἰς τὴν Γαλατίαν, εἴκοσι δυεῖν δεούσας ἡμέρας
ἐν TH Γερμανικῇ διατετριφώς.

Ἢ δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς Βρεττανοὺς στρατεία τὴν μὲν
τόλμαν εἶχεν ὀνομαστήν: πρῶτος γὰρ εἰς τὸν
ἑσπέριον ‘Oxeavov ἐπέβη στόλῳ, καὶ διὰ τῆς
᾿Ατλαντικῆς θαλάττης στρατὸν ἐπὶ πόλεμον κο-
μίζων ἔπλευσε: καὶ νῆσον ἀπιστουμένην ὑπὸ με-
γέθους καὶ πολλὴν ἔριν παμπόλλοις συγγραφεῦσι
παρασχοῦσαν, ὡς ὄνομα καὶ λόγος οὐ γενομένης
οὐδὲ οὔσης πέπλασται, κατασχεῖν ἐπιθέμενος
προήγαγεν ἔξω τῆς οἰκουμένης τὴν Ῥωμαίων

498

aii

bil

Pere wen hele ees ew

CAESAR, χχιι. 4--ΧΧΠῚ. 4

few who succeeded in making their way back were
received by the Sugambri, a German nation. This
action Caesar made a ground of complaint against
the Sugambri, and besides, he coveted the fame of
being the first man to cross the Rhine with an army.
He therefore began to bridge the τίνοσ, although
it was very broad, and at this point in its course
especially swollen, rough, and impetuous, and with
the trunks and branches of trees which it bore down
stream kept smiting and tearing away the supports
of his bridge. But Caesar caught up these trunks
and branches with bulwarks of great timbers planted
across the stream, and having thus bridled and yoked
the dashing current, he brought his bridge—sight
beyond all credence—to completion in ten days.

XXIII. He now threw his forces across the river.
No one ventured to oppose him, but even the Suevi,
who were the foremost nation of the Germans, be-
stowed themselves and their belongings in deep and
woody defiles. Caesar ravaged the country of the
enemy with fire, gave encouragement to the constant
friends of Rome, and then retired again into Gaul,
having spent eighteen days in Germany.

His expedition against the Britanni was celebrated
for its daring. For he was the first to launch a fleet
upon the western ocean and to sail through the
Atlantic sea carrying an army to wage war. The
island was of incredible magnitude, and furnished
much matter of dispute to multitudes of writers,
some of whom averred that its name and story had
been fabricated, since it never had existed and did
not then exist; and in his attempt to occupy it he
carried the Roman supremacy beyond the confines of

1 8.6. iv. 16-19,
499

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 ἡγεμονίαν. δὶς δὲ διαπλεύσας εἰς τὴν νῆσον ἐκ
τῆς ,ἀντιπέρας Γαλατίας, καὶ μάχαις πολλαῖς
κακώσας τοὺς πολεμίους μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς ἰδίους
ὠφελήσας, οὐδὲν γὰρ ὅ τι καὶ λαβεῖν ἣν ἄξιον
ἀπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων κακοβίων καὶ πενήτων, οὐχ οἷον
ἐβούλετο τῷ πολέμῳ τέλος ἐπέθηκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁμή-
ρους λαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ “βασιλέως καὶ ταξάμενος
φόρους ἀπῆρεν ἐκ τῆς νήσου.

Καὶ καταλαμβάνει γράμματα μέλλοντα δια-
πλεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ φίλων, δη-
λοῦντα τὴν τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτοῦ τελευτήν" τελευτᾷ
δὲ τίκτουσα παρὰ Πομπηΐῳ. καὶ μέγα μὲν αὐτὸν
ἔσχε Πομπήϊον, μέγα δὲ Καίσαρα. πένθος, οἱ δὲ
φίλοι , συνεταράχθησαν ὡς τῆς ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ
ὁμονοίᾳ τἄλλα νοσοῦσαν τὴν πολιτείαν φυλατ-
τούσης οἰκειότητος λελυμένης" καὶ γὰρ τὸ βρέφος
εὐθὺς οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας μετὰ τὴν μητέρα δια-
ζῆσαν ἐτελεύτησε. τὴν μὲν οὖν ᾿Ιουλίαν βίᾳ
τῶν δημάρχων ἀ ἀράμενον τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τὸ "Αρείον
ἤνεγκε πεδίον, κἀκεῖ κηδευθεῖσα κεῖται.

XXIV. Τοῦ δὲ Καίσαρος μεγάλην ἤδη τὴν
δύναμιν οὖσαν εἰς πολλὰ κατ᾽ ἀνάγκην χειμάδια
διελόντος, αὐτοῦ δὲ πρὸς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν, ὥσπερ
εἰώθει, τραπομένου, πάντα μὲν αὖθις a ἀνερρήγνυτο
τὰ τῶν Γαλατῶν, καὶ στρατοὶ μεγάλοι περιϊόντες
ἐξέκοπτον τὰ χειμάδια καὶ προσεμάχοντο τοῖς
χαρακώμασι τῶν Ῥωμαίων, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι καὶ
κράτιστοι τῶν ἀποστάντων μετὰ "AB ptopuyos
Κότταν μὲν αὐτῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ Τιτύριον διέ-

1 Once in 55 B.C. (8.6. iv. 20-36) ; again in 54 B.C. (8.6.
ν. 1-22).

500

me eee terre, eee} pe ey 1... .

CAESAR, xxi. 2-χχιν. 1

the inhabited world. After twice! crossing to the
island from the opposite coast of Gaul and in many
battles damaging the enemy rather than enriching
his own men—for there was nothing worth taking
from men who lived in poverty and wretchedness—
he brought the war to an end which was not to his
liking, it is true; still, he took hostages from the
king, imposed tributes, and then sailed away from
the island.

In Gaul he found letters which were about to be
sent across to him. They were from his friends in
Rome, and advised him of his daughter’s death; she
died in child-birth at Pompey’s house. Great was
the grief of Pompey, and great the grief of Caesar,
and their friends were greatly troubled too; they
felt that the relationship which alone kept the dis-
tempered state in harmony and concord was now
dissolved. For the babe also died presently, after
surviving its mother a few days. Now Julia, in spite
of the tribunes, was carried by the people to the
Campus Martius, where her funeral rites were held,
and where she lies buried.?

XXIV. Caesar’s forces were now so large that he
was forced to distribute them in many winter-
quarters, while he himself, as his custom was, turned
his steps towards Italy. Then all Gaul once more
broke out in revolt, and great armies went about
attacking the entrenchments and trying to destroy
the winter-quarters of the Romans. The most nu-
merous and powerful of the rebels, under Abriorix,*
utterly destroyed Titurius and Cotta, together with

2 Cf. the Pompey, chapter liii.
8 Cf. Caesar, B.G. v. 24-51.
6 Caesar calls him Ambiorix.

VOL. VII, R 50!

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 φθειραν, τὸ δὲ ὑπὸ Κικέρωνι τάγμα μυριάσιν ἕξ
περισχόντες ἐπολιόρκουν καὶ μικρὸν ἀπέλιπον
ἡρηκέναι κατὰ κράτος, συντετρωμένων ἁπάντων
καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν ὑπὸ προθυμίας ἀμυνομένων.

Ὥς δὲ ἠγγέλθη ταῦτα τῷ Καίσαρι μακρὰν
ὄντι, ταχέως ἐπιστρέψας καὶ συναγαγὼν ἑπτακισ-
χιλίους τοὺς σύμπαντας ἠπείγετο τὸν Κικέρωνα
τῆς πολιορκίας ἐξαιρησόμενος. τοὺς δὲ πολι-

rn > Ν > > > / « >
ορκοῦντας οὐκ ἔλαθεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπήντων ὡς ἄναρπα-

8 σόμενοι, τῆς ὀλιγότητος καταφρονήσαντες. κἀ-

a > cal ς / 4. τῷ \ id \
κεῖνος ἐξαπατῶν ὑπέφευγεν ἀεί, Kal χωρία λαβὼν
ἐπιτηδείως ἔχοντα πρὸς πολλοὺς μαχομένῳ μετ᾽
ὀλίγων φράγνυται στρατόπεδον, καὶ μάχης ἔσχε
τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ πάσης, ἀναγαγεῖν δὲ τὸν χάρακα καὶ

\ A > n « ’ > /
τὰς πύλας ἀνοικοδομεῖν ὡς δεδοικότας ἠνάγκαζε,
καταφρονηθῆναι στρατηγῶν, μέχρι οὗ σποράδην
ὑπὸ θράσους προσβάλλοντας ἐπεξελθὼν ἐτρέψατο
καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν διέφθειρε.

XXV. Τοῦτο τὰς πολλὰς ἀποστάσεις τῶν ἐν-
ταῦθα Γαλατῶν κατεστόρεσε, καὶ τοῦ χειμῶνος
αὐτὸς ἐπιφοιτῶν τε πανταχόσε καὶ προσέχων
es a lay \ \ e 2g 3} ‘ “
ὀξέως τοῖς νεωτερισμοῖς. καὶ yap ἧκεν ἐξ ‘Ira- 72
λίας ἀντὶ τῶν ἀπολωλότων αὐτῷ τρία τάγματα,
Πομπηΐου μὲν ἐκ τῶν ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ δύο χρήσαντος, ἕν
δὲ νεοσύλλεκτον ἐκ τῆς περὶ ἸΠάδον Γαλατίας.

/ \ 4 e 4 / 7

2 πόρρω δὲ τούτων αἱ πάλαι καταβεβλημέναι κρύ-
φα καὶ νεμόμεναι διὰ τῶν δυνατωτάτων ἀνδρῶν

502

CAESAR, xxiv. 2—xxv. 2

their army, while the legion under Cicero was sur-
rounded and besieged by sixty thousand of them,
and narrowly escaped having its camp taken by
storm, although all were wounded and went beyond
their powers in the ardour of their defence.

When tidings of these things reached Caesar, who
was far on his journey, he turned back quickly, got
together seven thousand men in all, and hurried on
to extricate Cicero from the siege. But the besiegers
became aware of his approach, and went to meet
him with the purpose of cutting his forces off at
once, despising their small numbers. Caesar de-
ceived them by avoiding battle continually, and
when he had found a place suitable for one who
was fighting against many with few, fortified a camp,
where he kept his men altogether from fighting and
forced them to increase the height of their ram-
parts and the defences of their gates as though they
were afraid. His strategy thus led the enemy to
despise him, until at last, when their boldness led
them to attack in scattered bands, he sallied out,
routed them, and destroyed many of them.

XXV. The numerous revolts of the Gauls in
those parts were quieted by this success, as well as
by the fact that Caesar himself, during the winter,
went about in all directions and kept close watch on
the disturbers of the peace. For there had come
from Italy three legions to replace the men that he
had lost, Pompey having lent two of those under his
command, and one having been newly levied in Gaul
about the Po. But in remoter regions! the germs of
the greatest and most dangerous of the wars waged in

1 Plutarch here passes over the events of the year 53 B.c.,

described by Caesar in B.G. vi. The seventh book is wholly
taken up with the war now to be described (52 B.c.).

593

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐν τοῖς μαχιμωτάτοις γένεσιν ἀρχαὶ τοῦ μεγίστου
καὶ κινδυνωδεστάτου τῶν ἐκεῖ πολέμων avedai-
vovTo, ῥωσθεῖσαι πολλῇ μὲν ἡλικίᾳ καὶ παντα-
χόθεν ὅπλοις ἀθροισθείσῃ,1 μεγάλοις δὲ πλούτοις
εἰς ταὐτὸ συνενεχθεῖσιν, ἰσχυραῖς δὲ πόλεσι,
δυσεμβόλοις δὲ χώραις. τότε δὲ καὶ χειμῶνος
ὥρᾳ πάγοι “ποταμῶν καὶ νιφετοῖς ἀποκεκρυμμένοι
δρυμοὶ καὶ πεδία χειμάρροις ἐπιλελιμνασμένα,
καὶ πῇ μὲν ἀτέκμαρτοι βάθει χιόνος ἀτραποί, πῇ
δὲ δι’ ἑλῶν καὶ ῥευμάτων παρατρεπομένων ἀσά-
pera πολλὴ τῆς πορείας παντάπασιν ἐδόκουν ἀν-
επιχείρητα Καίσαρι τὰ τῶν ἀφισταμένων ποιεῖν.
ἀφειστήκει μὲν οὖν πολλὰ φῦλα, πρόσχημα δὲ
ἦσαν ᾿Αρβέρνοι καὶ Καρνουτῖνοι, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν
αἱρεθεὶς κράτος εἶχε τοῦ πολέμου Οὐεργεντόριξ,
οὗ τὸν πατέρα Ταλάται τυραννίδα δοκοῦντα πράτ-
τειν ἀπέκτειναν.

XXVI. Οὗτος οὖν εἰς πολλὰ διελὼν τὴν δύνα-
μιν μέρη καὶ πολλοὺς ἐπιστήσας ἡγεμόνας ὠκει-
οὔτο τὴν πέριξ ἅπασαν ἄχρι τῶν πρὸς τὸν "Αραρα
κεκλιμένων, διανοούμενος ἤδη τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ συνι-
σταμένων ἐπὶ Καίσαρα σύμπασαν ἐγείρειν τῷ
πολέμῳ Ραλατίαν. ὅπερ εἰ μικρὸν ὕστερον ἔπρα-
Ee, Καίσαρος εἰς τὸν ἐμφύλιον ἐμπεσόντος πό-
λεμον, οὐκ ἂν ἐλαφρότεροι͵ τῶν Κιμβρικῶν ἐ ἐκεί.
νῶν φόβοι τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν κατέσχον. νυνὶ δὲ ὁ πᾶσι
μὲν ἄριστα χρῆσθαι τοῖς πρὸς πόλεμον, μάλιστα
δὲ καιρῷ πεφυκὼς Καῖσαρ ἅ ἅμα τῷ πυθέσθαι τὴν
ἀπόστασιν ἄρας ἐχώρει ταῖς αὐταῖς ὁδοῖς ἃς

1 ἀθροισθείσῃ Sint. with the MSS.; Coraés and Bekker
read ἀθροισθεῖσι (arms collected from all sides) with the
Aldine ed.

504

ane

CAESAR, xxv. 2-xxvr. 2

those parts began to show themselves. They had for
a long time been secretly sown and cultivated by the
most influential men among the most warlike tribes,
and derived strength from large bodies of young
men assembled from all sides in arms, from great
riches brought together, from strong cities, and from
countries which were hard to invade. At that season
of winter, too, frozen rivers, forests buried in snow,
plains converted into lakes by winter torrents, in
some parts paths obliterated by deep snow, and in
others the great uncertainty of a march through
swamps and streams diverted from their courses, all
seemed to make it wholly impossible for Caesar to
oppose the plans of the rebels. Accordingly, many
tribes had revolted, but the head and front of the
revolt were the Arverni and Carnuntini,!} and Ver-
gentorix! was chosen to have the entire authority in
the war. His father the Gauls had put to death
because they thought he was aiming at a tyranny.
XXVI. This leader, then, after dividing his forces
into many parts and putting many officers in com-
mand of them, was winning over all the country
round about as far as the water-shed of the Arar.
He purposed, now that there was a coalition at Rome
against Caesar, at once to rouse all Gaul to war. If
he had done this a little later, when Caesar was
involved in the civil war, Italy would have been a
prey to terrors no less acute than those aroused
by the Cimbri of old. But as it was, the man
endowed by nature to make the best use of all the
arts of war, and particularly of its crucial moments,
namely Caesar, as soon as he learned of the revolt,
set out and marched by the same roads over which

1 Τῇ Caesar’s B.G. the names are Carnutes and Ver-
cingetorix, 505

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

διῆλθε, καὶ Bia καὶ τάχει τῆς πορείας διὰ τοσού-
του χειμῶνος ἐπιδειξάμενος τοῖς βαρβάροις ws
ἄμαχος αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀήττητος ἔπεισι στρατός.
ὅπου γὰρ ἄγγελον ἢ γραμματοφόρον διαδῦναι τῶν
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρόνῳ πολλῷ ἣν ἄπιστον, ἐνταῦθα
μετὰ πάσης ἑωρᾶτο τῆς στρατιᾶς ἅμα χώρας
λυμαινόμενος αὐτῶν καὶ ἐκκόπτων τὰ χωρία,
καταστρεφόμενος πόλεις, ἀναλαμβάνων τοὺς με-
τατιθεμένους, μέχρι καὶ τὸ τῶν ᾿Εδούων ἔθνος
ΕἾ , \ > , Ἃ \ »
ἐξεπολεμώθη πρὸς αὐτόν, οἱ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον
’ \ > / id \ € , \
ἀδελφοὺς avayopevovtes αὑτοὺς Ῥωμαίων καὶ
τιμώμενοι διαπρεπῶς, τότε δὲ τοῖς ἀποστάταις
προσγενόμενοι πολλὴν τῇ Καίσαρος στρατιᾷ
περιέστησαν ἀθυμίαν. διόπερ καὶ κινήσας ἐκεῖθεν
’
ὑπερέβαλε τὰ Λιγγονικά, βουλόμενος ἅψασθαι
τῆς Σηκουανῶν φίλων ὄντων καὶ προκειμένων τῆς
Ἰταλίας πρὸς τὴν ἄλλην Γαλατίαν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ
αὐτῷ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπιπεσόντων καὶ περισχόν-
των μυριάσι πολλαῖς, ὁρμήσας διαγωνίσασθαι
τοῖς μὲν ὅλοις καταπολεμῶν ἐκράτησε, χρόνῳ
al A , / \ 7
πολλῷ καὶ φόνῳ καταβιασάμενος τοὺς βαρβά-
»᾽ \ > > 4 \ nm \
ρους, ἔδοξε δὲ κατ᾽ ἀρχάς τι καὶ σφαλῆναι, καὶ
δεικνύουσιν ᾿Αρβέρνοι ξιφίδιον πρὸς ἱερῷ κρεμά-
e \ / / ὃ /
μενον, ὡς δὴ Καίσαρος λάφυρον. θεασάμενος
> \ Ψ > / \ “Ὁ , -“
αὐτὸς ὕστερον ἐμειδίασε, καὶ τῶν φίλων καθελεῖν
κελευόντων οὐκ εἴασεν, ἱερὸν ἡγούμενος.

XXVII. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε τῶν διαφυγόντων
οἱ πλεῖστοι μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς πόλιν ᾿Αλη-
σίαν συνέφυγον. καὶ πολιορκοῦντε ταύτην Καί-
506

CAESAR, xxvi. 2—xxvtl. 1

he had previously come, and by the vigour and
speed of his passage in so severe a winter showed
the Barbarians that an unconquered and invincible
army was coming against them. For where it was
incredible that one of his messengers or letter-
carriers could make his way in a long time, there
he was seen with his whole army, at once ravaging
their lands and destroying their strongholds, sub-
duing cities, and receiving those who came over to
his side, until the nation of the Aedui also entered
the war against him. These up to this time had
called themselves brethren of the Romans and had
been conspicuously honoured, but now, by joining
the rebels, they caused great dejection in Caesar’s
army. In consequence of this Caesar removed from
those parts and passed across the territory of the
Lingones, wishing to reach the country of the
Sequani, who were friends, and stood as a bulwark be-
tween Italy and the rest of Gaul. There the enemy
fell upon him and surrounded him with many tens
of thousands, so that he essayed to fight a decisive
battle. In the main he got the best of the struggle,
and after a long time and much slaughter over-
powered the Barbarians ; but it appears that at first
he met with some reverse, and the Arverni show a
short-sword hanging in a temple, which they say was
captured from Caesar. When Caesar himself saw it,
at a later time, he smiled, and though his friends
urged him to have it taken down, he would not

ermit it, considering it sacred.

XXVII. However, the most of the Barbarians who
escaped at that time took refuge with their king in
the city of Alesia. And while Caesar was besieging

597

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σαρι δοκοῦσαν ἀνάλωτον εἶναι μεγέθει τε τειχῶν
καὶ πλήθει τῶν ἀπομαχομένων ἐπιπίπτει παντὸς
λόγου μείζων κίνδυνος ἔξωθεν. ὃ γὰρ ἦν ἐν
Γαλατίᾳ κράτιστον ἀπὸ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἀθροισθέν, € ἐν
ὅπλοις ἧκον ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αλησίαν τριάκοντα μυρι-
άδες" αἱ δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ τῶν μαχομένων οὐκ ἐλάττονες
ἦσαν ἑπτακαίδεκα μυριάδων, ὥ ὥστε ἐν μέσῳ πολέ-
μου τοσούτου τὸν Καίσαρα κατειλημμένον καὶ
πολιορκούμενον. ἀναγκασθῆναι διττὰ τείχη προ-
βαλέσθαι, τὸ μὲν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν
ἐπεληλυθότων, ὡς, εἰ συνέλθοιεν αἱ δυνάμεις,
κομιδῇ διαπεπραγμένων τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτόν.

Διὰ πολλὰ μὲν οὖν εἰκότως ὁ πρὸς ᾿Αλησίᾳ
κίνδυνος & ἔσχε δόξαν, ὡς ἔργα τόλμης καὶ δεινότη-
τος οἷα τῶν ἄλλων ἀγώνων οὐδεὶς παρασ όμενος,
μάλιστα δὲ ἄν τις θαυμάσειε τὸ λαθεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ
πόλει Καίσαρα τοσαύταις μυριάσι ταῖς ἔξω συμ-
βαλόντα καὶ ᾿περυγενόμενον, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ τῶν
“Ῥωμαίων τοὺς τὸ πρὸς τῇ πόλει τεῖχος φυλάτ-
τονταᾶς. οὐ γὰρ πρότερον ἤσθοντο τὴν νίκην ἢ
κλαυθμὸν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αλησίας ἀνδρῶν καὶ κοπετὸν
γυναικῶν ἀκουσθῆναι, θεασαμένων ἄ ἄρα κατὰ θά-
τερα μέρη πολλοὺς μὲν ἀργύρῳ καὶ ᾿ χρυσῷ κεκο-
σμημένους θυρεούς. πολλοὺς δὲ αἵματι πεφυρ-
μένους θώρακας, ἔτι δ᾽ ἐκπώματα καὶ σκηνὰς
Γαλατικὰς ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον
κομιζομένας. οὕτως ὀξέως ἡ τοσαύτη δύναμις,
ὥσπερ εἴδωλον ἢ ὄνειρον, ἠφάνιστο καὶ διεπε-
φόρητο, τῶν πλείστων ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πεσόντων. οἱ

δὲ τὴν ᾿Αλησίαν ἔχοντες οὐκ ὀλίγα πράγματα

παρασχόντες ἑαυτοῖς καὶ Καίσαρι τέλος παρέ-

508

Ἢ

CAESAR, xxvn. 1-5

this city, which was thought to be impregnable by
reason of the great size of its walls and the number
of their defenders, there fell upon him from outside
the city a peril too great for words to depict. For
all that was mightiest among the nations of Gaul
assembled and came in arms to Alesia, three hundred
thousand strong; and the number of fighting men
inside the city was not less than a hundred and
seventy thousand. Thus Caesar, caught between
so large hostile forces and besieged there, was com-
pelled to build two walls for his protection, one
looking towards the city, and the other towards
those who had come up to relieve it; he felt that if
the two forces should unite his cause was wholly lost.

For many reasons, then, and naturally, Caesar’s
peril at Alesia was famous, since it produced more
deeds of skill and daring than any of his other
struggles; but one must be amazed above all that
he engaged and conquered so many tens of thousands
outside the city without the knowledge of those
inside, nay more, without the knowledge even of
the Romans who were guarding the wall that faced
the city. For these did not learn of the victory
until the wailing of the men in Alesia and the
lamentations of the women were heard, as they be-
held in the quarters of the enemy many shields
adorned with gold and silver, many corselets smeared
with blood, and also drinking cups and tents of
Gallic fashion carried by the Romans into their
camp. So quickly did so great a force, like a phan-
tom or a dream, disperse and vanish out of sight,
the greater part of them having fallen in the battle.
Those who held Alesia, too, after giving themselves
and Caesar no small trouble, finally surrendered.

5°9

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Socav ἑαυτούς. ὁ δὲ τοῦ σύμπαντος ἡγεμὼν
πολέμου Οὐεργεντόριξ ἀναλαβὼν τῶν ὅπλων τὰ
κάλλιστα καὶ κοσμήσας τὸν ἵππον ἐξιππάσατο
διὰ τῶν πυλῶν: καὶ κύκλῳ περὶ τὸν Καίσαρα
καθεζόμενον ἐλάσας, εἶτα ἀφαλόμενος τοῦ ἵππου
τὴν μὲν πανοπλίαν ἀπέρριψεν, αὐτὸς δὲ καθίσας
ὑπὸ πόδας τοῦ Καίσαρος ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ἄχρι οὗ
παρεδόθη φρουρησόμενος ἐπὶ τὸν θρίαμβον.
XXVIII. Καίσαρι δὲ πάλαι μὲν ἐδέδοκτο κατα-
λύειν Πομπήϊον, ὥσπερ ἀμέλει κἀκείνῳ τοῦτον"
Κράσσου γὰρ ἐν Πάρθοις ἀπολωλότος, ὃς ἦν
ἔφεδρος ἀμφοῖν, ἀπελείπετο τῷ μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ
γενέσθαι μεγίστῳ τὸν ὄντα καταλύειν, τῷ δέ, ἵνα
μὴ πάθῃ τοῦτο, προαναιρεῖν ὃν ἐδεδοίκει. τοῦτο
δὲ Πομπηΐῳ μὲν ἐξ ὀλίγου φοβεῖσθαι παρέστη
τέως ὑπερορῶντι Καίσαρος, ὡς οὐ χαλεπὸν ἔργον
ὃν αὐτὸς ηὔξησε καταλυθῆναι πάλιν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ,
Καῖσαρ δὲ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς ὑπόθεσιν ταύτην πεποιη-
μένος, ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνταγωνιστῶν ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴς
ἑαυτὸν ἀποστήσας μακρὰν καὶ τοῖς Κελτικοῖς ἐγ-
γυμνασάμενος πολέμοις ἐπήσκησε μὲν τὴν δύνα-
μιν, ηὔξησε δὲ τὴν δόξαν, ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων εἰς
ἀντίπαλον ἀρθεὶς τοῖς ἸΠομπηΐου κατορθώμασι,
λαμβάνων προφάσεις τὰς μὲν αὐτοῦ ἸΠομπηΐου,
τὰς δὲ τῶν καιρῶν ἐνδιδόντων καὶ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ
κακοπολιτείας, δι’ ἣν οἱ μὲν ἀρχὰς μετιόντες ἐν
μέσῳ θέμενοι τραπέζας ἐδέκαζον ἀναισχύντως τὰ
πλήθη, κατήει δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἔμμισθος, οὐ ψήφοις

510

CAESAR, xxv. 1--ΧΧΎΤΠ. 3

And the leader of the whole war, Vergentorix, after
putting on his most beautiful armour and decorat-
ing his horse, rode out through the gate. He made
a circuit round Caesar, who remained seated, and
then leaped down from his horse, stripped off his
suit of armour, and seating himself at Caesar’s feet
remained motionless, until he was delivered up to be
kept in custody for the triumph.

XXVIII. Now, Caesar had long ago decided to
put down Pompey, just as, of course, Pompey also had
decided to put Caesar down. For now that Crassus,
who was only waiting for the issue of their struggle
to engage the victor,! had perished among the
Parthians, it remained for him who would be greatest
to put down him who was, and for him who was
greatest, if he would not be put down, to take off
in time the man he feared, This fear had only
recently come upon Pompey, who till then despised
Caesar, feeling that it was no hard task to put down
again the man whom he himself had raised on high.
But Caesar had from the outset formed this design,
and like an athlete had removed himself to a great
distance from his antagonists, and by exercising
himself in the Gallic wars had practised his troops
and increased his fame, lifting himself by his achieve-
ments to a height where he could vie with the suc-
cesses of Pompey. He laid hold of pretexts which
were furnished partly by Pompey himself, and partly
by the times and the evil state of government at
Rome,? by reason of which candidates for office set
up counting-tables in public and shamelessly bribed
the multitudes, while the people went down into
the forum under pay, contending in behalf of their

τ Cf. the Pompey, liii. 6. 3. Cf. the Pompey, chapter liv.
511

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὑπὲρ τοῦ δεδωκότος, ἀλλὰ τόξοις Kal ξίφεσι καὶ
σφενδόναις ἁμιλλώμενος. αἵματι δὲ καὶ νεκροῖς
πολλάκις αἰσ χύναντες τὸ βῆμα διεκρίθησαν, ἀναρ-
χίᾳ τὴν πόλιν ὥσπερ ἀκυβέρνητον ναῦν" ὑποφερο-
μένην ἀπολιπόντες, ὥστε τοὺς νοῦν ἔχοντας ἀγα-
πᾶν εἰ πρὸς μηδὲν αὐτοῖς χεῖρον, ἀλλὰ μοναρχίαν
ἐκ τοιαύτης παραφροσύνης καὶ τοσούτου κλύδω-
νος ἐκπεσεῖται τὰ πράγματα. πολλοὶ δὲ ἦσαν οἱ
καὶ λέγειν ἐν μέσῳ τολμῶντες ἤδη πλὴν ὑπὸ
μοναρχίας ἀνήκεστον εἶναι τὴν πολιτείαν, καὶ τὸ
φάρμακον τοῦτο χρῆναι τοῦ πρᾳοτάτου τῶν ἰα-
τρῶν ἀνασχέσθαι προσφέροντος, ὑποδηλοῦντες
τὸν Πομπήϊον. ἐπεὶ δὲ κἀκεῖνος λόγῳ παραιτεῖ-
σθαι καλλωπιζόμενος ἔργῳ παντὸς μᾶλλον ἐπέ-
pawev ἐξ ὧν ἀναδειχθήσοιτο δικτάτωρ, cupdpo-
νήσαντες οἱ περὶ Κάτωνα πείθουσι τὴν γερουσίαν
ὕπατον αὐτὸν ἀποδεῖξαι μόνον, ὡς μὴ βιάσαιτο
δικτάτωρ γενέσθαι, νομιμωτέρᾳ μοναρχίᾳ παρη-
γορηθείς. οἱ δὲ καὶ χρόνον ἐπεψηφίσαντο τῶν
ἐπαρχιῶν" δύο δὲ εἶχεν, ᾿Ιβηρίαν καὶ Λιβύην
σύμπασαν, ἃς διῴκει πρεσβευτὰς ἀποστέλλων
καὶ στρατεύματα τρέφων, οἷς ἐλάμβανεν ἐκ τοῦ
δημοσίου ταμιείου χίλια τάλαντα καθ᾽ ἕκαστον
ἐνιαυτόν.

XXIX.’E« τούτου Καῖσαρ ὑπατείαν ἐμνᾶτο
πέμπων, καὶ χρόνον ὁμοίως τῶν ἰδίων ἐπαρχιῶν.
τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον Ἰ]ομπηΐου σιωπῶντος οἱ περὶ
Μάρκελλον καὶ Λέντλον ἠναντιοῦντο, μισοῦντες
ἄλλως Καίσαρα καὶ τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις οὐκ ἀναγ-
καῖα προστιθέντες εἰς ἀτιμίαν ᾿αὐτοῦ καὶ προ-
2 πηλακισμόν. Νεοκωμίτας γὰρ ἔναγχος ὑπὸ

1 ναῦν supplied by Coraés and Bekker, after Reiske,
512

72

CAESAR, xxvitt. 3—xx1x, 2

paymaster, not with votes, but with bows and arrows,
swords, and slings. Often, too, they would defile the
rostra with blood and corpses before they separated,
leaving the city to anarchy like a ship drifting about
without a steersman, so that men of understand-
ing were content if matters issued in nothing worse
for them than monarchy, after such madness and so
great a tempest. And there were many who actually
dared to say in public that nothing but monarchy
could now cure the diseases of the state, and that
this remedy ought to be adopted when offered by
the gentlest of physicians, hinting at -Pompey.
And when even Pompey, although in words he
affected to decline the honour, in fact did more
than any one else to effect his appointment as
dictator, Cato saw through his design and_per-
suaded the senate to appoint him sole consul, solac-
ing him with a more legal monarchy that he might
not force his way to the dictatorship. Thev also
voted him additional time in which to hold his
provinces; and he had two, Spain and all Africa,
which he managed by sending legates thither and
maintaining armies there, for which he received
from the public treasury a thousand talents annually.!

XXIX. Consequently, Caesar canvassed by proxy
for a consulship, and likewise for an extension of
time in which to hold his own provinces. At first,
then, Pompey held his peace, while Marcellus and
Lentulus opposed these plans; they hated Caesar
on other grounds, and went beyond all bounds in
their efforts to bring dishonour and abuse upon him.
For instance, the inhabitants of Novum Comum, a

1 Cf. the Pompey, lv. 7.
513

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Καίσαρος ἐν Ταλατίᾳ κατῳκισμένους ἀφῃροῦντο
τῆς πολιτείας: καὶ Μάρκελλος ὑπατεύων ἕνα
τῶν ἐκεῖ βουλευτῶν εἰς 'ῬΡώμην ἀφικόμενον
ἤκιστο ῥάβδοις, ἐπιλέγων ὡς ταῦτα τοῦ μὴ
Ῥωμαῖον εἶναι παράσημα προστίθησιν αὐτῷ,
καὶ δεικνύειν ἀπιόντα Καίσαρι ἐκέλευε. μετὰ
δὲ Μάρκελλον, ἤδη Καίσαρος τὸν Γαλατικὸν
πλοῦτον ἀρύεσθαι ῥύδην ἀφεικότος πᾶσι τοῖς
πολιτευομένοις, καὶ Κουρίωνα μὲν δημαρχοῦντα
πολλῶν ἐλευθερώσαντος δανείων, Παύλῳ δὲ ὑπα-
τεύοντι χίλια καὶ πεντακόσια τάλαντα δόντος,
ἀφ᾽ ὧν καὶ τὴν βασιλικὴν ἐκεῖνος, ὀνομαστὸν
ἀνάθημα, τῇ ἀγορᾷ προσεκόσμησεν ἀντὶ τῆς
Φουλβίας οἰκοδομηθεῖσαν, οὕτω δὴ φοβηθεὶς τὴν
σύστασιν ὁ ἸΙομπήϊος ἀναφανδὸν ἤδη δι᾿ ἑαυτοῦ
καὶ τῶν φίλων ἔπρωττεν ἀποδειχθῆναι διάδοχον
Καίσαρι τῆς ἀρχῆς, καὶ πέμπων ἀπήτει τοὺς
στρατιώτας ods ἔχρησεν αὐτῷ πρὸς τοὺς Κελ-
τικοὺς ἀγῶνας. ὁ δὲ ἀποπέμπει, δωρησάμενος
ἕκαστον ἄνδρα πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίαις δραχ-
pais. οἱ δὲ τούτους Ἰ]ομπηΐῳ κομίσαντες εἰς μὲν
τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἐπιεικεῖς οὐδὲ χρηστοὺς κατέ-
σπειραν λόγους ὑπὲο τοῦ Καίσαρος, αὐτὸν δὲ
Πομπήϊον ἐλπίσι κεναῖς διέφθειραν, ὡς ποθού-
μενον ὑπὸ τῆς Καίσαρος στρατιᾶς καὶ τὰ μὲν
ἐνταῦθα διὰ φθόνον πολιτείας ὑπούλου μόλις
ἔχοντα, τῆς δὲ ἐκεῖ δυνάμεως ἑτοίμης ὑπαρχού-
σης αὐτῷ, κἂν μόνον ὑπερβάλωσιν εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν
εὐθὺς ἐσομένης πρὸς ἐκεῖνον: οὕτως γεγονέναι τὸν

1 So Coraés and Bekker with the MSS.; Sint.? corrects to

κελεύει.

514

CAESAR, χχιχ. 2-4

colony recently established by Caesar in Gaul, were
deprived of citizenship by them; and Marcellus,
while he was consul, beat with rods a senator of
Novum Comum who had come to Rome, telling him
besides that he put these marks upon him to prove
that he was not a Roman, and bade him go back
and show them to Caesar. But after the consulship
of Marcellus, Caesar having now sent his Gallic
wealth for all those in public life to draw from in
copious streams, and having freed Curio the tribune
from many debts, and having given Paulus the
consul fifteen hundred talents, out οὗ which he
adorned the forum with the Basilica,! a famous monu-
ment, erected in place of the Fulvia,—under these
circumstances Pompey took fright at the coalition,
and openly now, by his own efforts and those of
his friends, tried to have a successor appointed to
Caesar in his government, and sent a demand to him
for the return of the soldiers whom he had lent him
for his Gallic contests.2 Caesar sent the soldiers
back, after making a present to each man of two
hundred and fifty drachmas. But the officers who
brought these men to Pompey spread abroad among
the multitude stories regarding Caesar which were
neither reasonable nor true, and ruined Pompey
himself with vain hopes. They told him that
Caesar’s army yearned for him, and that while he
was with difficulty controlling affairs in the city
owing to the disease of envy which festcred in the
body politic, the forces in Gaul were reaay to serve
him, and had but to cross into Italy when they
would at once be on his side; so obnoxious to

1 The Basilica Pauli Aemilii, called also Regia Pauli. It

took the place of the Basilica Aemilia et Fulvia, erected in
179 B.c. 2 See chapter xxv. 1]
515

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ a a
Καίσαρα πλήθει στρατειῶν λυπηρὸν αὐτοῖς Kal
5 φόβῳ μοναρχίας ὕποπτον. ἐπὶ τούτοις Llop-
πήϊος ἐχαυνοῦτο' καὶ παρασκευῆς μὲν ἠμέλει
στρατιωτῶν, ὡς μὴ δεδοικώς, λόγοις δὲ καὶ γνώ-
pais κατεπολιτεύετο τῷ δοκεῖν Καίσαρα, κατα-
ψηφιζόμενος ὧν ἐκεῖνος οὐδὲν ἐφρόντιζεν: ἀλλὰ
καὶ λέγεταί τινα τῶν ἀφιγμένων παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ
ταξιάρχων ἑστῶτα πρὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ
πυθόμενον ὡς οὐ δίδωσιν ἡ γερουσία Καίσαρι
χρόνον τῆς ἀρχῆς, “᾽᾿Αλλ᾽ αὕτη" φάναι “ δώσει,"
κρούσαντα τῇ χειρὶ τὴν λαβὴν τῆς μαχαίρας.
XXX. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ’ ἥ γε παρὰ Καίσαρος
ἀξίωσις τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς δικαιολογίας λαμπρὸν
“- >gs \ > , θέ θ Ase
εἶχεν. ἠξίου yap αὐτός τε καταθέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα,
καὶ Πομπηΐου ταὐτὸ πράξαντος ἀμφοτέρους
ἰδιώτας γενομένους εὑρίσκεσθαί τι παρὰ τῶν
πολιτῶν ἀγαθόν, ὡς τοὺς αὐτὸν μὲν ἀφαιρου-
/ 3 / Ye φ a 7
μένους, ἐκείνῳ δὲ ἣν εἶχε βεβαιοῦντας δύναμιν,
“ / “ / 4
ἕτερον διαβάλλοντας ἕτερον κατασκευάζειν τύραν-
2 νον. ταῦτα προκαλούμενος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ Κουρίων
ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος ἐκροτεῖτο λαμπρῶς: οἱ δὲ καὶ
στεφάνους ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴν ἀνθοβολοῦν-
> 7 2 ΄ \ ὃ an ,
τες ἠφίεσαν. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ δημαρχῶν Καίσαρος
ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐπιστολὴν κομισθεῖσαν εἰς τὸ πλῆ-
θος ἐξήνεγκε καὶ ἀνέγνω βίᾳ τῶν ὑπάτων. ἐν δὲ
a an ‘ , \ ες f. Ν
τῇ βουλῇ Σκηπίων μὲν ὁ Πομπηΐου πενθερὸς

1 Cf. the Pompey, lviii. 2.
516

CAESAR, χχιχ. 4—xxx. 2

them had Caesar become by reason of the multi-
tude of his campaigns, and so suspicious of him
were they made by their fear of a monarchy. All
this fed Pompey’s vanity, and he neglected to pro-
vide himself with soldiers, as though he had no
fears; while with speeches and resolutions of the
senate he was carrying the day against Caesar, as
he supposed, although he was merely getting
measures rejected about which Caesar cared naught.
Nay, we are told that one of the centurions sent
to Rome by Caesar, as he stood in front of the
senate-house and learned that the senate would not
give Caesar an extension of his term of command,
slapped the handle of his sword and said: “ But this
will give it.” 1

XXX. However, the demands which came from
Caesar certainly had a striking semblance of fair-
ness. He demanded, namely, that if he himself
laid down his arms, Pompey should do the same,
and that both, thus become private men, should find
what favour they could with their fellow citizens;
arguing that if they took away his forces from him,
but confirmed Pompey in the possession of his, they
would be accusing one of seeking a tyranny and
making the other a tyrant. When Curio laid these
proposals before the people in behalf of Caesar, he
was loudly applauded, and some actually cast gar-
lands of flowers upon him as if he were a victorious
athlete. Antony, too, who was a tribune, brought
before the people a letter of Caesar’s on these
matters which he had received, and read it aloud, in
defiance of the consuls. ~But in the senate, Scipio,
the father-in-law of Pompey,? introduced a motion

_2 Pompey had married Cornelia, the young widow of
Publius Crassus (Pompey, lv. 1). 517

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εἰσηγήσατο γνώμην, ἂν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ῥητῇ μὴ κατά-
θηται τὰ ὅπλα Καῖσαρ, ἀποδειχθῆναι πολέμιον
αὐτόν. ἐρωτώντων δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων εἰ δοκεῖ Πομ-
πήϊον ἀφεῖναι τοὺς στρατιώτας, καὶ πάλιν, εἰ
n ’ al \ > / / fol \
δοκεῖ Καίσαρα, τῇ μὲν ὀλίγοι παντάπασι, τῇ δὲ
πάντες παρ᾽ ὀλίγους προσέθεντο' τῶν δὲ περὶ
᾽ ’ / > 4, ? / \ >
Avt@viov πάλιν ἀξιούντων ἀμφοτέρους τὴν ap-
al « -“
χὴν ἀφεῖναι, πάντες ὁμαλῶς προσεχώρησαν.
> ae , / \ / a
ἀλλὰ ἐκβιαζομένου Σκηπίωνος, καὶ Λέντλου τοῦ
ς 7, lal ¢ a Ν A /
ὑπάτου βοῶντος ὅπλων δεῖν πρὸς ἄνδρα λῃστήν,
οὐ ψήφων, τότε μὲν διελύθησαν καὶ μετεβάλοντο
τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἐπὶ πένθει διὰ τὴν στάσιν.
XXXI. Ἐπεὶ δὲ παρὰ Καίσαρος ἧκον ἐπι-
4 7 “ > ges 0 ᾽ \
στολαὶ μετριάζειν δοκοῦντος (ἠξίου yap ἀφεὶς
τὰ ἄλλα πάντα τὴν ἐντὸς ᾿Αλπεων καὶ τὸ λλυ-
ρικὸν μετὰ δυεῖν ταγμάτων αὐτῷ δοθῆναι, μέχρι
οὗ τὴν δευτέραν ὑπατείαν μέτεισι), καὶ Κικέρων ὁ
ῥήτωρ ἄρτι παρὼν ἐκ Κιλικίας καὶ διαλλαγὰς
πράττων ἐμάλαττε τὸν Ἰ]Πομπήϊον, ὁ δὲ τἄλλα
συγχωρῶν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀφήρει. καὶ Κικέρων
\ ” \ / / ,
μὲν ἔπειθε τοὺς Καίσαρος φίλους συνενδόντας
ἐπὶ ταῖς εἰρημέναις ἐπαρχίαις καὶ στρατιώταις
μόνοις ἑξακισχιλίοις ποιεῖσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις,
Πομπηΐου δὲ καμπτομένου καὶ διδόντος οἱ περὶ
Λέντλον οὐκ εἴων ὑπατεύοντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς
βουλῆς ᾿Αντώνιον καὶ Κουρίωνα προπηλακίσαν-
τες ἐξήλασαν ἀτίμως, τὴν εὐπρεπεστάτην Καί-
capt τῶν προφάσεων αὐτοὶ μηχανησάμενοι, καὶ
δι᾿ ἧς μάλιστα τοὺς στρατιώτας παρώξυνεν, ἐπι-

518

CAESAR, xxx. 2--ΧΧΧΙ. 2

that if by a fixed day Caesar did not lay down his
arms he should be declared a public enemy. And
when the consuls put the question whether Pompey
should dismiss his soldiers, and again whether
Caesar should, very few senators voted for the first,
and all but a few for the second; but when Antony
again demanded that both should give up their
commands, all with one accord assented. Scipio,
however, made violent opposition, and Lentulus the
consul cried out that against a robber there was
need of arms, not votes; whereupon the senate
broke up, and the senators put on the garb of
mourning in view of the dissension.

XXXI. But presently letters came from Caesar
in which he appeared to take a more moderate
position, for he agreed to surrender everything else,
but demanded that Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum to-
gether with two legions should be given him until
he stood for his second consulship. Cicero the
orator, too, who had just returned from Cilicia and
was busy with a reconciliation, tried to mollify
Pompey, who yielded everything else, but insisted
on taking away Caesar’s soldiers. Cicero also tried
to persuade the friends of Caesar to compromise and
come to a settlement on the basis of the provinces
mentioned and only six thousand soldiers, and Pom-
pey was ready to yield and grantso many. Lentulus
the consul, however, would not let him, but actually
heaped insults upon Antony and Curio and drove
them disgracefully from the senate,' thus himself
contriving for Caesar the most specious of his pre-
texts, and the one by means of which he most of
all incited his soldiers, showing them men of repute

1 January 7, 49 8.0,
519

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δεικνύμενος ἄνδρας ἐλλογίμους καὶ ἄρχοντας ἐπὶ

μισθίων. ζευγῶν πεφευγότας ἐν ἐσθῆσιν οἰκετικαῖς.

οὕτω γὰρ ἀπὸ Ῥώμης σκευάσαντες ἑαυτοὺς διὰ
όβον ὑπεξήεσαν.

XXXII. Ἦσαν μὲν οὖν περὶ αὐτὸν οὐ πλείους
ἱππέων τριακοσίων. καὶ πεντακισχιλίων ὁπλιτῶν"
τὸ γὰρ ἄλλο στρώτευμα πέραν Ἄλπεων ἀπο-
λελειμμένον. ἔμελλον ἄξειν οἱ πεμφθέντες. ὁρῶν
δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὧν ἐνίστατο πραγμάτων καὶ τὴν
ἔφοδον οὐ πολυχειρίας δεομένην ἐν τῷ παρόντι
μᾶλλον ἢ θάμβει τε τόλμης καὶ τάχει καιροῦ
καταληπτέαν οὖσαν, ἐκπλήξειν γὰρ ἀπιστού-
μενος ῥᾷον ἢ βιάσεσθαι μετὰ πα ασκευῆς ἐπελ-
θών, τοὺς μὲν ἡγεμόνας καὶ ταξιάρχους ἐκέλευσε
μαχαίρας ἔ ἔχοντας ἄνευ τῶν ἄλλων ὅπλων κατα-
σχεῖν ᾿Αρίμινον τῆς Κελτικῆς μεγάλην πόλιν, ὡς
ἐνδέχεται μάλιστα φεισαμένους φόνου καὶ ταρα-
χῆς, Ὁρτησίῳ. δὲ τὴν δύναμιν παρέδωκεν.

Αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν μὲν ἡμέραν διῆγεν ἐν φανερῷ
μονομάχοις ἐφεστὼς γυμναζομένοις καὶ θεώμενος"
μικρὸν δὲ πρὸ ἑσπέρας θεραπεύσας τὸ σῶμα καὶ
παρελθὼν εἰς τὸν ἀνδρῶνα καὶ συγγενόμενος
βραχέα τοῖς παρακεκλημένοις ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον,
ἤδη συσκοτάζοντος ἐξανέστη, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους
φιλοφρονηθεὶς καὶ κελεύσας περιμένειν αὐτὸν ὡς
ἐπανελευσόμενον, ὀλίγοις δὲ τῶν φίλων προείρητο
μὴ κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ πάντας, ἄλλον δὲ ἄλλῃ διώκειν.
αὐτὸς δὲ τῶν μισθίων ξευγῶν ἐπιβὰς ἑ ἑνὸς ἤλαυνεν
ἑτέραν τινὰ πρῶτον ὁδόν, εἶτα πρὸς τὸ ᾿Αρίμινον
ἐπιστρέψας, ὡς ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν διορίξοντα τὴν
ἐντὸς Λλπεων Γαλατίαν ἀπὸ τῆς ἄλλης ᾿Ιταλίας

520

CAESAR, χχχι. 2--ΧΧΧΙΙ. 4

and high office who had fled the city on hired carts
and in the garb of slaves. For thus they had arrayed
themselves in their fear and stolen out of Rome. |

XXXII. Now, Caesar had with him not more than
three hundred horsemen and five thousand legion-
aries ; for the restof his army had been left beyond
the Alps, and was to be brought up by those whom
he had sent for the purpose. He saw, however,
that the beginning of his enterprise and its initial
step did not require a large force at present, but
must take advantage of the golden moment by
showing amazing boldness and speed, since he could
strike terror into his enemies by an unexpected blow
more easily than he could overwhelm them by an
attack in full force. He therefore ordered his cen-
turions and other officers, taking their swords only,
and without the rest of their arms, to occupy Ari-
minum, a large city of Gaul, avoiding commotion
and bloodshed as far as possible; and he entrusted
this force to Hortensius.

He himself spent the day in public, attending and
watching the exercises of gladiators; but a little
before evening he bathed and dressed and went into
the banqueting hall. Here he held brief converse
with those who had been invited to supper, and just
as it was getting dark rose and went away, after
addressing courteously most of his guests and bid-
ding them await his return. To a few of his friends,
however, he had previously given directions to follow
him, not all by the same route, but some by one way
and some by another. He himself mounted one of
his hired carts and drove at first along another road,
then turned towards Ariminum. When he came to
the river which separates Cisalpine Gaul from the

521

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

κ \
ποταμόν (Ῥουβίκων καλεῖται), καὶ λογισμὸς
Β..ΦΆ > Ul ca b] / a “ ὶ
αὐτὸν εἰσηει μᾶλλον ἐγγίξζοντα τῷ δεινῷ κα
περιφερόμενον τῷ μεγέθει τῶν τολμωμένων,
ἔσχετο δρόμου" καὶ τὴν πορείαν ἐπιστήσας πολ-
λὰ μὲν αὐτὸς ἐν ἑαυτῷ διήνεγκε σιγῇ τὴν γνώμην
ἐπ᾿ ἀμφότερα μεταλαμβάνων, καὶ τροπὰς ἔσχεν
αὐτῷ τότε τὸ βούλευμα πλείστας: πολλὰ δὲ καὶ
τῶν φίλων τοῖς παροῦσιν, ὧν ἦν καὶ Πολλίων

> , , > / ς /
Ασίννιος, συνδιηπόρησεν, ἀναλογιζόμενος ἡλίκων
κακῶν ἄρξει πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἡ διάβασις, ὅσον
τε λόγον αὐτῆς τοῖς αὖθις ἀπολείψουσι. τέλος
δὲ μετὰ θυμοῦ τινος ὥσπερ ἀφεὶς ἑαυτὸν ἐκ τοῦ
n \ \ / \ a \ ἈΝ \
λογισμοῦ πρὸς TO μέλλον, καὶ τοῦτο δὴ TO κοινὸν
τοῖς εἰς τύχας ἐμβαίνουσιν ἀπόρους καὶ τόλμας
/ ς / “cc? 7, 4 ”» ww

προοίμιον ὑπειπών, “᾿Ανερρίφθω κύβος," ὥρμησε

Ν \ / \ , \ \ 3
πρὸς τὴν διάβασιν: καὶ δρόμῳ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη
χρώμενος εἰσέπεσε πρὸ ἡμέρας εἰς τὸ ᾿Αρίμινον
καὶ κατέσχε. λέγεται δὲ τῇ προτέρᾳ νυκτὶ τῆς
διαβάσεως ὄναρ ἰδεῖν ἔκθεσμον' ἐδόκει γὰρ αὐτὸς

τῇ ἑαυτοῦ μητρὶ μίγνυσθαι τὴν ἄρρητον μῖξιν.

ΧΧΧΊΤΙ͂Ι. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ κατελήφθη τὸ ᾿Αρίμινον,
ὥσπερ ἀνεῳγμένου τοῦ πολέμου πλατείαις πύλαις
ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ τὴν γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν, καὶ
συγκεχυμένων ἅμα τοῖς ὅροις τῆς ἐπαρχίας τῶν
, n , > », A >/ \
νόμων τῆς πόλεως, οὐκ ἄνδρας av τις @HON Kal
γυναῖκας, ὥσπερ ἄλλοτε, σὺν ἐκπλήξει διαφοιτᾶν

τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας, ἀλλὰ τὰς πολεις αὐτὰς ἀνισταμενας 72.

522

CAESAR, xxxtt. 4--ΧΧΧΙΠ. 1

rest of Italy (it is called the Rubicon), and began to
reflect, now that he drew nearer to the fearful step
and was agitated by the magnitude of his ventures,
he checked his speed. Then, halting in his course,
he communed with himself a long time in silence as
his resolution wavered back and forth, and his purpose
then suffered change after change. For a long time,
too, he discussed his perplexities with his friends
who were present, among whom was Asinius Pollio,
estimating the great evils for all mankind which
would follow their passage of the river, and the wide
fame of it which they would leave to posterity. But
finally, with a sort of passion, as if abandoning cal-
culation and casting himself upon the future, and
uttering the phrase with which men usually prelude
their plunge into desperate and daring fortunes,
«* Let the die be cast,” he hastened to cross the river ;
and going at full speed now for the rest of the time,
before daybreak he dashed into Ariminum and took
possession of it.1 It is said, moreover, that on the
night before he crossed the river he had an unnatural
dream; he thought, namely, that he was having
incestuous intercourse with his own mother.”

XXXIII. After the seizure of Ariminum, as if the
war had opened with broad gates to cover the whole
earth and sea alike, and the laws of the state were
confounded along with the boundaries of the pro-
vince, one would not have thought that men and
women, as at other times, were hurrying through
Italy in consternation, but that the very cities had

1 Cf. the Pompey, Ix. 1-2.

2 According to Suetonius (Div. Jul. 7), Caesar had this
dream while he was quaestor in Spain (67 B.c.). The inter-

preters of dreams told him that his mother meant the Earth,
the universal parent, which was to become subject to him.

923

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 φυγῇ διαφέρεσθαι δ’ ἀλλήλων, τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην
ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ῥευμάτων πιμπλαμένην “φυγαῖς τῶν
πέριξ δήμων καὶ μεταστάσεσιν, οὔτε ἄρχοντι
πεῖσαι ῥᾳδίαν οὖσαν οὔτε λόγῳ καθεκτήν, ἐν
πολλῷ κλύδωνι καὶ σάλῳ μικρὸν ἀπολιπεῖν av-
τὴν ὑφ᾽ αὑτῆς ἀνατετράφθαι. πάθη γὰρ ἀντίπαλα

3 καὶ βίαια κατεῖχε κινήματα πάντα τόπον. οὔτε
γὰρ τὸ χαῖρον ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ἀλλὰ τῷ δεδοικότι
καὶ λυπουμένῳ κατὰ πολλὰ συμπῖπτον ἐν μεγάλῃ
πόλει καὶ θρασυνόμενον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος δι᾽
ἐρίδων ἣν, αὐτόν τε Πομπήϊον ἐκπεπχηγμένον
ἄχλος ἀλλαχόθεν ἐ ἐτάραττε, τοῖς μέν, ὡς ηὔξησε
Καίσαρα καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας, εὐθύνας
ὑπέχοντα, τῶν δέ, ὅτε παρείκοντα καὶ προτεινό-
μενον εὐγνώμονας διαλύσεις ἐφῆκε τοῖς περὶ

4 Λέντλον ὑβρίσαι, κατηγορούντων. Φαώνιος δὲ
αὐτὸν ἐκέλευε τῷ ποδὶ κτυπεῖν τὴν γῆν, ἐπεὶ
μεγαληγορῶν ποτε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον οὐδὲν εἴα
πολυπραγμονεῖν οὐδὲ φροντίξειν ἐκείνους τῆς ἐπὶ
τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευῆς" αὐτὸς γάρ, ὅταν ἐπίῃ,
κρούσας τὸ ἔδαφος τῷ ποδὶ στρατευμάτων ἐμ-
πλήσειν τὴν Ἰταλίαν.

5 Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε πλήθει δυνάμεως ὑπερέ-
βαλλεν ὁ Πομπήϊος τὴν Καίσαρος" εἴασε δ᾽ οὐδεὶς
τὸν ἄνδρα χρήσασθαι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ λογισμοῖς, ἀλλὰ
ὑπ᾽ ἀγγελμάτων πολλῶν καὶ ψευδῶν καὶ φόβων,
ὡς ἐφεστῶτος ἤδη τοῦ πολέμου καὶ πάντα κατέ-
χοντος, εἴξας καὶ συνεκκρουσθεὶς, τῇ πάντων φορᾷ
ψηφίζεται ταραχὴν ὁρᾶν, καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐξέλιπε
κελεύσας ἕπεσθαι τὴν γερουσίαν, καὶ μηδένα
μένειν τῶν “πρὸ τῆς τυραννίδος ἡρημένων͵ τὴν
πατρίδα καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

524

CAESAR, χχχπι. 2-5

risen up in flight and were rushing one through
another; while Rome herself, deluged as it were by
the inhabitants of the surrounding towns who were
fleeing from their homes, neither readily obeying a
magistrate nor listening to the voice of reason, in the
surges of a mighty sea narrowly escaped being over-
turned by her own internal agitations. For con-
flicting emotions and violent disturbances prevailed
everywhere. Those who rejoiced did not keep quiet,
but in many places, as was natural in a great city,
encountered those who were in fear and distress, and
being filled with confidence as to the future came
into strife with them; while Pompey himself, who
was terror-stricken, was assailed on every side, being
taken to task by some for having strengthened
Caesar against himself and the supreme power of the
state, and denounced by others for having permitted
Lentulus to insult Caesar when he was ready to yield
and was offering reasonable terms of settlement.
Favonius bade him stamp on the ground; for once,
in a boastful speech to the senate, be told them to
take no trouble or anxious thought about preparations
for the war, since when it came he had but to stamp
upon the earth to fill Italy with armies.1

However, even then Pompey’s forces were more
numerous than Caesar’s; but no one would suffer
him to exercise his own judgement; and so, under
the influence of many false and terrifying reports,
believing that the war was already close at hand and
prevailed everywhere, he gave way, was swept along
with the universal tide, issued an edict declaring a
state of anarchy, and forsook the city, commanding
the senate to follow, and forbidding any one to remain
who preferred country and freedom to tyranny.

1 Cf. the Pompey, lvii. 5. 525

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXXIV. Οἱ μὲν οὖν ὕπατοι μηδὲ ἃ νόμος ἐστὶ
πρὸ ἐξόδου θύσαντες ἔφυγον" ἔφευγον δὲ καὶ τῶν
βουλευτῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι, τρόπον τινὰ δι᾽ ἁρπαγῆς
ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων ὅ τι τύχοιεν ὥσπερ ἀλλοτρίων
λαμβάνοντες. εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ καὶ σφόδρα τὰ Καίσαρος
ἡρημένοι πρότερον ἐξέπεσον ὑπὸ θάμβους τότε
τῶν λογισμῶν καὶ συμπαρηνέχθησαν οὐδὲν δεό-
μενοι. τῷ ῥεύματι τῆς φορᾶς ἐκείνης. οἰκτρότατον
δὲ τὸ θέαμα τῆς πόλεως ἦν, ἐπιφερομένου το-
σούτου χειμῶνος, ὥσπερ νεὼς ὑπὸ κυβερνητῶν
ἀπαγορευόντων πρὸς τὸ συντυχὸν ἐκπεσεῖν κομι-
ζομένης. ἀχλὰ καΐπερ οὕτω τῆς μεταστάσεως οἷ-
κτρᾶς οὔσης, τὴν μὲν φυγὴν οἱ ἄνθρωποι πατρίδα
διὰ Πομπήϊον ἡγοῦντο, τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην. ὡς Καίσα-
ρος στρατόπεδον ἐξέλειπον" ὅπου καὶ Λαβιηνός,
ἀνὴρ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλοις Καίσαρος καὶ
πρεσβευτὴς γεγονὼς καὶ συνηγωνισμένος ἐν πᾶσι
προθυμότατα τοῖς Κελτικοῖς πολέμοις, τότ᾽ ἐκεῖ-
νον ἀποδρὰς ἀφίκετο πρὸς Πομπήϊον.

᾿Αλλὰ τούτῳ μὲν καὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὰς
ἀποσκευὰς ἀπέπεμψεν ὁ Καῖσαρ' Δομετίῳ δὲ

ἡγουμένῳ σπειρῶν τριάκοντα καὶ κατέχοντι Κορ-
φίνιον ἐπελθὼν παρεστρατοπέδευσεν. ὁ δὲ a ἀπο-
γνοὺς τὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἤτησε τὸν ἰατρὸν οἰκέτην
ὄντα φάρμακον' καὶ λαβὼν τὸ δοθὲν ἔ ἔπιεν ὡς
τεθνηξόμενος. μετ᾽ ὀλίγον δὲ ἀκούσας τὸν Καί-
σαρα θαυμαστῇ Tee φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρῆσθαι πρὸς
τοὺς ἑαλωκότας, αὐτὸς αὑτὸν ἀπεθρήνει καὶ τὴν
ὀξύτητα τοῦ βουλεύματος ἠτιᾶτο. τοῦ δ᾽ ἰατροῦ
θαρρύναντος αὐτόν, ὡς ὑπνωτικόν, οὐ θανάσιμον,
πεπωκότα, περιχαρὴς ἀναστὰς ἀπήει πρὸς Kat-

526

CAESAR, χχχιν. 1-4

XXXIV. Accordingly, the consuls fled, without
even making the sacrifices usual before departure ;
most of the senators also fled, after seizing, in a sort
of robbery, whatever came to hand of their own
possessions, as though it were the property of others.
Some, too, who before this had vehemently espoused
the cause of Caesar, were now frightened out of their
wits, and were carried along, when there was no need
of it, by the sweep of the great tide. But most
pitiful was the sight of the city, now that so great a
tempest was bearing down upon her, carried along
like a ship abandoned of her helmsmen to dash |
against whatever lay in her path. Still, although |
their removal was so pitiful a thing, for the sake of |
Pompey men considered exile to be their country, |
and abandoned Rome with the feeling that it was
Caesar's camp.!_ For even Labienus, one of Caesar’s
greatest friends, who had been his legate and had
fought most zealously with him in all his Gallic wars,
now ran away from him and came to Pompey.

But Caesar sent to Labienus his money and his bag-
gage; against Domitius, however, who was holding
Corfinium with thirty cohorts under his command, he
marched, and pitched his camp near by. Domitius,
despairing of his enterprise, asked his physician, who
was a slave, for a poison; and taking what was given
him, drank it, intending to die. But after a little,
hearing that Caesar showed most wonderful clemency
towards his prisoners, he bewailed his fate, and
blamed the rashness of his purpose. Then his phy-
sician bade him be of good cheer, since what he had
drunk was a sleeping-potion and not deadly ; where-
upon Domitius rose up overjoyed and went to Caesar,

1 Cf. the Pompey, lxi. 4.
527

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

capa, καὶ λαβὼν δεξιὰν αὖθις διεξέπεσε πρὸς
Πομπήϊον. ταῦτα εἰς τὴν Ρώμην ἀπαγγεχλόμενα
τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἡδίους ἐποίει, καί τινες φυγόντες
ἀνέστρεψαν.

ΧΧΧΥ. Ὃ δὲ Καῖσαρ τήν τε τοῦ Δομετίου
στρατιὰν παρέλαβε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ὅσους ἐν
ταῖς πόλεσι Ἰ]ομπηΐῳ στρατολογουμένους ἔφθασε
καταλαβών. πολὺς δὲ γεγονὼς ἤδη καὶ φοβερὸς
ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤλαυνε Πομπήϊον. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐδέξατο
τὴν ἔφοδον, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς Βρεντέσιον φυγὼν τοὺς μὲν
ὑπάτους πρότερον ἔστειλε μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς
Δυρράχιον, αὐτὸς δὲ ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἐπελθόντος
Καίσαρος ἐξέπλευσεν, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου
γραφησομένοις τὰ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον δηλωθήσεται.
Καίσαρι δὲ βουλομένῳ μὲν εὐθὺς διώκειν ἀπορία
νεῶν ἦν" εἰς δὲ τὴν «Ῥώμην ἀνέστρεψε, γεγονὼς
ἐν ἡμέραις ἑξήκοντα πάσης ἀναιμωτὶ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας
κύριος.

᾿Επεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν πόλιν εὗρε μᾶλλον ἢ προσε-
δόκα καθεστῶσαν καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ βουλῆς ἐν αὐτῇ
συχνούς, τούτοις μὲν ἐπιεικῆ καὶ δημοτικὰ διε-
λέχθη, παρακαλῶν αὐτοὺς καὶ πρὸς Πομπήϊον
ἀποστέλλειν ἄνδρας ἐπὶ συμβάσεσι πρεπούσαις"
ὑπήκουσε δ᾽ οὐδείς, εἴτε φοβούμενοι Πομπήϊον
ἐγκαταλελειμμένον, εἴτε μὴ νομίζοντες οὕτω Καί-
capa φρονεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐπρεπείᾳ λόγων χρῆσθαι.
τοῦ δὲ δημάρχου Μετέλλου κωλύοντος αὐτὸν ἐκ
τῶν ἀποθέτων χρήματα λαμβάνειν καὶ νόμους
τινὰς προφέροντος, οὐκ ἔφη τὸν αὐτὸν ὅπλων καὶ
νόμων καιρὸν εἶναι" “ Σὺ δὲ εἰ τοῖς πραττομένοις
δυσκολαίνεις, νῦν μὲν ἐκποδὼν ἄπιθι" παρρησίας

528

72

»" Se νὼ δ κα

CAESAR, χχχιν. 4--χχχν. 3

the pledge of whose right hand he received, only to
desert him and go back to Pompey. When tidings
of these things came to Rome, men were made more
cheerful, and some of the fugitives turned back.

XXXYV. Caesar took over the troops of Domitius,
as well as all the other levies of Pompey which he
surprised in the various cities. Then, since his
forces were already numerous and formidable, he
marched against Pompey himself. Pompey, how-
ever, did not await his approach, but fled to
Brundisium, sent the consuls before him with an
army to Dyrrhachium, and shortly afterwards, as
Caesar drew near, sailed off himself, as shall be
set forth circumstantially in his Life.1 Caesar
wished to pursue him at once, but was destitute
of ships; so he turned back to Rome, having in
sixty days and without bloodshed. become master
of all Italy.

He found the city more tranquil than he was
expecting, and many senators in it. With these,
therefore, he conferred in a gentle and affable
manner,” inviting them even to send a deputation
to Pompey proposing suitable terms of agreement.
But no one would listen to him, either because they
feared Pompey, whom they had abandoned, or be-
eause they thought that Caesar did not mean what
he said, but was indulging in specious talk. When
the tribune Metellus tried to prevent Caesar’s
taking money from the reserve funds of the state,
and cited certain laws, Caesar said that arms and
laws had not the same season. “ But if thou art dis-
pleased at what is going on, for the present get out

1 Chapter lxii.

3 Caesar gives a summary of his speech to the senators in
B.C. i. 32.

529

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

yap ov δεῖται πόλεμος: ὅταν δὲ κατάθωμαι τὰ
ὅπλα συμβάσεων γενομένων, τότε παριὼν δημα-
γωγήσεις. καὶ ταῦτα, ἔφη, “ λέγω τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ
δικαίων ὑφιέμενος" ἐμὸς γὰρ εἰ καὶ σὺ καὶ πάντες
ὅσους εἴληφα τῶν πρὸς ἐμὲ στασιασάντων.
ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Μέτελλον εἰπὼν ἐβάδιζε πρὸς
τὰς θύρας τοῦ ταμιείου, μὴ φαινομένων δὲ τῶν
κλειδῶν χαλκεῖς μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκκόπτειν ἐκέ-
Aevev* αὖθις δὲ ἐνισταμένου τοῦ Μετέλλου καί
τινων ἐπαινούντων, διατεινάμενος ἠπείλησεν ἀπο-
κτενεῖν αὐτόν, εἰ μὴ παύσαιτο παρενοχλῶν. “ Καὶ
τοῦτο," ἔφη, “μειράκιον, οὐκ ἀγνοεῖς ὅτι μοι
δυσκολώτερον ἦν εἰπεῖν ἢ πρᾶξαι." οὗτος ὁ
λόγος τότε καὶ Μέτελλον ἀπελθεῖν ἐποίησε κατα-
δείσαντα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ῥᾳδίως αὐτῷ καὶ ταχέως
ὑπηρετεῖσθαι πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον.

XXXVI. ᾿Εστράτευε δ᾽ εἰς ᾿Ιβηρίαν πρότερον
ἐγνωκὼς τοὺς περὶ ᾿Αφράνιον καὶ Βάρρωνα Tlop-
πηΐου πρεσβευτὰς ἐκβαλεῖν, καὶ τὰς ἐκεῖ δυνά-
μεις καὶ τὰς ἐπαρχίας ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ ποιησάμενος
οὕτως ἐπὶ Πομπήϊον ἐλαύνειν, μηδένα κατὰ νώτου
τῶν πολεμίων ὑπολειπόμενος. κινδυνεύσας δὲ
καὶ τῷ σώματι πολλάκις κατ᾽ ἐνέδρας καὶ τῷ
στρατῷ μάλιστα διὰ λιμόν, οὐκ ἀνῆκε πρότερον
διώκων καὶ προκαλούμενος καὶ περιταφρεύων
τοὺς ἄνδρας ἢ κύριος βίᾳ γενέσθαι τῶν στρατο-
πέδων καὶ τῶν δυνάμεων. οἱ δὲ ἡγεμόνες ὥχοντο
πρὸς Πομπήϊον φεύγοντες.

XXXVII: ᾿Επανελθόντα δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην Καί-
capa ἸΠείσων μὲν ὁ πενθερὸς παρεκάλει πρὸς
Πομπήϊον ἀποστέλλειν ἄνδρας ὑπὲρ διαλύσεως,

539

CAESAR, xxxv. 3-xxxvil. 1

of the way, since war has no use for free speech ;
when, however, I have come to terms and laid down
my arms, then thou shalt come before the people
with thy harangues. And in saying this I waive
my own just rights; for thou art mine, thou and
all of the faction hostile to me whom I have caught.”
After this speech to Metellus, Caesar walked to-
wards the door of the treasury, and when the keys
were not to be found, he sent for smiths and ordered
them to break in the door. Metellus once more
opposed him, and was commended by some for so
doing ; but Caesar, raising his voice, threatened to
kill him if he did not cease his troublesome inter-
ference. ‘And thou surely knowest, young man,’
said he, “that it is more unpleasant for me to say
this than to do 11. Then Metellus, in consequence
of this speech, went off in a fright, and henceforth
everything was speedily and easily furnished to
Caesar for the war.}

XXXVI. So he made an expedition into Spain,?
having resolved first to drive out from there Afranius
and Varro, Pompey’s legates, and bring their forces
there and the provinces into his power, and then to ,
march against Pompey, leaving not an enemy in his
rear. And though his life was often in peril from
ambuscades, and his army most of all from hunger,
he did not cease from pursuing, challenging, and be-
sieging the men until he had made himself by main
force master of their camps and their forces. The
leaders, however, made their escape to Pompey.

XXXVII. When Caesar came back to Rome, Piso,
his father-in-law, urged him to send a deputation
to Pompey with proposals for a settlement; but

1 Cf. the Pompey, lxii. 1. 2 Of. Caesar, B.C. i. 34-86.
531

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> \ , , 3 a
Ioavpixoy δὲ Καίσαρι χαριζόμενος ἀντεῖπεν.
αἱρεθεὶς δὲ δικτάτωρ ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς φυγάδας τε
κατήγαγε, καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Σύλλα δυστυχησάντων
τοὺς παῖδας ἐπιτίμους ἐποίησε, καὶ σεισαχθείᾳ
\ 4 > ᾿ \ 4
τινὶ τόκων ἐκούφιζε τοὺς χρεωφείλέτας, ἄλλων
τε τοιούτων ἥψατο πολιτευμάτων οὐ πολλῶν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἡμέραις ἕνδεκα τὴν μὲν μοναρχίαν ἀπει-
πάμενος, ὕπατον δὲ ἀναδείξας ἑαυτὸν καὶ Σερουΐ-
λιον ᾿Ισαυρικόν, εἴχετο τῆς στρατείας.
Καὶ τὰς μὲν ἄλλας δυνάμεις καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἐπευγό-
a e “ \ »” / e
μενος παρῆλθεν, ἱππεῖς δὲ ἔχων λογάδας ἑξα-
κοσίους καὶ πέντε τάγματα, χειμῶνος ἐν τροπαῖς
ὄντος, ἱσταμένου ᾿Ιαννουαρίου μηνὸς (οὗτος δ᾽ ἂν
εἴη ἸΤοσειδεὼν ᾿Αθηναίοις) ἀφῆκεν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος"
\ \ \ 51" » ᾽
καὶ διαβαλὼν τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον “Opixov καὶ ᾿Απολλω-
ξ΄ ae \ \ an / > / 93
νίαν αἱρεῖ, τὰ δὲ πλοῖα πάλιν ἀπέπεμψεν εἰς
Βρεντέσιον ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑστερήσαντας τῇ πορείᾳ
στρατιώτας. οἱ δὲ ἄχρι μὲν καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἦσαν, ἅτε
δὴ καὶ παρηκμακότες ἤδη τοῖς σώμασι καὶ πρὸς
τὰ πλήθη τῶν πολέμων ἀπειρηκότες, ἐν αἰτίαις
εἶχον τὸν Καίσαρα" ““Ἰ1οἱ δὴ καὶ πρὸς τί πέρας
a «ς
ἡμᾶς οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καταθήσεται περιφέρων καὶ
χρώμενος ὥσπερ ἀτρύτοις καὶ ἀψύχοις ἡμῖν; καὶ
σίδηρος ἐξέκαμε πληγαῖς, καὶ θυρεοῦ τίς ἐστι
φειδὼ ἐν χρόνῳ τοσούτῳ καὶ θώρακος. οὐδὲ ἀπὸ
τῶν τραυμάτων ἄρα λογίζεται Καῖσαρ ὅτι θνητῶν
μὲν ἄρχει, θνητὰ δὲ πεφύκαμεν πάσχειν καὶ ἀλ-
γεῖν; ὥραν δὲ χειμῶνος καὶ πνεύματος ἐν θαλάτ-
Ἁ ᾽ \ [9] / , > 2
τῇ καιρὸν οὐδὲ θεῷ βιάζεσθαι δυνατόν: ἀλλ
οὗτος παραβάλλεται καθάπερ οὐ διώκων πολε-
μίους, ἀλλὰ φεύγων." τοιαῦτα λέγοντες ἐπορεύ-

532

72)

ἡ λυ LN ἃ eee ae en ee

CAESAR, xxxvu. 1-4

Isauricus, to please Caesar, opposed the project. So,
having been made dictator by the senate, he brought
home exiles, restored to civic rights the children of
those who had suffered in the time of Sulla, relieved
the burdens of the debtor-class by a certain adjust-
ment of interest, took in hand a few other public
measures of like character, and within eleven days
abdicated the sole power, had himself declared
consul with Servilius Isauricus, and entered upon
his campaign.

The rest of his forces he passed by in a forced
march, and with six hundred picked horsemen and
five legions, at the time of the winter solstice, in
the early part of January! (this month answers
nearly to the Athenian Poseideon), put to sea, and
after crossing the Ionian gulf took Oricum and
Apollonia, and sent his transports back again to
Brundisium for the soldiers who had been belated
on their march. ‘These,as long as they were on the
road, since they were now past their physical prime
and worn out with their multitudinous wars, mur-
mured against Caesar. ‘“ Whither, pray, and to what
end will this man bring us, hurrying us about and
treating us like tireless and lifeless things? Even
a sword gets tired out with smiting, and shield and
breastplate are spared a little after so long a time of
service. Will not even our wounds, then, convince
Caesar that he commands mortal men, and that we
are mortal in the endurance of pain and suffering?
Surely the wintry season and the occasion of a storm
at sea not even a god can constrain; yet this man
takes risks as though he were not pursuing, but fly-
ing from, enemies.’ With such words as these they

1 488.c. The Roman calendar, at this time, was much in
advance of the solar seasons. 533

VOL, VII. 9

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

5 οντο σχολαίως εἰς TO Βρεντέσιον. ὡς δὲ ἐλθόντες
εὗρον ἀνηγμένον τὸν Καίσαρα, ταχὺ πάλιν αὖ
μεταβαλόντες ἐκάκιζον ἑαυτοὺς it woborag ἀποκα-
λοῦντες τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος, ἐκάκιζον δὲ καὶ τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας οὐκ ἐπιταχύναντας τὴν πορείαν. καθή-
μενοι δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων πρὸς τὸ πέλαγος καὶ τὴν
Ἤπειρον ἀπεσκόπουν τὰς ναῦς ἐφ᾽ ὧν ἔμελλον
περαιοῦσθαι πρὸς ἐκεῖνον.

XXXVIII. ᾿Εν δὲ ᾿Απολλωνίᾳ Καῖσαρ οὐκ
ἔχων͵ ἀξιόμαχον τὴν μεθ' ἑαυτοῦ δύναμιν, βρα-
δυνούσης δὲ τῆς ἐκεῖθεν, ἀπορούμενος καὶ περιπα-
θῶν, δεινὸν ἐβούλευσε βούλευμα, κρύφα πάντων
εἰς πλοῖον ἐμβὰς τὸ μέγεθος δωδεκάσκαλμον a ἀνα-
χθῆναι πρὸς τὸ Βρεντέσιον, τηλικούτοις στόλοις
περιεχομένου τοῦ πελάγους ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων.

2 νυκτὸς οὖν ἐσθῆτι θεράποντος ἐπικρυψάμενος
ἐνέβη, καὶ καταβαλὼν ἑαυτὸν ὥς τινα τῶν παρη-
μελημένων ἡσύχαξε. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Δώου ποταμοῦ τὴν
ναῦν ὑποφέροντος εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, τὴν μὲν
ἑωθινὴν αὔραν, ἣ παρεῖχε τηνικαῦτα περὶ τὰς
ἐκβολὰς γαλήνην ἀπωθοῦσα πόρρω τὸ κῦμα,
πολὺς πνεύσας πελάγιος διὰ νυκτὸς ἀπέσβεσε'

8 πρὸς δὲ τὴν πλημμύραν τῆς θαλάττης καὶ τὴν
ἀντίβασιν τοῦ κλύδωνος ἀγριαίνων ὁ ποταμός,
καὶ τραχὺς ἅμα καὶ κτύπῳ μεγάλῳ καὶ σκληραῖς
ἀνακοπτόμενος δίναις, ἄπορος ἣν βιασθῆναι, τῷ
κυβερνήτῃ: καὶ μεταβαλεῖν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ναύτας
ὡς ἀποστρέψων τὸν πλοῦν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ ὁ
Καῖσαρ ἀναδείκνυσιν ἑαυτόν, καὶ τοῦ κυβερνήτου
λαβόμενος τῆς χειρὸς ἐκπεπληγμένου πρὸς τὴν
ὄψιν, “Ἴθι, ἔφη, “γενναῖε, τόλμα καὶ δέδιθι

534

CAESAR, xxxvil. 5-Xxxxvitl. 3

marched in a leisurely way to Brundisium. But when
they got there and found that Caesar had put to sea,
they quickly changed their tone and reviled them-
selves as traitors to the Imperator; they reviled
their officers, too, for not having quickened their
march. Then, sitting on the cliffs, they looked oft
towards the open sea and Epirus, watching for the
ships which were to carry them across to their
commander.

XXXVIII. At Apollonia, since the force which he
had with him was not a match for the enemy and
the delay of his troops on the other side caused him
perplexity and distress, Caesar conceived the dan-
gerous plan of embarking in a twelve-oared boat,
without any one’s knowledge, and going over to
Brundisium, though the sea was encompassed by such
large armaments of the enemy. At night, accord-
ingly, after disguising himself in the dress of a slave,
he went on board, threw himself down as one of no
account, and kept quiet. While the river Aoiis was
carrying the boat down towards the sea, the early
morning breeze, which at that time usually made
the mouth of the river calm by driving back the
waves, was quelled by a strong wind which blew
from the sea during the night; the river therefore
chafed against the inflow of the sea and the opposi-
tion of its billows, and was rough, being beaten
back with a great din and violent eddies, so that it
was impossible for the master of the boat to force
his way along. He therefore ordered the sailors
to come about in order to retrace his course. But
Caesar, perceiving this, disclosed himself, took the
master of the boat by the hand, who was terrified at
sight of him, and said: “ Come, good man, be bold

535

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μηδέν: Καίσαρα φέρεις καὶ τὴν Καίσαρος τύχην

4 συμπλέουσαν." ἐλάθοντο τοῦ χειμῶνος οἱ ναῦ-
ται, καὶ ταῖς κώπαις ἐμφύντες ἐβιάζοντο πάσῃ
προθυμίᾳ τὸν ποταμόν. ὡς δὲ ἦν ἄπορα, deEa-
μενος πολλὴν θάλατταν καὶ κινδυνεύσας ἐν τῷ
στόματι συνεχώρησε μάλα ἄκων τῷ κυβερνήτῃ
μεταβαλεῖν. ἀνιόντι δὲ αὐτῷ κατὰ πλῆθος
ἀπήντων οἱ στρατιῶται, πολλὰ μεμφόμενοι καὶ
δυσπαθοῦντες εἰ μὴ πέπεισται καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς
μόνοις ἱκανὸς εἶναι νικᾶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἄχθεται καὶ παρα-
βάλλεται διὰ τοὺς ἀπόντας ὡς ἀπιστῶν τοῖς
παροῦσιν.

XXXIX, Ἔκ τούτου κατέπλευσε μὲν ᾿Αντώ-
vios ἀπὸ Βρεντεσίου τὰς δυνάμεις ἄγων" θαρρή-
σας δὲ Καῖσαρ προὐκαλεῖτο Πομπήϊον ἱδρυμένον
ἐν καλῷ καὶ χορηγούμενον ἔκ τε γῆς καὶ θαλάτ-
της “ἀποχρώντως, αὐτὸς ἐν οὐκ ἀφθόνοις διάγων
κατ᾽ ἀρχάς, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ σφόδρα πιεσθεὶς
ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων. ἀλλὰ ῥίζαν τινὰ κό-
πτοντες οἱ στρατιῶται Kal “γάλακτι φυρῶντες

2 προσεφέροντο. καί ποτε καὶ διαπλάσαντες ἐξ
αὐτῆς ἄρτους καὶ ταῖς προφυλακαῖς τῶν πολε-
μίων ἐπιδραμόντες ἔβαλλον εἴσω καὶ διερρίπτουν,
ἐπιλέγοντες ὡς, ἄχρι ἂν ἡ γῆ τοιαύτας ἐκφέρῃ
ῥίξας, οὐ παύσονται πολιορκοῦντες Πομπήϊον. ὁ
μέντοι Πομπήϊος οὔτε τοὺς ἄρτους οὔτε τοὺς λό-
yous εἴα τούτους ἐκφέρεσθαι πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος.
ἠθύμουν γὰρ οἱ “στρατιῶται, τὴν ἀγριότητα καὶ
τὴν ἀπάθειαν τῶν πολεμίων ὥσπερ θηρίων ὀρ-
ρωδοῦντες.

8 ᾿Δεὶ δέ τινες περὶ τοῖς ἐρύμασι τοῖς Πομπηΐου
μάχαι σποράδες ἐγίγνοντο' καὶ περιῆν πάσαις ὁ

536

CAESAR, xxxvill. 3—XxxIx. 3

and fear naught; thou carryest Caesar and Caesar’s
fortune in thy boat.’”’! The sailors forgot the storm,
and laying to their oars, tried with all alacrity to
force their way down the river. But since it was
impossible, after taking much water and running
great hazard at the mouth of the river, Caesar very
reluctantly suffered the captain to put about. When
he came back, his soldiers met him in throngs, find-
ing much fault and sore displeased with him because
he did not believe that even with them alone he
was able to conquer, but was troubled, and risked
his life for the sake of the absent as though dis-
trusting those who were present.

XXXIX. After this, Antony put in from Brundisium
with his forces, and Caesar was emboldened to chal-
lenge Pompey to battle. Pompey was well posted
and drew ample supplies both from land and sea ;
while Caesar had no great abundance at first, and
afterwards was actually hard pressed for want of
provisions. But his soldiers dug up a certain root,
mixed it with milk, and ate it.2 Once, too, they
made loaves of it,and running up to the enemy’s
outposts, threw the loaves inside or tossed them to
one another, adding by way of comment that as long
as the earth produced such roots, they would not stop
besieging Pompey. Pompey, however, would not
allow either the loaves or these words to reach the
main body of his army. For his soldiers were de-
jected, fearing the ferocity and hardiness of their
enemies, who were like wild beasts in their eyes.

There were constant skirmishings about the forti-
fications of Pompey, and in all of them Caesar got

1 Cf. Dion Cassius, xli. 46, 3.
2 Of. Caesar, B.C. iii. 48.

537

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Καῖσαρ πλὴν μιᾶς, ἐν ἧ τροπῆς. μεγάλης γενο-
μένης ἐκινδύνευσεν ἀπολέσαι τὸ στρατόπεδον.
Πομπηΐου γὰρ προσβάλλοντος οὐδεὶς ἔμεινεν,

ἀλλὰ καὶ τάφροι κατεπίμπλαντο κτεινομένων,

καὶ περὶ τοῖς αὑτῶν χαρακώμασι καὶ περιτειχί-
σμασιν ἔπιπτον ἐλαυνόμενοι, προτροπάδην. Kai-
cap δὲ ὑπαντιάξων ἐπειρᾶτο μὲν ἀναστρέφειν
τοὺς φεύγοντας, ἐπέραινε δὲ οὐδέν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιλαμ-
βανομένου τῶν σημείων ἀπερρίπτουν οἱ κομί-
ἕοντες, ὥστε δύο καὶ τριάκοντα λαβεῖν τοὺς
πολεμίους. αὐτὸς δὲ παρὰ μικρὸν ἦλθεν ἀποθανεῖν.
ἀνδρὶ γὰρ μεγάλῳ καὶ ῥωμαλέῳ φεύγοντι παρ᾽
αὐτὸν ἐπιβαλὼν τὴν χεῖρα μένειν. ἐκέλευσε καὶ
στρέφεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους" ὁ δὲ μεστὸς ὧν
ταραχῆς παρὰ τὸ δεινὸν ἐπήρατο τὴν μάχαιραν
ὡς καθιξόμενος, φθάνει δὲ ὁ τοῦ Καίσαρος. ὑπασ-
πιστὴς ἀποκό ας αὐτοῦ τὸν ὧμον. οὕτω δὲ
ἀπέγνω τὰ καθ αὑτὸν ὥστε, ἐπεὶ Πομπήϊος ὑπ᾽
εὐλαβείας τινὸς ἢ τύχης ἔργῳ μεγάλῳ τέλος οὐκ
ἐπέθηκεν, ἀλλὰ καθείρξας εἰς τὸν χάρακα τοὺς
φεύγοντας ἀνεχώρησεν, εἶπεν ἄρα πρὸς τοὺς
φίλους ἀπιὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ, “ Σήμερον ἂν ἡ νίκη
παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἣν, εἰ τὸν νικῶντα εἶχον.
αὐτὸς δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν καὶ κατακλι-
θεὶς νύκτα πασῶν ἐκείνην ἀνιαροτάτην διήγαγεν
ἐν ἀπόροις λογισμοῖς, ὡς κακῶς ἐστρατηγηκώς,
ὅτε καὶ χώρας ἐπικειμένης βαθείας καὶ πόλεων
εὐδαιμόνων. τῶν Μακεδονικῶν καὶ Θετταλικῶν,
ἐάσας ἐκεῖ περισπάσαι τὸν πόλεμον ἐνταῦθα
καθέξουτο πρὸς θαλάττῃ, ναυκρατούντων τῶν
πολεμίων, πολιορκούμενος τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις μᾶλ-

538

a ee

CAESAR, χχχιχ. 3-6

the better except one, where there was a great rout
of his men and he was in danger of losing his camp.
For when Pompey attacked not one of Caesar’s men
stood his ground, but the moats were filled with the
slain, and others were falling at their own ramparts
and walls, whither they had been driven in headlong
flight. And though Caesar met the fugitives and
tried to turn them back, he availed nothing, nay,
when he tried to lay hold of the standards the
bearers threw them away, so that the enemy captured
thirty-two of them. Caesar himself, too, narrowly
escaped being killed. For as a tall and sturdy man
was running away past him, he laid his hand upon
him and bade him stay and face about upon the
enemy; and the fellow, full of panic at the threat-
ening danger, raised his sword to smite Caesar,
but before he could do so Caesar’s shield-bearer
lopped off his arm at the shoulder. So completely
had Caesar given up his cause for lost that, when
Pompey, either from excessive caution or by some
chance, did not follow up his great success, but with-
drew after he had shut up the fugitives within their
entrenchments, Caesar said to his friends as he left
them: ‘To-day victory had been with the enemy,
if they had had a victor in command.” ! Then going
by himself to his tent and lying down, he spent that
most distressful of all nights in vain reflections,
convinced that he had shown bad generalship. For
while a fertile country lay waiting for him, and the
prosperous cities of Macedonia and Thessaly, he had
neglected to carry the war thither, and had posted
himself here by the sea, which his enemies controlled
with their fleets, being thus held in siege by lack of

1 Cf. the Pompey, Ixv. 5,
539

7

τὸ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λον ἢ τοῖς ὅπλοις πολιορκῶν. οὕτω δὴ ῥιπτα-
σθεὶς καὶ ἀδημονήσας πρὸς τὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ
χαλεπότητα τῶν παρόντων ἀνίστη τὸν στρατόν,
ἐπὶ Σκηπίωνα προάγειν εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἐγνωκώς"
ἢ γὰρ ἐπισπάσεσθαι ἸΠομπήϊον ὅπου μαχεῖται
μὴ χορηγούμενος ὁμοίως ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάττης, ἢ
περιέσεσθαι μεμονωμένου Σκηπίωνος.

ΧΙ, Τοῦτο τὴν Πομπηΐου στρατιὰν ἐπῆρε καὶ
τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνας ὡς ἡττημένου καὶ φεύ-
γοντος ἔχεσθαι Καίσαρος. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ ev-
λαβῶς εἶχε Πομπήϊος ἀναρρῖψαν μάχην περὶ
τηλικούτων, καὶ παρεσκευασμένος ἄριστα πᾶσι
πρὸς τὸν χρόνον ἠξίου τρίβειν καὶ μαραίνειν τὴν
τῶν πολεμίων ἀκμὴν βραχεῖαν οὖσαν. τὸ γάρ
τοι μαχιμώτατον τῆς Καίσαρος δυνάμεως ἐμπει-
ρίαν μὲν εἶχε καὶ τόλμαν ἀνυπόστατον πρὸς τοὺς
ἀγῶνας, ἐν δὲ ταῖς πλάναις καὶ ταῖς στρατοπε-
δείαις καὶ τειχομαχοῦντες καὶ νυκτεγερτοῦντες
ἐξέκαμνον ὑπὸ γήρως, καὶ βαρεῖς ἦσαν τοῖς
σώμασι πρὸς τοὺς πόνους, du’ ἀσθένειαν ἐγκατα-
λείποντες τὴν προθυμίαν. τότε δὲ Kai TL νόσημα
λοιμῶδες ἐλέχθη, τὴν ἀτοπίαν τῆς διαίτης ποιη-
σάμενον ἀρχήν, ἐν τῇ στρατιᾷ περιφέρεσθαι τῇ
Καίσαρος. καὶ τὸ μέγιστον, οὔτε χρήμασιν ἐρ-
ρωμένος οὔτε τροφῆς εὐπορῶν χρόνου βραχέος
ἐδόκει περὶ αὑτῷ καταλυθήσεσθαι.

XLI. Διὰ ταῦτα Πομπήϊον μάχεσθαι μὴ βου-
λόμενον μόνος ἐπήνει Κάτων φειδοῖ τῶν πολιτῶν"
540

CAESAR, χχχιχ. 7--χῖμ 1

provisions rather than besieging with his arms.
Thus his despondent thoughts of the difficulty and
perplexity of his situation kept him tossing upon his
couch, and in the morning he broke camp, resolved
to lead his army into Macedonia against Scipio; for
he would then either draw Pompey after him to a
place where he would give battle without drawing
his supplies as he now did from the sea, or Scipio
would be left alone and he would overwhelm him.

XL. This emboldened the soldiers of Pompey and
the leaders by whom he was surrounded to keep
close to Caesar, whom they thought defeated and in
flight. For Pompey himself was cautious about
hazarding a battle for so great a stake, and since
he was most excellently provided with everything
necessary for a long war, he thought it best to wear
out and quench the vigour of the enemy, which must
be short-lived. For the best fighting men in
Caesar’s army had experience, it is true, and a daring
which was irresistible in combat; but what with
their long marches and frequent encampments and
siege-warfare and night-watches, they were beginning
to give out by reason of age, and were too unwieldy
for labour, having lost their ardour from weakness.
At that time, too, a kind of pestilential disease,
oceasioned by the strangeness of their diet, was said
to be prevalent in Caesar’s army, And what was
most important of all, since Caesar was neither strong
in funds nor well supplied with provisions, it was
thought that within a short time his army would
break up of itself.

XLI. For these reasons Pompey did not wish to
fight, but Cato was the only one to commend his
course, and this from a desire to spare the lives

541

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὅς ye καὶ τοὺς πεσόντας ἐν TH μάχῃ TOV πολε-
μίων εἰς χιλίους τὸ πλῆθος γενομένους ἰδὼν
ἀπῆλθεν ἐγκαλυψάμενος καὶ καταδακρύσας. οἱ
δ᾽ ἄλλοι πάντες ἐκάκιζον τὸν Πομπήϊον φυγομα-

obvta, καὶ παρώξυνον ᾿Αγαμέμνονα καὶ βασιλέα
Bae Ahoy ἀποκαλοῦντες, ὡς δὴ μὴ βουλόμενον
ἀποθέσθαι τὴν μοναρχίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγαλλόμενον
ἡγεμόνων τοσούτων ἐξηρτημένων αὐτοῦ καὶ φοι-
τώντων ἐπὶ σκηνήν. Φαώνιος δὲ τὴν Κάτωνος
παρρησίαν ὑποποιούμενος, μανικῶς ἐσχετλίαζεν
εἰ μηδὲ τῆτες ἔσται τῶν περὶ Τουσκλάνον ἀπο-
λαῦσαι σύκων διὰ τὴν Πομπηΐου φιλαρχίαν.
᾿Αφράνιος δὲ (νεωστὶ γὰρ ἐξ ᾿Ιβηρίας ἀφῖκτο
κακῶς στρατηγήσας) διαβαλλόμενος ἐπὶ γχρή-
pace προδοῦναι τὸν στρατόν, ἠρώτα διὰ τί πρὸς

\ > /
τὸν ἔμπορον οὐ μάχονται τὸν ἐωνημένον Tap
αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπαρχίας. ἐκ τούτων ἁπάντων συνε-
λαυνόμενος ἄκων εἰς μάχην ὁ Ἰ]ομπήϊος ἐχώρει
τὸν Καίσαρα διώκων.

ὋὉ δὲ τὴν μὲν ἄλλην πορείαν χαλεπῶς ἤνυσ

ἣν μ ἣν Trop χαλεπῶς ἤνυσεν,

οὐδενὸς παρέχοντος ἀγοράν, ἀλλὰ πάντων κατα-
φρονούντων διὰ τὴν ἔναγχος ἧτταν: ὡς δὲ εἷλε
Γόμφους, Θεσσαλικὴν πόλιν, οὐ μόνον ἔθρεψε
τὴν στρατιάν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ νοσήματος ἀπήλλαξε
παραλόγως. ἀφθόνῳ γὰρ ἐνέτυχον οἴνῳ, καὶ
πιόντες ἀνέδην, εἶτα χρώμενοι κώμοις καὶ βακ-
χεύοντες ἀνὰ τὴν ὁδόν, ἐκ μέθης διεκρούσαντο καὶ
παρήλλαξαν τὸ πάθος, εἰς ἕξιν ἑτέραν τοῖς σώμασι
μεταπεσόντες.

XLIT. Ὡς δὲ εἰς τὴν Φαρσαλίαν ἐμβαλόντες
ἀμφότεροι κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, ὁ μὲν ἸΤομπήϊος

542

128

CAESAR, xu. 1-xiL. τὸ

of his fellow citizens; for when he saw even those of
the enemy who had fallen in the battle, to the num-
ber of a thousand, he burst into tears, muffled up his
head,and went away. All the rest, however, reviled
Pompey for trying to avoid a battle, and sought to
goad him on by calling him Agamemnon and King of
Kings, implying that he did not wish to lay aside
his sole authority, but plumed himself on having so
many commanders dependent upon him and coming
constantly to his tent. And Favonius, affecting Cato’s
boldness of speech, complained like a mad man
because that year also they would be unable to enjoy
the figs of Tusculum because of Pompey’s love of
command.! Afranius, too, who had lately come
from Spain, where he had shown bad generalship,
when accused of betraying his army for ἃ bribe,
asked why they did not fight with the merchant who
had bought the provinces from him. Driven on by
all these importunities, Pompey reluctantly sought
a battle and pursued Caesar.

Caesar accomplished most of his march with diffi-
culty, since no one would sell him provisions, and
everybody despised him. on account of his recent
defeat; but after he had taken Gomphi, a city of
Thessaly, he not only provided food for his soldiers,
but also relieved them of their disease unexpectedly.
For they fell in with plenty of wine, and after drink-
ing freely of it, and then revelling and rioting on
their march, by means of their drunkenness they
drove away and got rid of their trouble, since they
brought their bodies into a different habit.

XLII. But when both armies entered the plain
of Pharsalus and encamped there, Pompey’s mind

1 Cf. the Pompey, lxvii. 3.
543

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

αὖθις εἰς τὸν ἀρχαῖον avexpoveTo λογισμὸν THY
γνώμην, ἔτι καὶ φασμάτων οὐκ αἰσίων προσγενο-
μένων καὶ καθ᾽ ὕπνον ὄψεως. ἐδόκει γὰρ ἑαυτὸν
ὁρᾶν ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ κροτούμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων,
...! οἱ δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν οὕτω θρασεῖς ἦσαν καὶ τὸ
νίκημα ταῖς ἐλπίσι προειληφότες ὥστε φιλοτει-
κεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀρχιερωσύνης Δομίτιον
καὶ Σπινθῆρα καὶ Σκηπίωνα διαμιλλωμένους ἀλ-
λήλοις, πέμπειν δὲ πολλοὺς εἰς Ρώμην μισθου-
μένους καὶ προκαταλαμβάνοντας οἰκίας ὑπατεύ-
ovot καὶ στρατηγοῦσιν ἐπιτηδείους, ὡς εὐθὺς
ἄρξοντες μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον. μάλιστα δὲ ἐσφά-
δαζον οἱ ἱππεῖς ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην ἠσκημένοι περιττῶς
ὅπλων λαμπρότησι καὶ τροφαῖς ἵππων καὶ κάλ-
λει σωμάτων, μέγα φρονοῦντες καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος,
ἑπτακισχίλιοι πρὸς χιλίους τοὺς Καίσαρος ὄντες.
ἦν δὲ καὶ τὸ τῶν πεζῶν πλῆθος οὐκ ἀγχώμαλον,
ἀλλὰ τετρακισμύριοι καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι παρε-
τάττοντο δισμυρίοις καὶ δισχιλίοις.

XLIII. ‘O δὲ Καῖσαρ τοὺς στρατιώτας συνα-
γαγών, καὶ προειπὼν ὡς δύο μὲν αὐτῷ τάγματα
Κορφίνιος ἄγων ἐγγύς ἐστιν, ἄλλαι δὲ πεντε-
καΐδεκα σπεῖραι μετὰ Καληνοῦ κάθηνται περὶ
Μέγαρα καὶ ᾿Αθήνας, ἠρώτησεν εἴτε βούλονται
περιμένειν ἐκείνους, εἴτε αὐτοὶ διακινδυνεῦσαι
καθ᾽ ἑαυτούς. οἱ δὲ ἀνεβόησαν δεόμενοι μὴ περι-
μένειν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον, ὅπως τάχιστα συνίασιν εἰς
χεῖρας τοῖς πολεμίοις, τεχνάζεσθαι καὶ στρα-
τηγεῖν. ποιουμένῳ δὲ καθαρμὸν αὐτῷ τῆς δυνά-

1 The substance of what has fallen from the text here may

be found in the Pompey, Ixviii. 2, Sintenis brackets the
sentence as an intrusion here from marginal notes.

544

CAESAR, xiu. 1-xuin. 2

reverted again to its former reasoning, and besides,
there befell him unlucky appearances and a vision in
his sleep. He dreamed, namely, that he saw himself
in his theatre applauded by the Romans,... Those
about him, however, were so confident, and so hope-
fully anticipated the victory, that Domitius and
Spinther and Scipio disputed earnestly with one
another over Caesar’s office of Pontifex Maximus, and
many seht agents to Rome to hire and take posses-
sion of houses suitable for praetors and consuls,
assuming that they would immediately hold these
offices after the war.! And most of all were his
cavalry impatient for the battle, since they had a
splendid array of shining armour, well-fed horses, and
handsome persons, and were in high spirits too on
account of their numbers, which were seven thousand
to Caesar’s one thousand. The numbers of the in-
fantry also were unequal, since forty-five thousand
were arrayed against twenty-two thousand.

XLIII. Caesar called his soldiers together, and
after telling them that Corfinius? was near with
two legions for him, and that fifteen cohorts be-
sides under Calenus were stationed at Athens and
Megara, asked them whether they wished to wait
for these troops, or to hazard the issue by themselves.
Then the soldiers besought him with loud cries not
to wait for the troops, but rather to contrive and
manoeuvre to come to close quarters with the enemy
as soon as possible. As he was holding a lustration

1 Cf. Caesar, B.C. iii. 82 f.; Plutarch, Pompey, Ixvii. 5.
2 An error for Cornificius.

545

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

pews καὶ θύσαντι τὸ πρῶτον ἱερεῖον εὐθὺς ὁ μάντις
ἔφραζε τριῶν ἡμερῶν “μάχῃ κριθήσεσθαι πρὸς
τοὺς πολεμίους. ἐρομένου δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος. εἰ
καὶ περὶ τοῦ τέλους ἐνορᾷ τι τοῖς ἱεροῖς εὔσημον,
“Αὐτὸς av,” ἔφη, “ σὺ τοῦτο βέλτιον ὑ ὑποκρίναιο
σαυτῷ. μεγάλην γὰρ οἱ θεοὶ μεταβολὴν καὶ μετά-
πτῶσιν ἐπὶ τὰ ἐναντία τῶν καθεστώτων ᾿ δηλοῦσιν,
ὥστε εἰ μὲν. εὖ πράττειν ἡγῇ σεαυτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ
παρόντι, τὴν χείρονα προσδόκα τύχην" εἰ δὲ κα-
κῶς, τὴν ἀμείνονα. τῇ δὲ πρὸ τῆς μάχης νυκτὶ
τὰς φυλακὰς ἐφοδεύοντος αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸ μεσο-
νύκτιον ὥφθη λαμπὰς οὐρανίου πυρός, ἣν ὑπερ-
ενεχθεῖσαν τὸ Καίσαρος στρατόπεδον λαμπρὰν
καὶ φλογώδη γενομένην ἔδοξεν εἰς τὸ Πομπηΐου
καταπεσεῖν. ἑωθινῆς. δὲ φυλακῆς καὶ πανικὸν
τάραχον ἤσθοντο γιγνόμενον παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις.
οὐ μὴν μαχεῖσθαί γε κατ᾽ ἐκείνην προσεδόκα τὴν
ἡμέραν, ἀλλὰ ὡς ἐπὶ Σκοτούσσης ὁδεύων ἀνε-
ζεύγνυεν.

XLIV. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τῶν σκηνῶν ἤδη καταλελυ-
μένων οἱ σκοποὶ προσίππευσαν αὐτῷ τοὺς πο-
λεμίους ἐπὶ μάχῃ καταβαίνειν ἀπαγγέλλοντες,
περιχαρὴς γενόμενος καὶ προσευξάμενος τοῖς θεοῖς
παρέταττε τὴν φάλαγγα, τὴν τάξιν τριπλῆν
ποιῶν. καὶ τοῖς μὲν μέσοις ἐπέστησε Καλβῖνον
Δομίτιον, τῶν δὲ κεράτων τὸ μὲν εἶχεν ᾿Αντώνιος,
αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ δεξιόν, ἐ ἐν τῷ δεκάτῳ τάγματι μέλλων
μάχεσθαι. κατὰ τοῦτο δὲ τοὺς τῶν πολεμίων
ἱππεῖς ἀντιπαραταττομένους ὁρῶν, καὶ δεδοικὼς
τὴν λαμπρότητα καὶ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῶν, ἀπὸ τῆς
ἐσχάτης τάξεως ἀδήλως ἐκέλευσε περιελθεῖν πρὸς
ἑαυτὸν ἐξ σπείρας καὶ κατόπιν ἔστησε τοῦ δεξιοῦ, 729)

546

CAESAR, xi. 2-- ΧΙ ῖν. 2

and review of his forces and had sacrificed the first
victim, the seer at once told him that within three
days there would be a decisive battle with the
enemy. And when Caesar asked him whether he
also saw in the victims any favourable signs of the
issue, “‘Thou thyself,” said the seer, “canst better
answer this question for thyself. For the gods in-
dicate a great change and revolution of the present
status to the opposite. Therefore, if thou thinkest
thyself well off as matters stand, expect the worse
fortune ; if badly off, the better.’’ Moreover, on the
night before the battle, as Caesar was making the
round of his sentries about midnight, a fiery torch
was seen in the heavens, which seemed to be carried
over his camp, blazing out brightly, and then to fall
into Pompey’s. And during the morning watch it
was noticed that there was actually a panic confusion
among the enemy.! However, Caesar did not expect
to fight on that day,’ but began to break camp for a
march to Scotussa.

XLIV. But just as the tents had been struck, his
scouts rode up to him with tidings that the enemy
were coming down into the plain for battle. At this
he was overjoyed, and after prayers and vows to the
gods, drew up his legionaries in three divisions.
Over the centre he put Domitius Calvinus, while of
the wings Antony had one and he himself the right,
where he intended to fight with the tenth legion.
But seeing that the enemy’s cavalry were arraying
themselves over against this point, and fearing their
brilliant appearance and their numbers, he ordered six
cohorts from the furthermost lines to come round to
him unobserved, and stationed them behind his right

1 Cf. the Pompey, Ixviii. 3. 2 August 9, 48 B.o
547

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

διδάξας ἃ χρὴ ποιεῖν ὅταν οἱ τῶν πολεμίων ἱπ-
πεῖς προσφέρωνται. Πομπήϊος δὲ τὸ μὲν αὐτὸς
εἶχε τῶν κεράτων, τὸ δ᾽ εὐώνυμον Δομίτιος, τοῦ
δὲ μέσου Σκηπίων ἦρχεν ὁ πενθερός. οἱ δὲ ἱππεῖς
“ ee" Ν > Ν »” «ς \ \
ἅπαντες ἐπὶ τὸ ἀριστερὸν ἔβρισαν ὡς τὸ δεξιὸν
κυκλωσόμενοι τῶν πολεμίων καὶ λαμπρὰν περὶ
’
αὐτὸν τὸν ἡγεμόνα ποιησόμενοι τροπήν" οὐδὲν γὰρ
ἀνθέξειν βάθος ὁπλιτικῆς φάλαγγος, ἀλλὰ συν-
τρίψεσθαι καὶ καταρράξεσθαι πάντα τοῖς ἐναν-
τίοις ἐπιβολῆς ἅμα τοσούτων ἱππέων γενομένης.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ σημαίνειν ἔμελλον ἀμφότεροι τὴν ἔφο-
δον, Πομπήϊος μὲν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἑστῶτας
ἐν προβολῇ καὶ μένοντας ἀραρότως δέχεσθαι τὴν
ἐπιδρομὴν τῶν πολεμίων, μέχρι ἂν ὑσσοῦ βολῆς
ἐντὸς γένωνται. Καῖσαρ δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦτο διαμαρ-
τεῖν φησιν αὐτόν, ἀγνοήσαντα τὴν μετὰ δρόμου
καὶ φορᾶς ἐν ἀρχῇ γινομένην σύρραξιν, ὡς ἔν τε
ταῖς πληγαῖς βίαν προστίθησι καὶ συνεκκαίει τὸν
θυμὸν ἐκ πάντων ἀναρριπιζόμενον. αὐτὸς δὲ
- \ / f \ o\ » 949
κινεῖν THY φάλαγγα μέλλων Kal προϊὼν ἐπ᾿ ἔργον
ἤδη πρῶτον ὁρᾷ τῶν ταξιάρχων ἄνδρα πιστὸν
αὐτῷ καὶ πολέμων ἔμπειρον, ἐπιθαρσύνοντα τοὺς
e > e ny \ a > Ὁ ᾽ a
ὑφ αὑτῷ Kal προκαλούμενον εἰς ἅμιλλαν ἀλκῆς.
τοῦτον ὀνομαστὶ προσαγορεύσας, “Τί ἐλπίζομεν,"
“ “ce “- a fu K ’ ὶ “ θ ͵
εἶπεν, “ ὦ Γάϊε Κρασσίνιε, καὶ πῶς τι θάρσους
»" ᾽᾽ ¢ \ , > , \ ;
ἔχομεν; ὁ δὲ Κρασσίνιος ἐκτείνας τὴν δεξιὰν
καὶ μέγα βοήσας, “ Νικήσομεν,᾽ ἔφη, “ λαμπρῶς,
i “ > \ \ x bop / x ,
ὦ Kaicap: ἐμὲ δὲ ἢ ζῶντα τήμερον ἢ τεθνηκότα
ἐπαινέσεις." ταῦτα εἰπὼν πρῶτος ἐμβάλλει τοῖς

548

CAESAR, xuiv. 2-6

wing, teaching them what they were to do when the
enemy's horsemen attacked. Pompey had one of his
wings himself, and Domitius the left, while Scipio,
Pompey’s father-in-law, commanded the centre.
But his horsemen all crowded to the left wing,
intending to encircle the enemy’s right and make a
complete rout about the commander himself; for
they thought that no legionary array, however deep,
could resist them, but that when so many horsemen
made an onset together the enemy would be utterly
broken and crushed.}

When both sides were about to sound the charge,
Pompey ordered his legionaries to stand with arms
at the ready and await in close array the onset of,
the enemy until they were within javelin cast. But.
Caesar says? that here too Pompey made a mistake, |
not knowing that the initial clash with all the im-—
petus of running adds force to the blows and fires |
the courage, which everything then conspires to fan. |
As Caesar himself was about to move his lines of |
legionaries, and was already going forward into
action, he saw first one of his centurions, a man ex- ἢ
perienced in war and faithful to him, encouraging his
men and challenging them to vie with him in prowess.
Him Caesar addressed by name and said: “ Caius
Crassinius,? what are our hopes, and how does our
confidence stand?” Then Crassinius, stretching
forth his right hand, said with a loud voice: “ We
shall win a glorious victory, O Caesar, and thou shalt
praise me to-day, whether I am alive or dead.” So
saying, he plunged foremost into the enemy at full

1 Cf. the Pompey, \|xix. 1-3. 2 B.C. iii. 92.
8 In Caesar’s version of this episode (&.C. iii. 9] and 99),
the name is Crastinus.

549

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πολεμίοις δρόμῳ, συνεπισπασάμενος τοὺς περὶ
ἑαυτὸν ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι “στρατιώτας. διακόψας
δὲ τοὺς πρώτους καὶ πρόσω χωρῶν φόνῳ πολλῷ
καὶ βιαζόμενος ἀνακόπτεται ξίφει πληγεὶς διὰ
τοῦ στόματος, ὥστε καὶ τὴν αἰχμὴν ὑπὲρ τὸ ἐνίον
ἀνασχεῖν.

XLV. Οὕτω δὲ τῶν πεζῶν κατὰ τὸ μέσον
συρραγέντων καὶ μαχομένων, ἀπὸ τοῦ κέρατος οἱ
Πομπηΐου ἱππεῖς σοβαρῶς ἐπήλαυνον εἰς κύκλω-
σιν τοῦ δεξιοῦ τὰς ἴλας, ἀναχεόμενοι" καὶ πρὶν
ἢ προσβαλεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐκτρέχουσιν αἱ σπεῖραι
παρὰ Καίσαρος, οὐχ, ὥσπερ εἰώθεσαν, ἀκον-
τίσμασι χρώμενοι τοῖς ὑσσοῖς, οὐδὲ μηροὺς παΐί-
οντες ἐκ χειρὸς ἢ κνήμας τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ
τῶν ὄψεων ἐφιέμενοι καὶ τὰ πρόσωπα συντιτρώ-
σκοντες, ὑπὸ Καίσαρος δεδιδαγμένοι τοῦτο ποιεῖν,
ἐλπίξοντος ἄνδρας οὐ πολλὰ πολέμοις οὐδὲ
τραύμασιν ὡμιληκότας, νέους δὲ καὶ κομῶντας
ἐπὶ κάλλει καὶ ὥρᾳ, “μάλιστα τὰς τοιαύτας
πληγὰς ὑπόψεσθαι καὶ μὴ μενεῖν, τὸν ἐν TP
παρόντι κίνδυνον ἅμα καὶ τὴν αὖθις αἰσχύνην
δεδοικότας. ὃ δὴ καὶ συνέβαινεν: οὐ γὰρ ἠνεί-
χοντο τῶν ὑσσῶν ἀναφερομένων, οὐδὲ ἐτόλμων
ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς τὸν σίδηρον ὁ ὁρῶντες, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπεστρέ-
φοντο καὶ συνεκαλύπτοντο φειδόμενοι τῶν προσ-
ὦπων: καὶ τέλος οὕτως ταράξαντας ἑαυτοὺς
ἐτράποντο φεύγειν αἴσχιστα, λυμηνάμενοι τὸ
σύμπαν. εὐθὺς γὰρ οἱ μὲν νενικηκότες τούτους
ἐκυκλοῦντο τοὺς πεζοὺς καὶ κατὰ νώτου προσπί-
TTTOVTES ἔκοπτον.

Πομπήϊος δὲ ὡς κατεῖδεν ἀπὸ θατερου τοὺς

0

CAESAR, xtiv. 6-xLv. 4

speed, carrying along with him the one hundred
and twenty soldiers under his command. But after
cutting his way through the first rank, and while
he was forging onwards with great slaughter, he was
beaten back by the thrust of a sword through his
mouth, and the point of the sword actually came
out at the back of his neck.!

XLV. When the infantry had thus clashed to-
gether in the centre and were fighting, Pompey’s
cavalry rode proudly up from the wing and deployed
their squadrons to envelope the enemy’s right; and
before they could attack, the cohorts ran out from
where Caesar was posted, not hurling their javelins,
as usual, nor yet stabbing the thighs and legs of their
enemies with them, but aiming them at their eyes
and wounding their faces. They had been instructed
to do this by Caesar, who expected that men little
conversant with wars or wounds, but young, and
pluming themselves on their youthful beauty, would
dread such wounds especially, and would not stand
their ground, fearing not only their_present danger,
but also their future disfigurement. And this was
what actually came to pass; for they could not
endure the upward thrust of the javelins, nor did
they even venture to look the weapon in the face,
but turned their heads away and covered them up to
spare their faces. And finally, having thus thrown
themselves into confusion, they turned and fled most
shamefully, thereby ruining everything. For the
conquerors of the horsemen at once encircled the
infantry, fell upon their rear, and began to cut them
to pieces.

When Pompey, on the other wing, saw his horse-

Cf, the Pompey, Ixxi. 1-3.
557

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἱππεῖς φυγῇ σκεδασθέντας, οὐκέτι ἣν ὁ αὐτὸς

οὐδ᾽ ἐμέμνητο Ἰ]ομπήϊος ὧν Μάγνος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ

θεοῦ μάλιστα βλαπτομένῳ τὴν γνώμην ἐοικὼς
ἄφθογγος ὥχετο ἀπιὼν ἐπὶ σκηνήν, καὶ καθε-
ξόμενος ἐκαραδόκει τὸ μέλλον, ἄχρι οὗ τροπῆς
ἁπάντων γενομένης ἐπέβαινον οἱ πολέμιοι τοῦ
χάρακος καὶ διεμάχοντο πρὸς τοὺς φυλάττοντας.
τότε δὲ, ὥσπερ ἔννους γενόμενος, καὶ ταύτην
μόνην, ὥς φασι, φωνὴν ἀφείς, “ Οὐκοῦν καὶ ἐπὶ
τὴν παρεμβολήν; ἀπεδύσατο μὲν τὴν ἐναγώνιον
καὶ στρατηγικὴν ἐσθῆτα, φεύγοντι δὲ πρέπουσαν
μεταλαβὼν ὑπεξῆλθεν. ἀλλ᾽ οὗτος μὲν οἵαις
ὕστερον χρησάμενος τύχαις ὅπως τε παραδοὺς
ἑαυτὸν τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ἀνδράσιν ἀνῃρέθη, δηλοῦ-
μεν ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γράμμασιν.

XLVI. Ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ὡς ἐν τῷ χάρακι τοῦ
Πομπηΐου γενόμενος τούς τε κειμένους νεκροὺς
ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων εἶδε καὶ τοὺς ἔτι κτεινομένους,
- ” ͵΄ ἐὲ A ἢ / >
εἶπεν apa στενάξας" Τοῦτο ἐβουλήθησαν, εἰς
τοῦτό με ἀνάγκης ὑπηγάγοντο, ἵνα Γάϊος Καῖσαρ
ὁ μεγίστους πολέμους κατορθώσας, εἰ προηκάμην
τὰ στρατεύματα, κἂν κατεδικάσθην.᾽" ταῦτά
φησι Πολλίων ᾿Ασίννιος τὰ ῥήματα “Ῥωμαϊστὶ
μὲν ἀναφθέγξασθαι τὸν Καίσαρα παρὰ τὸν τότε
καιρόν, Ἑλληνιστὶ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γεγράφθαι: τῶν
δὲ ἀποθανόντων τοὺς πλείστους οἰκέτας γενέσθαι
περὶ τὴν κατάληψιν τοῦ χάρακος ἀναιρεθέντας,
στρατιώτας δὲ μὴ πλείους ἑξακισχιλίων πεσεῖν.
τῶν δὲ ζώντων ἁλόντων κατέμιξε τοὺς πλείστους
ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς τὰ τάγματα: πολλοῖς δὲ καὶ τῶν
ἐπιφανῶν ἄδειαν ἔδωκεν, ὧν καὶ Βροῦτος ἣν ὁ
κτείνας αὐτὸν ὕστερον, ep ᾧ λέγεται μὴ φαινο-

552

ee

ee ee. ee

CAESAR, χιν. 4-xLvI. 2

men scattered in flight, he was no longer the same
man, nor remembered that he was Pompey the Great,
but more like one whom Heaven has robbed of his
wits than anything else, he went off without a word
to his tent, sat down there, and awaited what was to
come, until his forces were all routed and the enemy
were assailing his ramparts and fighting with their
defenders. Then he came to his senses, as it were,
and with this one ejaculation, as they say, “ What,
even to my quarters?” took off his fighting and
general's dress, put on one suitable for a fugitive,
and stole away. What his subsequent fortunes were,
and how he delivered himself into the hands of the
Egyptians and was murdered, | shall tell in his Life.}

XLVI. But Caesar, when he reached-Pompey’s
ramparts and saw those of the enemy who were
already lying dead there and those who were still
falling, said with a groan: “ They would have it so;
they brought me to such a pass that if I, Caius
Caesar, after waging successfully the greatest wars,
had dismissed my forces, I should have been con-
demned in their courts.”? Asinius Pollio says that
these words, which Caesar afterwards wrote down
in Greek, were uttered by him in Latin at the time;
he also says that most of the slain were servants who
were killed at the taking of the camp, and that not
more than six thousand soldiers fell. Most of those
who were taken alive Caesar incorporated in his
legions, and to many men of prominence he granted
immunity. One of these was Brutus, who afterwards
slew him, Caesar was distressed, we are told, when

1 Chapters Ixxvii.-lxxx.

2 Hoc voluerunt; tantis rebus gestis Gaius Caesar con-

demnatus essem, nisi ab exercitu auxilium petissem (Sue-
tonius, Div. Jul. 30).

553

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μένῳ μὲν ἀγωνιᾶσαι, σωθέντος δὲ καὶ mapayeov-
μένου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡσθῆναι διαφερόντως.

ΧΙ ΤΙ. Σημείων δὲ πολλῶν “γενομένων τῆς
νίκης ἐπιφανέστατον ἱστορεῖται τὸ περὶ Τράλλεις.
ἐν “γὰρ ἱερῷ Νίκης ἀνδριὰς εἱστήκει Καίσαρος,
καὶ τὸ περὶ αὐτῷ χωρίον αὐτό τε στερεὸν φύσει
καὶ λίθῳ σκληρῷ κατεστρωμένον ἣν ἄνωθεν' ἐκ
τούτου λέγουσιν ἀνατεῖλαι φοίνικα παρὰ τὴν
βάσιν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος. ἐν δὲ Παταβίῳ Γάϊος
Κορνήλιος, ἀνὴρ εὐδόκιμος ἐπὶ μαντικῇ, “Αἰβίου
τοῦ συγγραφέως πολίτης καὶ γνώριμος, ἐτύγχανεν
ἐπ᾽ οἰωνοῖς καθήμενος ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν. καὶ
πρῶτον μέν, ὡς Λίβιός φησι, τὸν καιρὸν ἔ ἔγνω τῆς
μάχης, καὶ πρὸς τ τοὺς παρόντας εἶπεν ὅ ὅτι καὶ δὴ
περαίνεται τὸ χρῆμα καὶ συνίασιν εἰς ἔργον οἱ
ἄνδρες. αὖθις δὲ πρὸς τῇ θέᾳ γενόμενος καὶ τὰ
σημεῖα κατιδὼν ἀνήλατο μετ ᾿ ἐνθουσιασμοῦ βοῶν,
“Νικᾷς, ὦ Καῖσαρ." ἐκπλαγέντων δὲ τῶν ᾿
παρατυχόντων περιελὼν τὸν στέφανον ἀπὸ τῆς
κεφαλῆς ἐνωμότως ἔφη μὴ πρὶν ἐπιθήσεσθαι
πάλιν ἢ τῇ τέχνῃ “μαρτυρῆσαι τὸ ἔργον. ταῦτα
μὲν οὖν ὁ Λίβιος οὕτως γενέσθαι καταβεβαιοῦται.

XLVIIL. Καῖσαρ δὲ τῷ Θετταλῶν ἔθνει τὴν
ἐλευθερίαν ἀναθεὶς νικητήριον ἐδίωκε Lloumniov:
ἁψάμενος δὲ τῆς ᾿Ασίας Κνιδίους τε Θεοπόμπῳ
τῷ συναγαγόντι τοὺς μύθους χαριζόμενος ἤἠλευ-
θέρωσε, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν κατοικοῦσι
τὸ τρίτον τῶν φόρων ἀνῆκεν. εἰς δὲ ᾿Αλεξάν-
δρείαν ἐπὶ Πομπηΐῳ τεθνηκότι καταχθεὶς Θεό-
δοτον μὲν ἀπεστράφη τὴν Πομπηΐου κεφαλὴν
προσφέροντα, τὴν δὲ σφραγῖδα δεξάμενος τοῦ

554

CAESAR, xtvi. 2- ΧΙ ΊΠ. 2

Brutus was not to be found, but when he was
brought into his presence safe and sound, was pleased
beyond measure.

XLVII. There were many portents of the vic-
tory, but the most remarkable one on record is that
which was seen at Tralles. In that city’s temple
of Victory there stood a statue of Caesar, and the
ground around it was itself naturally firm, and was
paved with hard stone; yet from this it is said thata |
palm-tree shot up at the base of the statue.! More-
over, at Patavium, Caius Cornelius, a man in repute
as a seer, a fellow citizen and acquaintance of Livy
the historian, chanced that day to be sitting in the
place of augury. And to begin with, according to
Livy, he discerned the time of the battle,and said to
those present that even then the event was in
progress and the men were going into action. And
when he looked again and observed the signs, he
sprang up in a rapture crying : “ Thou art victorious,
O Caesar!’’ The bystanders being amazed, he took
the chaplet from his head and declared with an
oath that he would not put it on again until the
event had borne witness to his art. At any rate, Livy
insists that this was so.”

XLVIII. Caesar gave the Thessalians their free-
dom, to commemorate his victory, and then pursued
Pompey ; when he reached Asia he made the Cnidians
also free, to please Theopompus the collector of
fables, and for all the inhabitants of Asia remitted a
third of their taxes. Arriving at Alexandria just after
Pompey’s death, he turned away in horror from
Theodotus as he presented the head of Pompey, but
he accepted Pompey’s seal-ring, and shed tears over

1 Cf. Caesar B.C. iii 105 ad fin.
® In Book exi, which is lost.

555

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

’ \ / Ψ \ a € , > Lol
ἀνδρὸς κατεδάκρυσεν" ὅσοι δὲ τῶν ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ
\ / [4 Ἁ , e ’
καὶ συνήθων πλανώμενοι κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἑαλώ-
κεσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως, πάντας εὐεργέτησε καὶ
προσηγάγετο. τοῖς δὲ φίλοις εἰς Ῥώμην ἔγραφεν
ὅτι τῆς νίκης ἀπολαύοι τοῦτο μέγιστον καὶ
ἥδιστον, τὸ σώζειν τινὰς ἀεὶ τῶν πεπολεμηκότων
πολιτῶν αὐτῷ.

Τὸν δὲ αὐτόθι πόλεμον οἱ μὲν οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον,
ἀλλ᾽ ἔρωτι Κλεοπάτρας ἄδοξον αὐτῷ καὶ κινδυ-
΄ / / e \ ‘ \
νώδη γενέσθαι λέγουσιν, οἱ δὲ τοὺς βασιλικοὺς
αἰτιῶνται, καὶ μάλιστα τὸν εὐνοῦχον ἸΠοθεινόν,
ὃς πλεῖστον δυνάμενος καὶ Ἰ]ομπήϊον μὲν ἀνη-
\ 4 > \ \ ,
ρηκὼς ἔναγχος, ἐκβεβληκὼς δὲ Κλεοπάτραν,

4 A > / “Ὁ / lel ,
κρύφα μὲν ἐπεβούλευε TO Καίσαρι" καὶ διὰ τοῦτό
φασιν αὐτὸν ἀρξάμενον ἔκτοτε διανυκτερεύειν ἐν
τοῖς πότοις ἕνεκα φυλακῆς τοῦ σώματος" φανερῶς
δὲ οὐκ ἦν ἀνεκτὸς ἐπίφθονα πολλὰ καὶ πρὸς
ὕβριν eis τὸν Καίσαρα λέγων καὶ πράττων.
τοὺς μὲν γὰρ στρατιώτας τὸν κάκιστον μετρουμέ-
νους καὶ παλαιότατον σῖτον ἐκέλευσεν ἀνέχεσθαι

\ / > / > f \ Ν Ν
καὶ στέργειν, ἐσθίοντας τὰ ἀλλότρια, πρὸς δὲ τὰ
δεῖπνα σκεύεσιν ἐχρῆτο ξυλίνοις καὶ κεραμεοῖς,
ὡς τὰ χρυσὰ καὶ ἀργυρᾶ πάντα Καίσαρος ἔχοντος
εἴς TL χρέος. ὦφειλε γὰρ ὁ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος
τότε πατὴρ Καίσαρι χιλίας ἑπτακοσίας πεντή-
κοντα μυριάδας, ὧν τὰς μὲν ἄλλας ἀνῆκε τοῖς
παισὶν αὐτοῦ πρότερον ὁ Καῖσαρ, τὰς δὲ χιλίας

1 Cf. the Pompey, Ixxx. 5.
® See the Pompey, Ixxvii. 2.

556

CAESAR, xtivim. 2--4

1.1 Moreover, all the companions and intimates of
Pompey who had been captured by the king as they
wandered over the country, he treated with kindness
and attached them to himself. And to his friends
in Rome he wrote that this was the greatest and | |
sweetest pleasure that he derived from his victory, |
namely, from time to time to save the lives of fellow |
citizens who had fought against him.

As for the war in Egypt, some say that it was ποῖ᾽
necessary, but due to Caesar’s passion for Cleopatra, '
and that it was inglorious and full of peril for him.
But others blame the king’s party for it, and especi-
ally the eunuch Potheinus, who had most influence at
court,” and had recently killed Pompey; he had also
driven Cleopatra from the country, and-was now
secretly plotting against Caesar. On this account
they say that from this time on Caesar passed whole
nights at drinking parties in order to protect himself.
But in his open acts also Potheinus was unbearable,
since he said and did many things that were invidious
and insulting to Caesar. For instance, when the
soldiers had the oldest and worst grain measured out
to them, he bade them put up with it and be content,
since they were eating what belonged to others ; and
at the state suppers he used wooden and earthen
dishes, on the ground that Caesar had taken all the
gold and silver ware in payment of adebt. For the
father of the present king owed Caesar seventeen
million five hundred thousand drachmas,® of which
Caesar had formerly remitted a part to his children,
but now demanded payment of ten millions for the

3 During Caesar’s consulship (59 B.c.) Ptolemy Auletes
was declared a friend and ally of the Romans. To secure
this honour he both gave and promised money to the state.

557

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

5 ἠξίου τότε λαβὼν διαθρέψαι τὸ στράτευμα. TOU Ἢ
δὲ Ποθεινοῦ νῦν μὲν αὐτὸν ἀπιέναι καὶ τῶν
μεγάλων ἔχεσθαι πραγμάτων κελεύοντος, ὕστερον
δὲ κομιεῖσθαι μετὰ χάριτος, εἰπὼν ὡς Αἰγυπτίων
ἐλάχιστα δέοιτο συμβούλων, “κρύφα τὴν Κλεο-
πάτραν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας μετεπέμπετο.

XLIX. Κἀκείνη παραλαβοῦσα τῶν φίλων
᾿Απολλόδωρον τὸν Σικελιώτην μόνον, εἰς ἀκάτιον :
μικρὸν ἐμβᾶσα τοῖς μὲν βασιλείοις προσέσχεν
ἤδη συσκοτάζοντος" ἀπόρου δὲ τοῦ λαθεῖν ὄντος
ἄλλως, ἡ μὲν εἰς στρωματόδεσμον ἐνδῦσα προ-
τείνει μακρὰν ἑαυτήν, ὁ δὲ ᾿Απολλόδωρος ἱμάντι
συνδήσας τὸν στρωματόδεσμον εἰσκομίζει διὰ

2 θυρῶν πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα. καὶ τούτῳ τε πρώτῳ
λέγεται τῷ τεχνήματι τῆς Κλεοπάτρας ἁλῶναι,
λαμυρᾶς φανείσης, καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ὁμιλίας καὶ
χάριτος ἥττων γενόμενος διαλλάξαι πρὸς τὸν
ἀδελφὸν ὡς συμβασιλεύσουσαν. ἔπειτα δ᾽ ἐν
ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς ἑστιωμένων ἁπάντων οἰκέτης
Καίσαρος κουρεύς, διὰ δειλίαν, ἣ πάντας ἀνθρώ-
Tous ὑπερέβαλεν, οὐδὲν ἐῶν ἀνεξέταστον, ἀλλ᾽
ὠτακουστῶν καὶ πολυπραγμονῶν, συνῆκεν ἐπι-
βουλὴν Καίσαρι πραττομένην ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλᾶ τοῦ

8 στρατηγοῦ καὶ Ποθεινοῦ τοῦ. εὐνούχου. φωράσας
δὲ ὁ ὁ Καῖσαρ φρουρὰν μὲν περιέστησε τῷ ἀνδρῶνι,
τὸν δὲ Ποθεινὸν ἀνεῖλεν" ὁ δὲ ᾿Αχιλλᾶς φυγὼν
εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον περιΐστησιν αὐτῷ βαρὺν καὶ
δυσμεταχείριστον πόλεμον, ὀλιγοστῷ τοσαύτην
ἀμυνομένῳ πόλιν καὶ δύναμιν. ἐν ᾧ πρῶτον μὲν
ἐκινδύνευσεν ὕδατος ἀποκλεισθείς" αἱ γὰρ διώ-
ρυχες ἀπῳκοδομήθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων" δεύ-
τερον δὲ περικοπτόμενος τὸν στόλον ἠναγκάσθη

558

> ga Le (κα νιν hk A et ee ἃ. οὐ αν.

ve Ty

3
‘3
ὃ Γ
ὶ
ΐ
;
:

CAESAR, xvi. 5—x.Ix. 3

support of his army. When, however, Potheinus
bade him go away now and attend to his great affairs,
assuring him that later he would get his money with
thanks, Caesar replied that he had no need what-
ever of Egyptians as advisers, and secretly sent for
Cleopatra from the country.

XLIX. So Cleopatra, taking only Apollodorus the
Sicilian from among her friends, embarked in a little
skiff and landed at the palace when it was already
getting dark; and as it was impossible to escape
notice otherwise, she stretched herself at full length
inside a bed-sack, while Apollodorus tied the bed-sack
up with a cord and carried it indoors to Caesar. It
was by this device of Cleopatra’s, it is said, that Caesar
was first captivated, for she showed herself to be a bold
coquette, and succumbing to the charm of further
intercourse with her, he reconciled her to her brother
on the basis of a joint share with him in the royal
power. Then, as everybody was feasting to cele-
brate the reconciliation, a slave of Caesar’s, his barber,
who left nothing unscrutinized, owing to a timidity
in which he had no equal, but kept his ears open
and was here, there, and everywhere, perceived that
Achillas the general and Potheinus the eunuch were
hatching a plot against Caesar. After Caesar had
found them out, he seta guard about the banqueting-
hall, and put Potheinus to death; Achillas, however,
escaped to his camp, and raised about Caesar a war
grievous and difficult for one who was defending him-
self with so few followers against so large a city and
army. In this war, to begin with, Caesar encountered
the peril of being shut off from water, since the
canals were dammed up by the enemy; in the second
place, when the enemy tried to cut off his fleet, he

559

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

διὰ πυρὸς ἀπώσασθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, ὃ καὶ τὴν
μεγάλην βιβλιοθήκην ἐκ τῶν νεωρίων ἐπενεμό-
μενον διέφθειρε' τρίτον δὲ περὶ τῇ Φάρῳ μάχης
συνεστώσης κατεπήδησε μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ χώματος
εἰς ἀκάτιον καὶ παρεβοήθει τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις,
ἐπιπλεόντων δὲ πολλαχόθεν αὐτῷ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων
ῥίψας ἑαυτὸν εἰς, τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπενήξατο μόλις
καὶ χαλεπῶς. ὅτε καὶ λέγεται βιβλίδια κρατῶν
πολλὰ μὴ προέσθαι βαλλόμενος καὶ βαπτιξό-
μενος, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνέχων ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάσσης τὰ
βιβλίδια τῇ ἑτέρᾳ χειρὶ νήχεσθαι: τὸ δὲ ἀ ἀκάτιον
εὐθὺς ἐβυθίσθη. τέλος δέ, τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς
τοὺς πολεμίους ἀποχωρήσαντος, ἐπελθὼν καὶ
συνάψας μάχην ἐνίκησε, πολλῶν πεσόντων αὐτοῦ
τε τοῦ βασίλέως ἀφανοῦς γενομένου. καταλιπὼν
δὲ τὴν Κλεοπάτραν βασιλεύουσαν Αἰγύπτου καὶ
μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐξ αὐτοῦ τεκοῦσαν υἱόν, ὃν ᾿Αλε-
ξανδρεῖς Καισαρίωνα προσηγόρευον, ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ
Συρίας.

Ι. Κἀκεῖθεν ἐπιὼν τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἐπυνθάνετο Δο-

’ \ e ‘ / “ 4 Ν
μίτιον μὲν ὑπὸ Φαρνάκου τοῦ Μιθριδάτου παιδὸς
ἡττημένον ἐκ Πόντου πεφευγέναι σὺν ὀλίγοις,
Φαρνάκην δὲ τῇ νίκῃ χρώμενον ἀπλήστως καὶ
Βιθυνίαν ἔχοντα καὶ Καππαδοκίαν ᾿Αρμενίας
ἐφίεσθαι τῆς μικρᾶς καλουμένης, καὶ πάντας
ἀνιστάναι τοὺς ταύτῃ βασιλεῖς καὶ τετράρχας.
εὐθὺς οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνδρα τρισὶν ἤλαυνε τάγμασι,
καὶ περὶ πόλιν Ζῆλαν μάχην μεγάλην συνάψας
αὐτὸν μὲν ἐξέβαλε τοῦ Πόντου φεύγοντα, τὴν δὲ

1 In the Museum, founded by the first Ptolemy (ob.
283 B.c.). The destruction of the library can have been
only partial.

560

eS ee ee

CAESAR, χεῖχ. 4-ἰ,. 2

was forced to repel the danger by using fire, and this
spread from the dockyards and destroyed the great
library!; and thirdly, when a battle arose at Pharos,?
he sprang from the mole into a small boat and tried
to go to the aid of his men in their struggle, but
the Egyptians sailed up against him from every side,
so that he threw himself into the sea and with great
difficulty escaped by swimming. At this time, too, it
is said that he was holding many papers in his hand
and would not let them go, though missiles were fly-
ing at him and he was immersed in the sea, but held
them above water with one hand and swam with the
other; his little boat had been sunk at the outset.
But finally, after the king had gone away to the
enemy, he marched against him and conquered him
in a battle where many fell and the king himself
disappeared. Then, leaving Cleopatra on the throne
of Egypt (a little later she had a son by him whom
the Alexandrians called Caesarion), he set out for
Syria.

L. On leaving that country and traversing Asia,‘
he learned that Domitius had been defeated by
Pharnaces the son of Mithridates and had fled from
Pontus with a few followers; also that Pharnaces,
using his victory without stint, and occupying Bi-
thynia and Cappadocia, was aiming to secure the
country called Lesser Armenia, and was rousing to
revolt all the princes and tetrarchs there. At once,
therefore, Caesar marched against him with three
legions, fought a great battle with him near the city
of Zela, drove him in flight out of Pontus, and

2 An island off Alexandria, connected with the mainland

by a mole, or causeway, which divided the harbour into two

parts.
3 Cf. Dio Cassius, xlii. 40, 4 In July of 47 5.6.

561

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

στρατιὰν ἄρδην ἀνεῖλε. καὶ τῆς μάχης ταύτης
τὴν ὀξύτητα καὶ τὸ τάχος ἀναγγέλλων εἰς Ῥώμην
πρός τινα τῶν φίλων ᾿Αμάντιον ἔγραψε τρεῖς
λέξεις" a Ἦλθον, εἶδον, ἐνίκησα. Ῥωμαϊστὶ δὲ
αἱ λέξεις εἰς ὅμοιον ἀπολήγουσαι σχῆμα ῥήματος
οὐκ ἀπίθανον τὴν βραχυλογίαν ἔ ἔχουσιν.

11. Ἔκ τούτου διαβαλὼν͵ εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν ἀνέβαι-
νεν εἰς Ῥώμην, τοῦ μὲν ἐνιαυτοῦ καταστρέφοντος
εἰς ὃν ἥρητο δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον, οὐδέποτε τῆς
ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον ἐνιαυσίου γενομένης" εἰς
δὲ τοὐπιὸν ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη. καὶ κακῶς ἤκου-
σεν ὅτι τῶν στρατιωτῶν στασιασάντων καὶ δύο
στρατηγικοὺς ἄνδρας ἀνελόντων, Κοσκώνιον καὶ
Γάλβαν, ἐπετίμησε μὲν αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ὅσον
ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν πολίτας προσαγορεῦσαι, χιλίας
δὲ διένειμεν ἑ ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς καὶ χώραν τῆς Ἴτα-
λίας ,“ἀπεκλήρωσε πολλήν. ἣν δὲ αὐτοῦ διαβολὴ
καὶ ἡ Δολοβέλλα μανία καὶ ἡ ᾿Αμαντίου φιλαρ-
γυρία καὶ μεθύων ᾿Αντώνιος καὶ ἹΚορφίνιος τὴν
Πομπηΐου σκευωρούμενος οἰκίαν καὶ μετοικοδο-
μῶν ὡς ἱκανὴν οὐκ οὖσαν. ἐπὶ τούτοις γὰρ ἐδυσ-
φόρουν Ῥωμαῖοι. Καῖσαρ δὲ διὰ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν
τῆς πολιτείας οὐκ ἀγνοῶν οὐδὲ βουλόμενος ἠναγ-
κάζετο χρῆσθαι τοῖς ὑπουργοῦσι.

111. Τῶν δὲ περὶ Κάτωνα καὶ Σκηπίωνα μετὰ
τὴν ἐν Φαρσάλῳ μάχην εἰς Λιβύην φυγόντων
κἀκεῖ, τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Ιόβα βοηθοῦντος αὐτοῖς,
ἠθροικότων δυνάμεις ἀξιολόγους, ἐ ἔγνω στρατεύειν
ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς: καὶ περὶ τροπὰς χειμερινὰς

1 Veni, vidi, vici. According to Suetonius (Div. Jul. 37),
the words were displayed in Caesar’s Pontic triumph.

562

CAESAR, 1, 2-Lu. 1

annihilated his army. In atnouncing the swiftness
and fierceness of this battle to one of his friends at
Rome, Amantius, Caesar wrote three words : “ Came,
saw, conquered.” ! In Latin, however, the words
have the same inflectional ending, and so a brevity
which is most impressive.

LI. After this, he crossed to Italy and went up to
Rome, at the close of the year for which he had a
second time been chosen dictator,? though that office
had never before been for a whole year; then for the
following year he was proclaimed consul. Men spoke
ill of him because, after his soldiers had mutinied and
killed two men of praetorian rank, Galba and Cosco-
nius, he censured them only so far as to call them
“citizens’’ when he addressed them, instead of
“soldiers,’* and then gave each man a thousand
drachmas and much allotted land in Italy. He was
also calumniated for the madness of Dolabella, the
greed of Amantius, the drunkenness of Antony, and
for the fact that Corfinius built over and refurnished
the house of Pompey on the ground that it was not
good enough for him. For at all these things the
Romans were displeased. But owing to the political
situation, though Caesar was not ignorant of these
things and did not like them, he was compelled to
make use of such assistants.

LII. After the battle at Pharsalus, Cato and Scipio
made their escape to Africa, and there, with the aid
of King Juba, collected considerable forces. Caesar
therefore resolved to make an expedition against
them. So, about the time of the winter solstice, he

2 The senate named Caesar Dictator for the year 47
immediately after the battle at Pharsalus,
8. Cf. Appian, B.C. ii. 93.

563

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

διαβὰς εἰς Σικελίαν, καὶ βουλόμενος εὐθὺς ἀπο-
κόψαι τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνων ἅπασαν ἐλπίδα
μελλήσεως καὶ διατριβῆς, ἐπὶ τοῦ κλύσματος
ἔπηξε τὴν ἑαυτοῦ σκηνήν: καὶ γενομένου πνεύ-
ματος ἐμβὰς ἀνήχθη μετὰ τρισχιλίων πεζῶν καὶ
ἱππέων ὀλίγων. ἀποβιβάσας δὲ τούτους λαθὼν
ἀνήχθη πάλιν, ὑπὲρ τῆς μείξονος ὀρρωδῶν Suvd-
μεως" καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν οὖσιν ἤδη προστυχὼν
κατήγαγεν ἅπαντας εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.
Πυνθανόμενος δὲ χρησμῷ τίνι, παλαιῷ θαρρεῖν
τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς προσῆκον ἀεὶ τῷ Σκηπιώνων
γένει κρατεῖν ἐν Λιβύῃ, χαλεπὸν εἰπεῖν εἴτε φλαυ-
ρίζων ἐν παιδιᾷ τινι τὸν Σκηπίωνα στρατηγοῦντα
τῶν πολεμίων, εἴτε καὶ σπουδῇ τὸν οἰωνὸν οἰκειού-
μενος, ἣν γὰρ καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τις ἄνθρωπος ἄλλως

μὲν εὐκαταφρόνητος καὶ παρημελημένος, οἰκίας

δὲ τῆς ᾿Αφρικανῶν (Σκηπίων ἐκαλεῖτο Σαλλου-
στίων), τοῦτον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις προέταττεν ὥσπερ
ἡγεμόνα τῆς στρατιᾶς, ἀναγκαζόμενος πολλάκις
ἐξάπτεσθαι. τῶν πολεμίων καὶ φιλομαχεῖν. ἦν
γὰρ οὔτε σῖτος τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἄφθονος οὔτε ὑπο-
ξυγίοις χιλός, ἀλλὰ βρύοις ἠναγκάξοντο θαλατ-
τίοις, ἀποπλυθείσης τῆς ἁλμυρίδος, ὀλίγην ἄγρω-
στιν ὥσπερ ἥδυσμα παραμιγνύντες ἐ ἐπάγειν τοὺς
ἵππους. οἱ γὰρ Νομάδες ἐπιφαινόμενοι πολλοὶ
καὶ ταχεῖς ἑκάστοτε κατεῖχον τὴν χώραν" καί
ποτε τῶν Καίσαρος ἱππέων σχολὴν ἀγόντων
(ἔτυχε γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀνὴρ Λίβυς ἐπιδεικνύμενος
ὄρχησιν ἅμα καὶ μοναυλῶν θαύματος ἀξίως, οἱ δὲ
τερπόμενοι καθῆντο τοῖς παισὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἐπι-
τρέψαντες), ἐξαίφνης περιελθόντες ἐμβάλλουσιν
οἱ πολέμιοι, καὶ τοὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ κτείνουσι, τοῖς δὲ

564

vr ,...

-

CAESAR, tu. 1-5

crossed into Sicily, and wishing to cut off at once in
the minds of his officers all hope of delaying there
and wasting time, he pitched his own tent on the
sea-beach. When a favouring wind arose, he em-
barked and put to sea with three thousand infantry
and a few horsemen. Then, after landing these un-
observed, he put to sea again, being full of fears for
the larger part of his force, and meeting them after
they were already at sea, he conducted all into camp.

On learning that the enemy were emboldened by
an ancient oracle to the effect that it was always the
prerogative of the family of the Scipios to conquer in
Africa, he either flouted in pleasantry the Scipio who
commanded the enemy, or else tried in good earnest
to appropriate to himself the omen, it is hard to say
which. He had under him, namely, a man who
otherwise was a contemptible nobody, but belonged
to the family of the Africani, and was called Scipio
Sallustio. This man Caesar put in the forefront of
his battles as if commander of the army, being com-
pelled to attack the enemy frequently and to force
the fighting. For there was neither sufficient food
for his men nor fodder for his beasts of burden, nay,
they were forced to feed their horses on sea-weed,
which they washed free of its salt and mixed with a
little grass to sweeten it. For the Numidians showed
themselves everywhere in great numbers and speedy,
and controlled the country. Indeed, while Caesar's
horsemen were once off duty (a Libyan was showing
them how he could dance and play the flute at the
same time in an astonishing manner, and they had
committed their horses to the slaves and were sitting
delighted on the ground), the enemy suddenly sur-
rounded and attacked them, killed some of them,

VOL. VII. T 56 5

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εἰς TO στρατόπεδον προτροπάδην ἐλαυνομένοις
συνεισέπεσον. εἰ δὲ μὴ Καῖσαρ αὐτός, ἅμα δὲ
Καίσαρι Πολλίων ᾿Ασίννιος βοηθοῦντες. ἐκ τοῦ
χάρακος ἔσχον τὴν φυγήν, διεπέπρακτ᾽ ἂν ὁ πό-
λεμος. ἔστι. δ᾽ ὅτε καὶ καθ᾽ ἑτέραν μάχην ἐπλε-
ονέκτησαν οἱ πολέμιοι συμπλοκῆς γενομένης, ἐν
ἡ Καῖσαρ τὸν ἀετοφόρον φεύγοντα λέγεται κατα-
σχὼν ἐκ τοῦ αὐχένος ἀναστρέψαι καὶ εἰπεῖν"
“᾿Ενταῦθα εἰσὶν οἱ πολέμιοι.᾽"

LIT. Τούτοις μέντοι τοῖς προτερήμασιν ἐπήρθη
Σκηπίων μάχῃ κριθῆναι: καὶ καταλιπὼν χωρὶς
μὲν ᾿Αφράνιον, χωρὶς δὲ ᾿ Ἰόβαν δι᾿ ὀλίγου στρατο-
πεδεύοντας, αὐτὸς ἐτείχιξεν ὑ ὑπὲρ λίμνης ἔρυμα τῷ
στρατοπέδῳ περὶ πόλιν Θάψον, ὡς εἴη πᾶσιν ἐπὶ
τὴν μάχην ὁρμητήριον καὶ καταφυγή. πονου-
μένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ περὶ ταῦτα Καῖσαρ ὑλώδεις πόπους
καὶ προσβολὰς ἀφράστους ἔχοντας ἀμηχάνῳ τά-
χει διελθὼν τοὺς μὲν ἐκυκλοῦτο, τοῖς δὲ προσέ-
βαλλε κατὰ στόμα. τρεψάμενος δὲ τούτους
ἐχρῆτο τῷ καιρῷ Kal τῇ ῥύμῃ τῆς τύχης, ὑφ᾽ ἧς
αὐτοβοεὶ μὲν ἥρει τὸ ᾿Αφρανίου στρατόπεδον,
qutep eek δὲ φεύγοντος Ἰόβα “διεπόρθει, τὸ τῶν

Νομάδων: ἡμέρας δὲ μιᾶς μέρει μικρῷ τριῶν
στρατοπέδων ἐ ἐγκρατὴς γεγονὼς καὶ πεντακισμυ-
ρίους τῶν πολεμίων ἀνῃρηκὼς οὐδὲ πεντήκοντα
τῶν ἰδίων ἀπέβαλεν.

Oi μὲν ταῦτα περὶ τῆς “μάχης ἐκείνης ἀναγγέλ-
λουσιν" οἱ δὲ οὔ φασιν αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ γενέσθαι,
συντάττοντος δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ διακοσμοῦντος
ἅψασθαι τὸ σύνηθες νόσημα" τὸν δὲ εὐθὺς αἰσθό-
μενον ἀρχομένου, πρὶν ἐκταράττεσθαι καὶ κατα-

566

CAESAR, tit. 6-πιπι. 3

and followed hard upon the heels of the rest as they
were driven headlong into camp. And if Caesar
himself, and with him Asinius Pollio, had not come
from the ramparts to their aid and checked their
flight, the war would have been at an end. On one
occasion, too, in another battle, the enemy got the
advantage in the encounter, and here it is said that
Caesar seized by the neck the fugitive standard-
bearer, faced him about, and said: ‘‘ Yonder is the
enemy.”

LIII. However, Scipio was encouraged by these

advantages to hazard a decisive battle: so, leaving
_ Afranius and Juba encamped separately at a short
distance apart, he himself began fortifying a camp
beyond a lake near the city of Thapsus, that it might
serve the whole army asa place from which to sally out
to the battle, and as a place of refuge. But while he
was busy with this project, Caesar made his way with
inconceivable speed through woody regions which
afforded unknown access to the spot, outflanked some
of the enemy, and attacked others in front. Then,
after routing these, he took advantage of the favour-
able instant and of the impetus of fortune, and there-
by captured the camp of Afranius at the first onset,
and at the first onset sacked the camp of the Numid-
ians, from which Juba fled. Thus in a brief portion
of one day he made himself master of three camps
and slew fifty thousand of the enemy, without losing
as many as fifty of his own men.}

This is the account which some give of the battle ;
others, however, say that Caesar himself was not in
the action, but that, as he was marshalling and array-
ing his army, his usual sickness laid hold of him, and
he, at once aware that it was beginning, before his

1 In April of 46 B.o.
567

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λαμβάνεσθαι παντάπασιν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους τὴν
αἴσθησιν ἤδη σειομένην, εἴς τινα τῶν πλησίον
πύργων κομισθῆναι καὶ διαγαγεῖν ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ.
τῶν δὲ πεφευγότων ἐκ τῆς μάχης ὑπατικῶν καὶ
στρατηγικῶν ἀνδρῶν οἱ μὲν ἑαυτοὺς διέφθειραν

ω ΄ \ \ a 4 cy, /
ἁλισκόμενοι, συχνοὺς δὲ Καῖσαρ ἔκτεινεν ἁλόντας..

LIV. Κάτωνα δὲ λαβεῖν ζῶντα φιλοτιμούμενος
ἔσπευδε πρὸς ᾿Ιτύκην: ἐκείνην γὰρ παραφυλάτ-
τῶν τὴν πόλιν οὐ μετέσχε τοῦ ἀγῶνος. πυθόμενος
δὲ ὡς ἑαυτὸν ὁ ἀνὴρ διεργάσαιτο, δῆλος μὲν Hv
δηχθείς, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δὲ ἄδηλον. εἶπε δ᾽ οὖν: “Ὦ
Κάτων, φθονῶ σοι τοῦ θανάτου" καὶ γὰρ σύ μοι
τῆς σωτηρίας ἐφθόνησας." ὁ μὲν οὖν μετὰ ταῦτα
γραφεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρὸς Κάτωνα τεθνεῶτα λόγος
οὐ δοκεῖ πράως ἔχοντος οὐδὲ εὐδιαλλάκτως ση-

μεῖον εἶναι. πῶς γὰρ ἂν ἐφείσατο ζῶντος eis

ἀναίσθητον ἐκχέας ὀργὴν τοσαύτην; τῇ δὲ πρὸς
Κικέρωνα καὶ Βροῦτον αὐτοῦ καὶ μυρίους ἄλλους
τῶν πεπολεμηκότων ἐπιεικείᾳ τεκμαίρονται καὶ
τὸν λόγον ἐκεῖνον οὐκ ἐξ ἀπεχθείας, ἀλλὰ φιλο-
τιμίᾳ πολιτικῇ συντετάχθαι διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν.
ἔγραψε Κικέρων ἐγκώμιον Κάτωνος, ὄνομα τῷ
λόγῳ θέμενος Kdtwva: καὶ πολλοῖς ὁ λόγος ἣν
διὰ σπουδῆς, ὡς εἰκός, ὑπὸ τοῦ δεινοτάτου τῶν
ῥητόρων εἰς τὴν καλλίστην πεποιημένος ὑπόθε-
σιν. τοῦτο ἠνία Καίσαρα, κατηγορίαν αὑτοῦ
νομίζοντα τὸν τοῦ τεθνηκότος δι’ αὐτὸν ἔπαινον.
ἔγραψεν οὖν πολλάς τινας κατὰ τοῦ Κάτωνος
αἰτίας συναγαγών: τὸ δὲ βιβλίον ᾿Αντικάτων
ἐπιγέγραπται. καὶ σπουδαστὰς ἔχει τῶν λόγων
ἑκάτερος διὰ Καίσαρα καὶ Κάτωνα πολλούς.

568

CAESAR, Lim. 3-LIv. 3

already wavering senses were altogether confounded
and overpowered by the malady, was carried to a
neighbouring tower, where he stayed quietly during
the battle. Of the men of consular and praetorial
rank who escaped from the battle, some slew them-
selves at the moment of their capture, and others -
were put to death by Caesar after capture.

LIV. Being eager to take Cato alive, Caesar
hastened towards Utica, for Cato was guarding that
city, and took no part in the battle. But he learned
that Cato had made away with himself,! and he was
clearly annoyed, though for what reason is uncertain.
At any rate, he said: “Cato, I begrudge thee thy
death ; for thou didst begrudge me the preservation
of thy life.’ Now, the treatise which Caesar after-
wards wrote against Cato when he was dead, does
not seem to prove that he was in a gentle or reconcil-
able mood. For how could he have spared Cato alive,
when he poured out against him after death so great
acup of wrath? And yet from his considerate treat-
ment of Cicero and Brutus and thousands more who
had fought against him, it is inferred that even this
treatise was not composed out of hatred, but from
political ambition, for reasons which follow. Cicero
had written an encomium on Cato which he entitled
“Cato”; and the discourse was eagerly read by
many, as was natural, since it was composed by the
ablest of orators on the noblest of themes. This
annoyed Caesar, who thought that Cicero’s praise of
the dead Cato was a denunciation of Caesar himself.
Accordingly, he wrote a treatise in which he got to-
gether countless charges against Cato ; and the work
is entitled “ Anti-Cato.’’ Both treatises have many
eager readers, as well on account of Caesar as of Cato.

1 See the Cato Minor ἴχν.
569

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

LV. ᾿Αλλὰ yap ὡς ἐπανῆλθεν eis Ρώμην ἀπὸ
Λιβύης, πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς νίκης ἐμεγαλη-
γόρησε πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, ὡς τοσαύτην κεχειρω-
μένος χώραν ὅση “παρέξει καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν
εἰς τὸ δημόσιον σίτου μὲν εἴκοσι μυριάδας ᾿Αττι-
κῶν μεδίμνων, ἐλαίου δὲ λιτρῶν μυριάδας τρια-
κοσίας. ἔπειτα θριάμβους κατήγαγε τὸν Αὐγυ-

, Ν Ν , > > \
πτιακόν, τὸν Ποντικόν, τὸν Λιβυκόν, οὐκ ἀπὸ
Σκηπίωνος, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ ᾿Ιόβα δῆθεν τοῦ βασιλέως.
τότε καὶ ᾿Ιόβας υἱὸς ὧν ἐκείνου κομιδῇ νήπιος ἐν

“ 7 7 / e \
τῷ θριάμβῳ παρήχθη, μακαριωτάτην ἁλοὺς ἅλω-

>? / \ / ς 4 lal
σιν, ἐκ βαρβάρου καὶ Νομάδος Ἑλλήνων τοῖς
πολυμαθεστάτοις ἐναρίθμιος γενέσθαι συγγρα-
φεῦσι. μετὰ δὲ τοὺς θριάμβους στρατιώταις τε

/ \ 307 Ἂς a} > /
μεγάλας δωρεὰς ἐδίδου καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀνελάμ-
βανεν ἑστιάσεσι καὶ θέαις, ἑστιάσας μὲν ἐν δισ-.
μυρίοις καὶ δισχιλίοις τρικλίνοις ὁμοῦ σύμπαν-
τας, θέας δὲ καὶ μονομάχων καὶ ναυμάχων ἀνδρῶν
παρασχὼν ἐπὶ τῇ θυγατρὶ ᾿Ιουλίᾳ πάλαι τε-
θνεώσῃ.

Μετὰ δὲ τὰς θέας γενομένων τιμήσεων ἀντὶ τῶν
προτέρων δυεῖν καὶ τριάκοντα μυριάδων ἐξητά-
σθησαν αἱ πᾶσαι πεντεκαίδεκα. τηλικαύτην ἡ
στάσις ἀπειργάσατο συμφορὰν καὶ τοσοῦτον
> 4 a / / 4 / ,
ἀπανάλωσε τοῦ δήμου μέρος, ἔξω λόγου τιθεμέ.-

/ \ A > / 3 /
νοις τὰ κατασχόντα THY ἄλλην ᾿Ιταλίαν ἀτυχή-
ματα καὶ τὰς ἐπαρχίας.

LVI. Συντελεσθέντων δὲ τούτων ὕπατος ἀπο-
δειχθεὶς τὸ τέταρτον εἰς ᾿Ιβηρίαν ἐστράτευσεν

519

CAESAR, Lv. 1-Lvi. 1

LV. But to resume, when Caesar came back to
Rome from Africa, to begin with, he made a boastful
speech to the people concerning his victory, assert-
ing that he had subdued a country large enough to
furnish annually for the public treasury two hundred
thousand Attic bushels of grain, and three million
pounds of olive oil. Next, he celebrated triumphs,
an Egyptian, a Pontic, and an African, the last not for
his victory over Scipio, but ostensibly over Juba the
king. On this occasion, too, Juba, a son of the king,
a mere infant, was carried along in the triumphal
procession, the most fortunate captive ever taken,
since from being a Barbarian and a Numidian, he
came to be enrolled among the most learned historians
of Hellas. After the triumphs, Caesar gave his soldiers
large gifts and entertained the people with banquets
and spectacles, feasting them all at one time on
twenty thousand dining-couches, and furnishing
spectacles of gladiatorial and naval combats in honour
of his daughter Julia, long since dead.

After the spectacles, a census of the people was
taken,! and instead of the three hundred and twenty
thousand of the preceding lists there were enrolled
only one hundred and fifty thousand. So great was
the calamity which the civil wars had wrought, and
so large a portion of the people of Rome had they
consumed away, to say nothing of the misfortunes
that possessed the rest of Italy and the provinces.

LVI. After these matters had been finished and
he had been declared consul for the fourth time,
Caesar made an expedition into Spain against the

1 According to Suetonius (Div. Jul. 41), this was not a
census of all the people, but a revision of the number of

poorer citizens entitled to receive allowances of grain from
the state.

57!

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπὶ τοὺς Πομπηΐου παῖδας, νέους μὲν ὄντας ἔτι,
θαυμαστὴν δὲ τῷ πλήθει στρατιὰν συνειλοχότας
καὶ τόλμαν ῥὴν ὀροιῃρτδια ἀξιόχρεων πρὸς ἡγε-
μονίαν, ὥστε κίνδυνον τῷ Καίσαρι περιστῆσαι
τὸν ,ἔσχατον. ἡ δὲ μεγάλη μάχη περὶ πόλιν
συνέστη Μοῦνδαν, ἐν ἡ Καῖσαρ ἐκθλιβομένους
ὁρῶν τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ κακῶς ἀντέχοντας ἐβόα,
διὰ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν τάξεων διαθέων, εἰ μηδὲν
αἰδοῦνται λαβόντες αὐτὸν ἐγχειρίσαι τοῖς παιδα-
pious. μόλις δὲ προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ τοὺς πολεμίους
ὠσάμενος. ἐκείνων μὲν ὑπὲρ τρισμυρίους διέ-
φθειρε, τῶν δὲ αὑτοῦ χιλίους ἀπώλεσε τοὺς ἀρί-
στους. ἀπιὼν δὲ μετὰ τὴν μάχην πρὸς τοὺς
φίλους εἶπεν ὡς πολλάκις μὲν ἀγωνίσαιτο περὶ
νίκης, νῦν δὲ πρῶτον περὶ ψυχῆς. ταύτην ἐν α
μάχην ἐνίκησε τῇ τῶν Διονυσίων ἑορτῇ, Kad” ἣν
λέγεται καὶ Πομπήϊος Μάγνος ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον
ἐξελθεῖν: διὰ μέσου δὲ χρόνος ἐνιαυτῶν τεσσάρων
διῆλθε. τῶν δὲ Πομπηΐου παίδων ὁ μὲν νεώτερος
διέφυγε, τοῦ δὲ πρεσβυτέρου μεθ᾽ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας
Δείδιος a ἀνήνεγκε τὴν κεφαλήν.

Τοῦτον ἔσχατον Καῖσαρ ἐπολεμησε τὸν πόλε-

μον ὁ δὲ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καταχθεὶς θρίαμβος ὡς
οὐδὲν ἄλλο “Ῥωμαίους ἠνίασεν. οὐ γὰρ ἀλλοφύ-
λους ἡγεμόνας οὐδὲ βαρβάρους βασιλεῖς κατη-
γωνισμένον, ἀνδρὸς δὲ Ῥωμαίων κρατίστου τύ-
χαιῖς κεχρημένου παῖδας καὶ γένος ἄρδην ἀνῃρὴη-
κότα ταῖς τῆς πατρίδος ἐπιπομπεύειν συμφοραῖς
οὐ καλῶς εἶχεν, ἀγαλλόμενον ἐπὶ τούτοις ὧν μία
καὶ “πρὸς θεοὺς καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους. ἀπολογία τὸ
μετ᾽ ἀνάγκης πεπρᾶχθαι, καὶ ταῦτα πρότερον
μήτε ἄγγελον μὴτε γράμματα δημοσίᾳ πέμψαντα

572

736

ae νον ee renee

ΤΆ
CAESAR, tv. 1-4

sons of Pompey. These were still young, but had
collected an army of amazing numbers and displayed
a boldness which justified their claims to leadership,
so that they beset Caesar with the greatest peril.
The great battle was joined near the city of Munda,
and here Caesar, seeing his own men hard pressed
and making a feeble resistance, asked in a loud voice
as he ran through the armed ranks whether they felt

no shame to take him and put him in the hands of |

those boys. With difficulty and after much strenuous
effort he repulsed the enemy and slew over thirty
thousand of them, but he lost one thousand of his
own men, and those the very best. As he was going
away after the battle he said to his friends that he
had often striven for victory, but now first for his life.
He fought this victorious battle on the day of the
festival of Bacchus,! on which day also it is said that
Pompey the Great had gone forth to the war; a
period of four years intervened. As for Pompey’s sons,
the younger made his escape, but after a few days
the head of the elder was brought in by Deidius.
This was the last war that Caesar waged ; and the
triumph that was celebrated for it vexed the Romans
as nothing else had done. For it commemorated no
victory over foreign commanders or barbarian kings,
but the utter annihilation of the sons and the family
of the mightiest of the Romans, who had fallen upon
misfortune ; and it was not meet for Caesar to cele-
brate a triumph for the calamities of his country,
priding himself upon actions which had no defence
before gods or men except that they had been done
under necessity, and that too although previously he
had sent neither messenger nor letters to announce

1 March 17, 45 B.o.
573

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

περὶ νίκης ἀπὸ τῶν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων, ἀλλ᾽
ἀπωσάμενον αἰσχύνῃ τὴν δόξαν.

LVII. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν τύχην TOU
ἀνδρὸς ἐγκεκλικότες καὶ δεδεγμένοι τὸν χαλινόν,
καὶ τῶν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων καὶ κακῶν ἀναπνοὴν

ἡγούμενοι τὴν μοναρχίαν, δικτάτορα μὲν αὐτὸν
ἀπέδειξαν διὰ βίου: τοῦτο δ᾽ ἦν ὁμολογουμένη
τυραννίς, τῷ ἀνυπευθύνῳ τῆς HOVER TO ἀκατά- ς
παυστον προσλαβούσης: τιμὰς δὲ τὰς “πρώτας
Κικέρωνος εἰς τὴν βουλὴν γράψαντος, ὧ ὧν ἁμῶς
γέ πως ἀνθρώπινον ἣν τὸ μέγεθος, ἕτεροι προσ-
τιθέντες ὑπερβολὰς καὶ διαμιλλώμενοι πρὸς ἀλ-
λήλους ἐξειργάσαντο καὶ τοῖς πρᾳοτάτοις ἐπαχθῆ
τὸν ἄνδρα. καὶ "λυπηρὸν γενέσθαι διὰ τὸν ὄγκον
καὶ τὴν ἀτοπίαν τῶν ψηφιζομένων, οἷς οὐδὲν
ἧττον οἴονται συναγωνίσασθαι τῶν κολακευόντων
Καίσαρα τοὺς μισοῦντας, ὅπως ὅτι πλείστας
κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ προφάσεις ἔχωσι καὶ μετὰ μεγίστων
ἐγκλημάτων ἐπιχειρεῖν δοκῶσιν. ἐπεὶ τά γε
ἄλλα, τῶν ἐμφυλίων. αὐτῷ πολέμων πέρας ἐσχη-
κότων, ἀνέγκλητον ἑαυτὸν ἢ παρεῖχε" καὶ τό γε
τῆς ᾿Επιεικείας, ἱερὸν οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου δοκοῦσι
χαριστήριον ἐπὶ τῇ πρᾳότητι ψηφίσασθαι. καὶ
γὰρ, ἀφῆκε πολλοὺς τῶν πεπολεμηκότων πρὸς
αὐτόν, ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ τιμάς, ὡς Βρούτῳ
καὶ Κασσίῳ, προσέθηκεν" ἐστρατήγουν γὰρ ἀμ-
φότεροι. καὶ τὰς Πομπηΐου καταβεβλ ἡμένας.
εἰκόνας οὐ περιεῖδεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνέστησεν, ἐφ᾽ ὧν καὶ
Κικέρων εἶπεν ὅτι Καῖσαρ τοὺς Πομπηΐου στήσας
ται υροίοςς τοὺς ἰδίους ἔπηξε. τῶν δὲ φίλων.
1 ἀνέγκλητον ἑαυτόν Coraés and Sener: after Reiske:
ἀνέγκλητον.

514

CAESAR, tvi. 4—Lvn. 4

to the people a victory in the civil wars, but had
scrupulously put from him the fame arising there-
from.

LVII. However, the Romans gave way before the
good fortune of the man and accepted the bit, and
regarding the monarchy as a respite from the evils of
the civil wars, they appointed him dictator for life.

This was confessedly a tyranny, since the monarchy,
besides the element_of irresponsibility, now took on
παῖ Οἵ permanence. It was Cicero who proposed
the-first honours for him in the senate, and_their
magnitude was, after all, not too great for a man;
but others added excessive honours and_ vied with
oné another in proposing them, thus rendering
Caesar odious and obnoxious even to the mildest
citizens because of the pretension and extravagance
of what was decreed for him. It is thought, too, that
the énémies of Caesar no less than his flatterers
helped to force these measures through, in order
that they might have as many pretexts as possible
against him and might be thought to have the best
reasons for attempting his life. For in all other
ways, at least, after the civil wars were over, he
showed himself blameless ; and certainly it is thought
not inappropriate that the temple of Clemency was
decreed as a thank-offering in view of his mildness.
For he pardoned many of those who had fought
against him, and to some he even gave honours
and offices besides, as to Brutus and Cassius, both of
whom were now praetors. The statues of Pompey,
too, which had been thrown down, he would not
suffer to remain so, but set them up again, at which
Cicero said that in setting up Pompey’s statues Caesar
firmly fixed his own.1 When his friends thought it

1 Cf. Cicero, xl, 4, p. 186.
575

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀξιούντων αὐτὸν δορυφορεῖσθαι καὶ πολλῶν ἐπὶ
τοῦτο παρεχόντων ἑαυτοὺς οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν, εἰπὼν
ὡς βέλτιόν ἐστιν ἅπαξ ἀποθανεῖν ἢ ἀεὶ προσδο-
lal \ > ” e / “ Ν
κἂν. τὴν δ᾽ εὔνοιαν ὡς κάλλιστον ἅμα καὶ βε-
βαιότατον ἑαυτῷ περιβαλλόμενος φυλακτήριον,
αὖθις ἀνελάμβανε τὸν δῆμον ἑστιάσεσι καὶ σιτη-
ρεσίοις, τὸ δὲ στρατιωτικὸν ἀποικίαις, ὧν ἐπι-
/ \ \ , Φ
φανέσταται Καρχηδὼν καὶ Κόρινθος ἦσαν, αἷς
καὶ πρότερον τὴν ἅλωσιν καὶ τότε τὴν ἀνάληψιν
‘ ’
ἅμα καὶ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἀμφοτέραις γενέ-
σθαι συνέτυχε.
n cal a ’
ΠΥ̓ῚΠΙ. Τῶν δὲ δυνατῶν τοῖς μὲν ὑπατείας καὶ
‘
στρατηγίας els τοὐπιὸν ἐπηγγέλλετο, τοὺς δ᾽
ἄλλαις τισὶν ἐξουσίαις καὶ τιμαῖς παρεμυθεῖτο,
an /
πᾶσι δὲ ἐλπίζειν ἐνεδίδου, μνηστευόμενος ἄρχειν
ἑκόντων, ὡς καὶ Μαξίμου τοῦ ὑπάτου τελευτή-
a n a ,
σαντος εἰς τὴν περιοῦσαν ἔτι τῆς ἀρχῆς μίαν
e / “ > δ - Κ / /
ἡμέραν ὕπατον ἀποδεῖξαι Kaviviov “Ῥεβίλιον.
πρὸς ὅν, ὡς ἔοικε, πολλῶν δεξιώσασθαι καὶ προ-
, ; ς , 36 "ὃ ”
πέμψαι βαδιζόντων ὁ Κικέρων, ‘ Σπεύδωμεν,
»” “ce \ 7 “ ε / > \ ¢ ν
ἔφη, “ πρὶν φθάσῃ τῆς ὑπατείας ἐξελθὼν ὁ ἄν-
p@7ros.”
ἈΝ rn
Ἐπεὶ δὲ TO φύσει μεγαλουργὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ
φιλότιμον ai πολλαὶ κατορθώσεις οὐ πρὸς ἀπό-
λαυσιν ἔτρεπον τῶν πεπονημένων, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπέκ-
‘ |
καυμα καὶ θάρσος οὖσαι πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα
μειζόνων ἐνέτικτον ἐπινοίας πραγμάτων καὶ
καινῆς ἔρωτα δόξης ὡς ἀποκεχρημένῳ τῇ
. \ a
παρούσῃ, TO μὲν πάθος οὐδὲν ἦν ἕτερον ἢ ζῆλος
ς “ / ” \ / φ \
αὑτοῦ καθάπερ ἄλλου Kal φιλονεικία τις ὑπὲρ
8 τῶν μελλόντων πρὸς τὰ πεπραγμένα, παρασκευὴ

576

7

τω.

CAESAR, Lv. 4-Lvul. 3

best that he should have a body-guard, and many
of them volunteered for this service, he would not
consent, saying that it was better to die once for all
than to be always expecting death. And in the effort
to surround himself with men’s good will as the
fairest and at the same time the securest protection,
he again courted the people with banquets and dis-
tributions of grain, and his soldiers with newly
planted colonies, the most conspicuous of which were
Carthage and Corinth. The earlier capture of both
these cities, as well as their present restoration,
chanced to fall at one and the same time.!

LVIII. As for the nobles, to some of them he
promised consulships and praetorships in the future,
others he appeased with sundry other powers and
honours, and in all he implanted hopes, since he

ardently desired to rule over willing subjects. There- ©

fore, when Maximus the consul died, he appointed

Caninius Revilius consul for the one day still remain- —

ing of the term of office. To him, as we are told,
many were going with congratulations and offers of
escort, whereupon Cicero said: “ Let us make haste,
or else the man’s consulship will have expired.”
Caesar's many successes, however, did not divert his

natural spirit of enterprise and ambition to the enjoy- |

ment of what he had laboriously achieved, but served
as fuel and incentive for future achievements, and
begat in him plans for greater deeds and a passion
for fresh glory, as though he had used up what he
already had. What he felt was therefore nothing
else than emulation of himself, as if he had been
another man, and a sort of rivalry between what he
had done and what he purposed to do, For he

1 Both cities were captured in 146 B.c., and both were
restored in 44 8.6.
577

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δὲ καὶ γνώμη στρατεύειν μὲν ἐπὶ “Πάρθους,
καταστρεψαμένῳ δὲ τούτους, καὶ δι᾽ Ὑρκανίας
παρὰ τὴν Κασπίαν θάλασσαν καὶ τὸν Καύκασον
ἐκπεριελθόντι τὸν Ilovrov, εἰς τὴν Σκυθικὴν ἐμ-
βαλεῖν, καὶ τὰ περίχωρα Τερμανοῖς καὶ Τερ-
μανίαν αὐτὴν ἐπιδραμόντι διὰ Κελτῶν ἐπανελθεῖν
εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν, καὶ συνάψαι τὸν κύκλον τοῦτον τῆς
ἡγεμονίας τῷ πανταχόθεν Ὠκεανῷ περιορισθεί-
σης. διὰ μέσου δὲ ,τῆς στρατείας τόν τε Κορίν-
θιον Ἰσθμὸν ἐ ἐπεχείρει διασκάπτειν, ᾿Ανιηνὸν ἐπὶ
τούτῳ προχειρισάμενος, καὶ τὸν Τίβεριν εὐθὺς
ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ὑπολαβὼν διώρυχι βαθείᾳ καὶ
περικλάσας ἐπὶ τὸ Κιρκαῖον ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν
πρὸς Tappaxivy θάλατταν, ἀσφάλειαν ἅμα καὶ
ῥᾳστώνην τοῖς δι ἐμπορίας “φοιτῶσιν εἰς “Ῥώμην
μηχανώμενος" πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὰ μὲν ἕλη τὰ
περὶ Llwpevtivov καὶ Σητίαν ἐκτρέψας πεδίον
ἀποδεῖξαι πολλαῖς ἐνεργὸν ἀνθρώπων μυριάσι,
τῇ δὲ ἔ ἔγγιστα τῆς Ῥώμης θαλάσσῃ κλεῖθρα διὰ
χωμάτων ἐπαγαγών, καὶ τὰ τυφλὰ καὶ δύσορμα
τῆς ᾿Ωστιανῆς ἠϊόνος ἀνακαθηράμενος, λιμένας
ἐμποιήσασθαι καὶ ναύλοχα πρὸς τοσαύτην ἀξιό-
πίστα ναυτιλίαν. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν παρα-
σκευαῖς ἦν.

LIX. Ἢ δὲ τοῦ ἡμερολογίου διάθεσις καὶ διόρ-
θωσις τῆς Tepl TOV _Xpovov aoparias φιλοσο-
φηθεῖσα χαριέντως ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τέλος λαβοῦσα
γλαφυρωτάτην παρέσχε χρείαν. οὐ γὰρ μόνον
ἐν τοῖς παλαιοῖς πάνυ χρόνοις τεταραγμέναις
ἐχρῶντο Ῥωμαῖοι ταῖς τῶν μηνῶν πρὸς τὸν ἐνε-
αυτὸν περιόδοις, ὥστε τὰς θυσίας καὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς
ὑποφερομένας κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς ἐναντίας ἐκπεπτω-

578

CAESAR, tvin. 3-ἼΙΧΟΙ

planned and prepared to make an expedition against
the Parthians ; and after subduing these and march-
ing around the Euxine by way of Hyrcania, the
Caspian sea, and the Caucasus, to invade Scythia ;
and after overrunning the countries bordering on
Germany and Germany itself, to come back by way
of Gaul to Italy, and so to complete this circuit of
his empire, which would then be bounded on all sides
by the ocean. During this expedition, moreover, he
intended to dig through the isthmus of Corinth, and
had already put Anienus in charge of this work ; he
intended also to divert the Tiber just below the city
into a deep channel, give it a bend towards Circeium,
and make it empty into the sea at Terracina, thus
contriving for merchantmen a safe as well as an easy
passage to Rome ; and besides this, to convert the
marshes about Pomentinum and Setia into a plain
which many thousands of men could cultivate ; and
further, to build moles which should barricade the
sea where it was nearest to Rome, to clear away
the hidden dangers on the shore of Ostia, and then
construct harbours and roadsteads sufficient for the
great fleets that would visit them. And all these
things were in preparation.

LIX. The adjustment of the calendar, however,
and the correction of the irregularity in the com-
putation of time, were not only studied scientifically
by him, but also brought to completion, and proved
to be of the highest utility. For not only in very
ancient times was the relation of the lunar to the
solar year in great confusion among the Romans, so
that the sacrificial feasts and festivals, diverging
gradually, at last fell in opposite seasons of the year,

579

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ a , “ > \ \ ,
2 κέναι τοῖς χρόνοις ὥρας, ἀλλὰ Kal περὶ τὴν τότε
οὖσαν ἡλιακὴν οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι παντάπασι τούτων
ἀσυλλογίστως εἶχον, οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς μόνοι τὸν καιρὸν
εἰδότες ἐξαίφνης καὶ προῃσθημένου μηδενὸς τὸν
> , / “ , ?
ἐμβόλιμον προσέγραφον μῆνα, Μερκηδόνιον dvo-
μάζοντες, ὃν Νομᾶς ὁ βασιλεὺς πρῶτος ἐμβαλεῖν

λέγεται, μικρὰν καὶ διατείνουσαν οὐ πόρρω βοή-

θειαν ἐξευρὼν τῆς περὶ τὰς ἀποκαταστάσεις
πλημμελείας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται.
Καῖσαρ δὲ τοῖς ἀρίστοις τῶν φιλοσόφων καὶ
μαθηματικῶν τὸ πρόβλημα προθεὶς ἐκ τῶν ὑπο-

κειμένων ἤδη μεθόδων ἔμιξεν ἰδίαν τινὰ καὶ διη-

κριβωμένην μᾶλλον ἐπανόρθωσιν, ἣἧ χρώμενοι
μέχρι νῦν Ῥωμαῖοι δοκοῦσιν ἧττον ἑτέρων σφάλ-
λεσθαι περὶ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ
τοῦτο τοῖς βασκαίνουσι καὶ βαρυνομένοις τὴν

δύναμιν αἰτίας παρεῖχε. Κικέρων γοῦν ὁ ῥήτωρ,

ὡς ἔοικε, φήσαντός τινος αὔριον ἐπιτέλλειν Λύραν,
“Nal” εἶ “ee § ΄ 5. ς ὶ κ᾿

ai,” εἶπεν, “ἐκ διατάγματος," ὡς καὶ τοῦτο
πρὸς ἀνάγκην τῶν ἀνθρώπων δεχομένων.

LX. Τὸ δὲ ἐμφανὲς μάλιστα μῖσος καὶ θανα-

τηφύρον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ τῆς βασιλείας ἔρως ἐξειργά-
σατο, τοῖς μὲν πολλοῖς αἰτία πρώτη, τοῖς δὲ
ὑπούλοις πάλαι πρόφασις εὐπρεπεστάτη γενο-
μένη. καίτοι καὶ λόγον τινὰ κατέσπειραν εἰς
τὸν δῆμον οἱ ταύτην Καίσαρι τὴν τιμὴν προξε-

νοῦντες, ὡς ἐκ γραμμάτων Σιβυλλείων ἁλώσιμα

τὰ Πάρθων φαίνοιτο “Ῥωμαίοις σὺν βασιλεῖ

580

ve Pe ee Pes eee eee ee ee |

CAESAR, tix. 2-Lx. 1

but also at this time people generally had no way of
computing the actual solar year;1 the priests alone
knew the proper time, and would suddenly and to
everybody’s surprise insert the intercalary month
called Mercedonius. Numa the king is said to have
been the first to intercalate this month, thus devis-
ing a slight and short-lived remedy for the error in
regard to the sidereal and solar cycles, as I have said
in his Life.2_ But Caesar laid the problem before the
best philosophers and mathematicians, and out of
the methods of correction which were already at
hand compounded ‘one of his own which was more
accurate than any. This the Romans use down to
the present time, and are thought to be less in error
than other peoples as regards the inequality between
the lunar and solar years. However, even this fur-
nished occasion for blame to those who envied Caesar
and disliked his power. At any rate, Cicero the
orator, we are told, when some one remarked that
Lyra would rise on the morrow, said: “ Yes, by
decree,” implying that men were compelled to accept
even this dispensation.

LX. But the most open and deadly hatred to-
wards him was produced by his passion for the royal
power. For the multitude this was a first cause of
hatred, and for those who had long smothered their
hate, a most specious pretext for it. And yet those
who were advocating this honour for Caesar actually
spread abroad among the people a report that from
the Sibylline books it appeared that Parthia could be
taken if the Romans went up against it with a king,

1 At this time the Roman calendar was more than two
months ahead of the solar year. Caesar’s reform went into
effect in 46 Β.0. 2 Chapter xviii.

° 581

PLUTARCRH’S LIVES

στρατευομένοις ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, ἄλλως ἀνέφικτα ὄ ὄντα"
καὶ καταβαίνοντος ef "AXBns Καίσαρος εἰς τὴν
πόλιν ἐτόλμησαν αὐτὸν ἀσπάσασθαι βασιλέα.
τοῦ δὲ δήμου διαταραχθέντος ἀχθεσθεὶς ἐκεῖνος
οὐκ ἔφη βασιλεύς, ἀλλὰ Καῖσαρ καλεῖσθαι: καὶ
γενομένης πρὸς τοῦτο πάντων σιωπῆς οὐ πάνυ
φαιδρὸς οὐδ᾽ εὐμενὴς παρῆλθεν. ἐν δὲ συγκλήτῳ
τιμάς τινᾶς ὑπερφυεῖς αὐτῷ ψηφισαμένων ἔ ἔτυχε
μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐμβόλων καθεζόμενος, προσιόντων
δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ
τῆς βουλῆς ἁπάσης ἑπομένης, οὐχ ὑπεξαναστάς,
ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ ἰδιώταις τισὶ χρηματίζων, ἀπεκρί-
νατο συστολῆς μᾶλλον ἢ προσθέσεως τὰς τιμὰς
δεῖσθαι. καὶ τοῦτο οὐ μόνον ἠνίασε τὴν βουλήν,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν δῆμον, ὡς ἐν τῇ βουλῇ τῆς πόλεως
προπηλακιζομένης, καὶ μετὰ δεινῆς κατηφείας
ἀπῆλθον εὐθὺς οἷς ἐξῆν μὴ παραμένειν, ὥστε κἀ-
κεῖνον ἐννοήσαντα παραχρῆμα μὲν οἴκαδε τρα-
πέσθαι καὶ βοᾶν πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ἀπαγαγόντα
τοῦ τραχήλου τὸ ἱμάτιον, ὡς ἕτοιμος εἴη τῷ βου-
λομένῳ τὴν σφαγὴν παρέχειν, ὕστερον δὲ προφα-
σίξεσθαι τὴν νόσον" οὐ “γὰρ ἐθέλειν τὴν αἴσθησιν
ἀτρεμεῖν τῶν οὕτως ἐχόντων, ὅταν ἱστάμενοι, δια-
λέγωνται πρὸς ὄχλον, ἀλλὰ σειομένην ταχὺ καὶ
περιφερομένην ἰλίγγους ἐπισπᾶσθαι καὶ κατα-
λαμβάνεσθαι. τὸ δὲ οὐκ εἶχεν οὕτως, ἀλλὰ καὶ
πάνυ βουλόμενον αὐτὸν ὑπεξαναστῆναι τῇ βουλῇ
λέγουσιν ὑπό του τῶν φίλων, μᾶλλον δὲ κολάκων,
Κορνηλίου Βάλβου, κατασχεθῆναι φήσαντος"
“Οὐ μεμνήσῃ Καῖσαρ ὦν, οὐδὲ ἀξιώσεις ὡς
κρείττονα θεραπεύεσθαι σεαυτόν; "

582

CAESAR, Lx. 1-5

but otherwise could not be assailed; and as Caesar
was coming down from Alba into the city they
ventured to hail him as king. But at this the people
were confounded, and Caesar, disturbed in mind, said
that his name was not King, but Caesar, and seeing
that his words produced an universal silence, he
passed on with no very cheerful or contented looks.
Moreover, after sundry extravagant honours had
been voted him in the senate, it chanced that he
was sitting above the rostra, and as the praetors and
consuls drew near, with the whole senate following
them, he did not rise to receive them, but as if he
were dealing with mere private persons, replied that
his honours needed curtailment rather than enlarge-
ment. This vexed not only the senate, but also the
people, who felt that in the persons of the senators
the state was insulted, and in a terrible dejection
they went away at once, all who were not obliged to
remain, so that Caesar too, when he was aware of his
mistake, immediately turned to go home, and draw-
ing back his toga from his neck, cried in loud tones
to his friends that he was ready to offer his throat to
any one who wished to kill him. But afterwards he
made his disease an excuse for his behaviour, saying
that the senses of those who are thus afflicted do not
usually remain steady when they address a multitude
standing, but are speedily shaken and whirled about,
bringing on giddiness and insensibility. However,
what he said was not true; on the contrary, he was
very desirous of rising to receive the senate; but one
of his friends, as they say, or rather one of his
flatterers, Cornelius Balbus, restrained him, saying :
« Remember that thou art Caesar, and permit thyself
to be courted as a superior.”

583

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

LXI. ᾿Επιγίνεται τούτοις τοῖς “προσκρούσμασιν
ὁ τῶν δημάρχων προπηλακισμός. ἣν μὲν “γὰρ ἡ
τῶν Λουπερκαλίων ἑορτή, περὶ ἧς πολλοὶ γρά-
φουσιν ὡς ποιμένων τὸ παλαιὸν εἴη, καί τι καὶ
προσήκει τοῖς ᾿Αρκαδικοῖς Λυκαίοις. τῶν δ᾽
εὐγενῶν νεανίσκων καὶ ἀρχόντων πολλοὶ δια-
θέουσιν ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν γυμνοί, σκύτεσι λασίοις
τοὺς ἐμποδὼν ἐπὶ παιδιᾷ καὶ γέλωτι παίοντες"

πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει γυναικῶν ἐπίτηδες
ὑπαντῶσαι παρέχουσιν ὥσπερ ἐν διδασκάλου τὼ
χεῖρε ταῖς πληγαῖς, πεπεισμέναι πρὸς εὐτοκίαν
κυούσαις, ἀγόνοις δὲ πρὸς κύησιν “ἀγαθὸν εἶναι.
ταῦτα Καῖσαρ ἐθεᾶτο καθήμενος ἐ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐμβόλων
ἐπὶ δίφρου χρυσοῦ, θριαμβικῷ κόσμῳ “κεκοσμη-
μένος. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ τῶν θεόντων τὸν ἱερὸν δρό-
μον εἷς ἦν" καὶ γὰρ ὑπάτευεν. ὡς οὖν εἰς τὴν
ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλε καὶ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῷ διέστη,
φέρων διάδημα στεφάνῳ δάφνης περιπεπλεγμένον
ὥρεξε τῷ Καίσαρι: καὶ γίνεται, κρότος οὐ λαμ-
πρός, ἀλλ᾽ ὀλίγος ἐκ παρασκευῆς. ἀπωσαμένου
δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἅπας ὁ δῆμος ἀνεκρότησεν"
αὖθις δὲ προσφέροντος ὀλίγοι, καὶ “μὴ δεξαμένου
πάλιν ἅπαντες. οὕτω δὲ τῆς πείρας ἐξελεγχο-
μένης Καῖσαρ μὲν ἀνίσταται, τὸν στέφανον εἰς
τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀπενεχθῆναι κελεύσας, ὠφθη-
σαν δὲ ἀνδριάντες αὐτοῦ διαδήμασιν ἀναδεδε-
μένοι βασιλικοῖς. καὶ τῶν δημάρχων δύο, Φλα-
ovios καὶ Μάρυλλος, ἐπελθόντες ἀπέσπασαν, καὶ
τοὺς ἀσπασαμένους βασιλέα τὸν Καίσαρα πρώ-
TOUS ἐξευρόντες ἀπῆγον εἰς, τὸ δεσμωτήριον. ὁ
δὲ δῆμος εἵπετο κροτῶν, καὶ Βρούτους ἀπεκάλει
τοὺς ἄνδρας, ὅτε Βροῦτος ἣν ὁ καταλύσας τὴν τῶν

584

CAESAR, Lx1. 1-5

LXI. There was added to these causes of offence
his insult to the tribunes. It was, namely, the festival
of the Lupercalia, of which many write that it was
anciently celebrated by shepherds, and has also
some connection with the Arcadian Lycaea. At this
time many of the noble youths and of the magis-
trates run up and down through the city naked,
for sport and laughter striking those they meet with
shaggy thongs. And many women of rank also
purposely get in their way, and like children at
school present their hands to be struck, believing
that the pregnant will thus be helped to an easy
delivery, and the barren to pregnancy. These cere-
monies Caesar was witnessing, seated upon the
rostra on a golden throne, arrayed in triumphal
attire. And Antony was one of the runners in the
sacred race ; for he was consul. Accordingly, after
he had dashed into the forum and the crowd had
made way for him, he carried a diadem, round which
a wreath of laurel was tied, and held it out to Caesar.
Then there was applause, not loud, but slight and
preconcerted. But when Caesar pushed away the
diadem, all the people applauded ; and when Antony
offered it again, few, and when Caesar declined it
again, all, applauded. The experiment having thus
failed, Caesar rose from his seat, after ordering the
wreath to be carried up to the Capitol ; but then his
statues were seen to have been decked with royal
diadems. So two of the tribunes, Flavius and Mar-
yllus, went up to them and pulled off the diadems,
and after discovering those who had first hailed
Caesar as king, led them off to prison. Moreover, the
people followed the tribunes with applause and called
them Brutuses, because Brutus was the man who put

585

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βασιλέων διαδοχὴν καὶ τὸ κράτος εἰς βουλὴν καὶ
δῆμον ἐκ μοναρχίας καταστήσας. ἐπὶ τούτῳ
Καῖσαρ παροξυνθεὶς τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἀφείλετο τῶν
περὶ τὸν Μάρυλλον, ἐν δὲ τῷ κατηγορεῖν αὐτῶν
ἅμα καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐφυβρίξων. πολλάκις Βρούτους
τε καὶ Κυμαίους ἀπεκάλει τοὺς ἄνδρας.

LXII. Οὕτω δὴ τρέπονται πρὸς Μάρκον Βροῦ-
τον οἱ πολλοί, γένος μὲν ἐκεῖθεν εἶναι δοκοῦντα
πρὸς πατέρων, καὶ τὸ πρὸς μητρὸς δὲ ἀπὸ Σεέρουι-
λίων, οἰκίας ἑτέρας ἐπιφανοῦς, γαμβρὸν δὲ καὶ
ἀδελφιδοῦν Κάτωνος. τοῦτον ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ μὲν
ὁρμῆσαι πρὸς κατάλυσιν τῆς μοναρχίας ἤμβλυνον
αἱ παρὰ Καίσαρος τιμαὶ καὶ άριτες. οὐ γὰρ
μόνον ἐσώθη περὶ Φάρσαλον ἀπὸ τῆς Πομπηΐου
φυγῆς, οὐδὲ πολλοὺς τῶν “ἐπιτηδείων ἔσωσεν

ἐξαιτησάμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πίστιν εἶχε μεγάλην.

Tap αὐτῷ. Kal στρατηγίαν μὲν ἐν τοῖς τότε τὴν
ἐπιφανεστάτην ἔλαβεν, ὑπατεύειν δὲ ἔμελλεν εἰς

τέταρτον ἔτος, ἐρίσαντος Κασσίου προτιμηθείς.

λέγεται γὰρ ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰπεῖν ὡς δικαιότερα μὲν
λέγοι Κάσσιος, αὐτὸς “μέντοι Βροῦτον οὐκ ἂν
παρέλθοι. καί ποτε καὶ διαβαλλόντων τινῶν τὸν
ἄνδρα, πραττομένης ἤδη τῆς συνωμοσίας, οὐ

προσέσχεν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ σώματος τῇ χειρὶ θιγὼν
ἔφη πρὸς τοὺς διαβάλλοντας" s§ ᾿Αναμενεῖ τοῦτο
τὸ δέρμα Βροῦτος," ὡς ἄξιον μὲν ὄντα τῆς “ἀρχῆς
δι ἀρετήν, διὰ δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἂν ἀχάριστον

καὶ πονηρὸν γενόμενον. οἱ δὲ τῆς μετα βολῆς.

1 See the Publicola, i.-ix.

2 The word ‘‘brutus” in Latin signified stupid (cf. the
Publicola, iii. 4); and the people of Cymé, in Asia Minor,
were celebrated for stupidity (Strabo, p. 622).

586

737

CAESAR, εχι. 5-Lx1. 4

an end to the royal succession and brought the
power into the hands of the senate and people
instead of a sole ruler.! At this, Caesar was greatly
vexed, and deprived Maryllus and Flavius of their
office, while in his denunciation of them, although
he at the same time insulted the people, he called
them repeatedly Brutes? and Cymaeans.?

LXII. Under these circumstances the multitude
turned their thoughts towards Marcus Brutus, who
was thought to be a descendant of the elder Brutus
on his father’s side, on his mother’s side belonged to
the Servilii, another illustrious house, and was a son-
in-law and nephew of Cato. The desires which
Brutus felt to attempt of his own accord the abolition
of the monarchy were blunted by the favours and
honours that he had received from Caesar. For not
only had his life been spared at Pharsalus after Pom-
pey’s flight, and the lives of many of his friends at
his entreaty, but also he had great credit with Caesar.
He had received the most honourable of the praetor-
ships for the current year, and was to be consul
three years later, having been preferred to Cassius,
who was a rival candidate. For Caesar, as we are
told, said that Cassius urged the juster claims to the
office, but that for his own part he could not pass
Brutus by.2 Once, too, when certain persons were
actually accusing Brutus to him, the conspiracy
being already on foot, Caesar would not heed them,
but laying his hand upon his body said to the ac-
cusers: “ Brutus will wait for this shrivelled skin,” 4
implying that Brutus was worthy to rule because of
his virtue, but that for the sake of ruling he would
not become a thankless villain. Those, however, who

3 Cf. the Brutus, vii. 1-3.

4 Cf. the Brutus chapters viii., ix.
587

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐφιέμενοι καὶ πρὸς “μόνον ἐκεῖνον ἢ πτερῶτον ἀπο-
βλέποντες αὐτῷ μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμων διαλέγεσθαι,
νύκτωρ δὲ κατεπίμπλασαν γραμμάτων τὸ βῆμα
καὶ τὸν δίφρον ἐφ᾽ οὗ στρατηγῶν ἐχρημάτιζεν"
ὧν ἣν τὰ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα" “ Καθεύδεις, ὦ ὧ Βροῦτε,᾽"

Kat “Οὐκ εἶ Βροῦτος." ὑφ᾽ ὧν ὁ Κάσσιος αἰσθό-
μενος διακινούμενον ἡσυχῆ τὸ φιλότιμον αὐτοῦ,
μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἐνέκειτο καὶ παρώξυνεν, αὐτὸς
ἰδίᾳ τι καὶ “μίσους ἔχων πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα δι᾽
αἰτίας ἃς ἐν τοῖς περὶ Βρούτου γεγραμμένοις
δεδηλώκαμεν. εἶχε μέντοι. καὶ ov ὑποψίας ὁ
Καῖσαρ αὐτόν, ὥστε καὶ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπεῖν
ποτε" “ Τί φαίνεται βουλόμενος ὑμῖν Κάσσιος;
ἐμοὶ μὲν γὰρ οὐ λίαν ἀρέσκει λίαν ὠχρὸς wv.”

πάλιν δὲ λέγεται, περὶ ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ Δολοβέλλα
διαβολῆς πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς νεωτερίζοιεν, ἐλθούσης,
“Οὐ πάνυ," φάναι, “τούτους δέδοικα τοὺς παχεῖς
καὶ κομήτας, μᾶλλον δὲ τοὺς ὠχροὺς καὶ λεπτοὺς
ἐκείνους" Κάσσιον λέγων καὶ Βροῦτον.

LXTII. ᾽Αλλ᾽ ἔοικεν οὐχ οὕτως “ἀπροσδόκητον
ὡς ἀφύλακτον εἶναι τὸ πεπρωμένον, ἐπεὶ καὶ
σημεῖα θαυμαστὰ καὶ φάσματα φανῆναι λέγουσι.
σέλα μὲν οὖν οὐράνια καὶ κτύπους νύκτωρ πολ-
λαχοῦ διαφερομένους καὶ καταίροντας εἰς ἀγορὰν
ἐρήμους ὄρνιθας οὐκ ἄξιον ἴσως ἐπὶ πάθει τηλι-
κούτῳ μνημονεῦσαι" Στράβων δὲ ὁ φιλόσοφος
ἱστορεῖ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνθρώπους διαπύρους ἐπι-
φερομένους φανῆναι, στρατιώτου δὲ ἀνδρὸς οἰκέ-
τηῦ ἐκ τῆς χειρὸς ἐκβαλεῖν πολλὴν φλόγα καὶ
δοκεῖν καίεσθαι τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, ὡς δὲ ἐπαύσατο,

μηδὲν ἔχειν κακὸν τὸν ἄνθρωπον" αὐτῷ δὲ Kat-

588

= ee eee ee ee δὶ,

CAESAR, cx. 4—Lx1. 2

were eager for the change, and fixed their eyes on
Brutus alone, or on him first, did not venture to talk
with him directly, but by night they covered his
praetorial tribune and chair with writings, most of
which were of this sort: “Thou art asleep, Brutus,”
or, “ Thou art not Brutus.” ! When Cassius perceived
that the ambition of Brutus was somewhat stirred by
these things, he was more urgent with him than be-
fore, and pricked him on, having himself also some
private grounds for hating Caesar; these I have
mentioned in the Life of Brutus.! Moreover, Caesar
᾿ actually suspected him, so that he once said to his
friends: “ What, think ye, doth Cassius want? I like
him not over much, for he is much too-pale.” And
again, we are told that when Antony and Dolabella
were accused to him of plotting revolution, Caesar
said : 1am not much in fear of these fat, long-haired
fellows, but rather of those pale, thin ones,’ meaning
Brutus and Cassius.!

LXIII. But destiny, it would seem, is not so much
unexpected as it is unavoidable, since they say that
amazing signs and apparitions were seen. Now, as
for lights in the heavens, crashing sounds borne all
about by night, and birds of omen coming down into
the forum, it is perhaps not worth while to mention
these precursors of so great an event; but Strabo
the philosopher says? that multitudes of men all
on fire were seen rushing up, and a soldier's slave
threw from his hand a copious flame and seemed to
the spectators to be burning, but when the flame
ceased the man was uninjured; he says, more-

1 Cf. the Brutus, opayiets viii., ix.
2 Probably in the ‘‘ Historical Commentaries” cited in
the Lucullus, xxviii. 7.

589

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σαρι θύοντι τὴν καρδίαν ἀφανῆ γενέσθαι τοῦ
ἱερείου καὶ δεινὸν εἷναι τὸ τέρας" οὐ γὰρ ἂν φύσει
γε συστῆναι ζῷον ἀκάρδιον. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ταῦτα
πολλῶν ἀκοῦσαι διεξιόντων, ὥ ὥς τις «αὐτῷ μάντις
ἡμέρᾳ Μαρτίου μηνύς, ἣν υἰδοὺς “Ῥωμαῖοι κα-
λοῦσι, προείποι μέγαν φυλάττεσθαι κίνδυνον"
ἐλθούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας προϊὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς τὴν
σύγκλητον ἀσπασάμενος προσπαίξειε τῷ μάντει
φάμενος" ν Αἱ μὲν δὴ Μάρτιαι Εἰὐδοὶ πάρεισιν, ᾿ὁ
δὲ ἡσυχῆ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἴποι" “Ναὶ πάρεισιν, ἀλλ᾽
οὐ παρεληλύθασι." πρὸ μιᾶς δὲ ἡ ἡμέρας Μάρκου.
Λεπίδου δευπνίξοντος αὐτὸν ἔτυχε μὲν ἐπιστολαῖς
pala xe ὥσπερ εἰώθει, κατακείμενος" ἐμπε-
σόντος δὲ λόγου ποῖος ἄρα τῶν θανάτων ἄ ἄριστος,
ἅπαντας φθάσας é&eBonoev: “Ὁ ἀπροσδόκητος."

μετὰ ταῦτα κοιμώμενος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, παρὰ TH
γυναικί, πασῶν ἅμα τῶν θυρῶν τοῦ δωματίου
καὶ τῶν θυρίδων ἀναπεταννυμένων, διαταραχθεὶς
ἅμα τῷ κτύπῳ καὶ τῷ φωτὶ καταλαμπούσης τῆς
σελήνης, ἤσθετο τὴν Καλπουρνίαν. βαθέως μὲν
καθεύδουσαν, ἀσαφεῖς δὲ φωνὰς καὶ στεναγμοὺς
ἀνάρθρους ἀναπέμπουσαν ἐκ τῶν ὕπνων" “ἐδόκει,
δὲ ἄρα κλαίειν ἐκεῖνον ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀγκάλαις ἔχουσα
κατεσφαγμένον.

Οἱ δὲ οὔ φασι τῇ γυναικὶ ταύτην γενέσθαι τὴν
ὄψιν" ἀλλὰ ἣν γάρ τι τῇ Καίσαρος οἰκίᾳ προσ-
κείμενον οἷον ἐπὶ κόσμῳ καὶ σεμνότητι τῆς
βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης ἀκρωτήριον, ὡς Λέβιος
ἱστορεῖ, τοῦτο ὄναρ ἡ Καλπουρνία θεασαμένη
καταρρηγνύμενον ἔδοξε ποτνιᾶσθαι καὶ δακρύειν.

ἡμέρας δ᾽ οὖν γενομένης ἐδεῖτο τοῦ Καίσαρος,

599

CAESAR, v-xm1. 2-6

over, that when Caesar himself was sacrificing, the
heart of the victim was not to be found, and the
prodigy caused fear, since in the course of nature,
certainly, an animal without a heart could not exist.
The following story, too, is told by many. A certain
seer warned Caesar to be on his guard against a
great peril on the day of the month of March which
the Romans call the Ides; and when the day had
come and Caesar was on his way to the senate-
house, he greeted the seer with a jest and said:
“ Well, the Ides of March are come,” and the seer
said to him softly : ‘‘ Aye, they are come, but they
are not gone.’”’ Moreover, on the day before, when
Marcus Lepidus was entertaining him at supper,
Caesar chanced to be signing letters, as his custom
was, while reclining at table, and the discourse turned
suddenly upon the question what sort of death was
the best; before any one else could answer Caesar
cried out: “ That which is unexpected.” After this,
while he was sleeping as usual by the side of his wife,
all the windows and doors of the chamber flew open
at once, and Caesar, confounded by the noise and the
light of the moon shining down upon him, noticed
that Calpurnia was in a deep slumber, but was uttering
indistinct words and inarticulate groans in her sleep;
for she dreamed, as it proved, that she was holding
her murdered husband in her arms and bewailing him.

Some, however, say that this was not the vision
which the woman had ; but that there was attached to
Caesar's house to give it adornment and distinction,
by vote of the senate, a gable-ornament, as Livy says,
and it was this which Calpurnia in her dreams saw torn
down, and therefore, as she thought, wailed and wept.
At all events, when day came, she begged Caesar,

591

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εἰ μὲν οἷόν τε, μὴ προελθεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀναβαλέσθαι
τὴν σύγκλητον εἰ δὲ τῶν ἐκείνης ὀνείρων ἐλά-
Xora φροντίζει, σκέψασθαι διὰ μαντικῆς ἄλλης
καὶ ἱερῶν περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος. εἶχε δέ τις, ὡς
ἔοικε, κἀκεῖνον ὑποψία καὶ φόβος. οὐδένα γὰρ
γυναικισμὸν ἐν δεισιδαιμονίᾳ πρότερον κατεγνώ-
κει τῆς Καλπουρνίας, τότε δὲ ἑ ἑώρα περιπαθοῦσαν.
ὡς δὲ καὶ πολλὰ καταθύσαντες οἱ μάντεις ἔφρα-
σαν αὐτῷ δυσιερεῖν, ἔγνω πέμψας ᾿Αντώνιον
ἀφεῖναι τὴν σύγκλητον.

LXIV. Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ Δέκιμος Βροῦτος ἐπίκλη-
σιν ᾿Αλβῖνος, πιστευόμενος μὲν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος,
ὥστε καὶ δεύτερος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κληρονόμος γε-
γράφθαι, τοῖς δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον τὸν ἕτερον καὶ
Κάσσιον μετέχων τῆς συνωμοσίας, φοβηθεὶς
μὴ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην διακρουσαμένου. τοῦ
Καίσαρος ἔκπυστος ἡ πρᾶξις γένηται, τούς τε
μάντεις ἐχλεύαζε καὶ καθήπτετο τοῦ Καίσαρος,
ὡς αἰτίας καὶ διαβολὰς ἑαυτῷ κτωμένου πρὸς
τὴν σύγκλητον ἐντρυφᾶσθαι δοκοῦσαν" ἥκειν μὲν
γὰρ αὐτὴν κελεύσαντος ἐκείνου, καὶ προθύμους
εἶναι ψηφι ίζεσθαι πάντας ὅπως τῶν ἐκτὸς ᾿Ιταλίας
ἐπαρχιῶν βασιλεὺς ἀναγορεύοιτο καὶ φοροίη διά-
δημα τὴν ἄλλην. ἐπιὼν γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν' εἰ δὲ
φράσει τις αὐτοῖς καθεξομένοις νῦν μὲν ἀπαλλάτ-
τεσθαι, παρεῖναι δὲ αὖθις ὅ ὅταν ἐντύχῃ βελτίοσιν
ὀνείροις Καλπουρνία, τίνας ἔσεσθαι λόγους παρὰ
τῶν φθονούντων; ἢ τίνα τῶν φίλων ἀνέξεσθαι
διδασκόντων ὡς οὐχὶ δουλεία ταῦτα καὶ τυραννίς,
ἐστιν; ἀλλ᾽ εἰ δοκεῖ πάντως, ἔφη, τὴν ἡμέραν
ἀφοσιώσασθαι, βέλτιον αὐτὸν παρελθόντα καὶ
προσαγορεύσαντα τὴν βουλὴν ὑπερθέσθαι, ταῦθ᾽

592

CAESAR, vxm. 6-LxIv. 4

if it was possible, not to go out, but to postpone the
meeting of the senate ; if, however, he had no concern
at all for her dreams, she besought him to enquire
by other modes of divination and by sacrifices concern-
ing the future. And Caesar also, as it would appear,
was in some suspicion and fear. For never before had
he perceived in Calpurnia any womanish superstition,
but now he saw that she was in great distress. And
when the seers also, after many sacrifices, told. him
that the omens were unfavourable, he resolved to send
Antony and dismiss the senate.

LXIV. But at this juncture Decimus Brutus, sur-
named Albinus, who was so trusted by Caesar that
he was entered in his will as his second heir, but was
partner in the conspiracy of the other.Brutus and
Cassius, fearing that if Caesar should elude that day,
their undertaking would become known, ridiculed
the seers and chided Caesar for laying himself open
to malicious charges on the part of the senators, who
would think themselves mocked at; for they had
met at his bidding, and were ready and willing to
vote as one man that he should be declared king of
the provinces outside of Italy, and might wear a
diadem when he went anywhere else by land or
sea ; but if some one should tell them at their session
to be gone now, but to come back again when
Calpurnia should have better dreams, what speeches
would be made by his enemies, or who would listen
to his friends when they tried to show that this was
not slavery and tyranny? Butif he was fully resolved
(Albinus said) to regard the day as inauspicious, it
was better that he should go in person and address
the senate, and then postpone its business. While

593

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἅμα λέγων ὁ ὁ Βροῦτος ἦγε τῆς χειρὸς λαβόμενος
τὸν Καίσαρα. καὶ μικρὸν μὲν αὐτῷ προελθόντι
τῶν θυρῶν οἰκέτης ἀλλότριος ἐντυχεῖν προθυμού-
μενος, ὡς ἡττᾶτο τοῦ περὶ ἐκεῖνον ὠθισμοῦ καὶ
πλήθους, βιασάμενος εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν παρέδωκεν
ἑαυτὸν τῇ Καλπουρνίᾳ, φυλάττειν κελεύσας ἄχρι
ἂν ἐπανέλθῃ Καῖσαρ, ὡς ἔχων μεγάλα πράγματα
κατειπεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν.

LXV. ᾿Αρτεμίδωρος δὲ Κνίδιος τὸ γένος, Ἕλλη-
νικῶν λόγων σοφιστὴς καὶ διὰ τοῦτο γεγονὼς
ἐνίοις συνήθης τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον, ὥστε καὶ
γνῶναι τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν πραττομένων, ἧκε μὲν ἐν
βιβλιδίῳ κομίζων ἅπερ ἔμελλε μηνύειν, ὁρῶν δὲ
τὸν Καίσαρα τῶν βιβλιδίων ἕκαστον δεχόμενον
καὶ παραδιδόντα τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὑπηρέταις, ἐγγὺς
σφόδρα προσελθών, “ Τοῦτο," ἔφη, “ Καῖσαρ,
ἀνάγνωθι μόνος καὶ ταχέως" γέγραπται γὰρ
ὑπὲρ πραγμάτων μεγάλων καί σοι ᾿διαφερόντων.᾿"
δεξάμενος οὖν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀναγνῶναι μὲν ὑπὸ
πλήθους τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων ἐκωλύθη, κ καίπερ
ὁρμήσας πολλάκις, ἐν δὲ τῇ χειρὶ κατέχων καὶ
φυλάττων μόνον ἐκεῖνο παρῆλθεν εἰς τὴν σύγ-
κλητον. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν ἄλλον ἐπιδοῦναι τὸ
βιβλίον τοῦτο, τὸν δ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμίδωρον οὐδὲ ὅλως
προσελθεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκθλιβῆναι παρὰ πᾶσαν τὴν
ὁδόν.

LXVI. ᾿Αλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἤδη που φέρει καὶ
τὸ αὐτόματον" ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος τὸν φόνον ἐκεῖνον
καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα χῶρος, εἰς ὃν ἡ σύγκλητος ἠθροίσθη
τότε, Πομπηΐου μὲν εἰκόνα κειμένην ἔχων, Llop-
πηΐου δὲ ἀνάθημα γεγονὼς τῶν προσκεκοσμη-

594

CAESAR, Lxiv. 4-Lxv1. 1

saying these things Brutus took Caesar by the hand
and began to lead him along. And he had gone
but a little way from his door when a slave be-
longing to some one else, eager to get at Caesar, but
unable to do so for the press of numbers about him,
forced his way into the house, gave himself into the
hands of Calpurnia, and bade her keep him secure
until Caesar came back, since he had important
matters to report to him.

LXV. Furthermore, Artemidorus, a Cnidian by
birth, a teacher of Greek philosophy, and on this
account brought into intimacy with some of the
followers of Brutus, so that he also knew most of
what they were doing, came bringing to Caesar in a
small roll the disclosures which he was going to
make ; but seeing that Caesar took all such rolls and
handed them to his attendants, he came quite near,
and said: “Read this, Caesar, by. thyself, and
speedily ; for it contains matters of importance and
of concern to thee.” Accordingly, Caesar took the
roll and would have read it, but was prevented by ©
the multitude of people who engaged his attention,
although he set out to do so many times, and
holding in his hand and retaining that roll alone, he
passed on into the senate. Some, however, say that
another person gave him this roll, and that Artemi-
dorus did not get to him at all, but was crowded
away all along the route.

LXVI. So far, perhaps, these things may have
happened of their own accord; the place, however,
which was the scene of that struggle and murder,
and in which the senate was then assembled, since it
contained a statue of Pompey and had been dedi-
cated by Pompey as an additional ornament to his

595

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a , A ‘
μένων τῷ θεάτρῳ, παντάπασιν ἀπέφαινε δαίμονός 7:

τινος ὑφηγουμένου καὶ καλοῦντος ἐκεῖ τὴν πρᾶξιν
ἔργον γεγονέναι. καὶ γὰρ οὖν καὶ λέγεται Kao-
σιος εἰς τὸν ἀνδριάντα τοῦ Πομπηΐου πρὸ τῆς
ἐγχειρήσεως ἀποβλέπων ἐπικαλεῖσθαι σιωπῇ,
καίπερ οὐκ ἀλλότριος ὧν τῶν ᾿Επικούρου λόγων"
ἀλλ᾽ ὁ καιρός, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἤδη τοῦ δεινοῦ παρεστῶ-
τος ἐνθουσιασμὸν ἐνεποίει καὶ πάθος ἀντὶ τῶν
προτέρων λογισμῶν.

᾿Αντώνιον μὲν οὖν πιστὸν ὄντα Καίσαρι καὶ
ῥωμαλέον ἔξω παρακατεῖχε Βροῦτος ᾿Αλβῖνος,
ἐμβαλὼν ἐπίτηδες ὁμιλίαν μῆκος ἔχουσαν" εἰσι-
όντος δὲ Καίσαρος ἡ βουλὴ μὲν ὑπεξανέστη
θεραπεύουσα, τῶν δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον οἱ μὲν ἐξό-
πίσθεν τὸν δίφρον αὐτοῦ περιέστησαν, οἱ δὲ
ἀπήντησαν, ὡς δὴ Τιλλίῳ Κίμβρῳ περὶ ἀδελφοῦ
φυγάδος ἐντυγχάνοντι συνδεησόμενοι, καὶ συνε-
δέοντο μέχρι τοῦ δίφρου παρακολουθοῦντες. ὡς
δὲ καθίσας διεκρούετο τὰς δεήσεις καὶ προσκεῖ-
μένων βιαιότερον ἠγανάκτει πρὸς ἕκαστον, ὁ μὲν
Τώλλιος τὴν τήβεννον αὐτοῦ ταῖς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέ-
pais συλλαβὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ τραχήλου κατῆγεν" ὅπερ
ἦν σύνθημα τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως. πρῶτος δὲ Κάσκας
ξίφει παίει παρὰ τὸν αὐχένα πληγὴν οὐ θανατη-
φόρον οὐδὲ βαθεῖαν, ἀλλ᾽, ὡς εἰκός, ἐν ἀρχῇ
τολμήματος μεγάλου ταραχθείς, ὥστε καὶ τὸν
Καίσαρα μεταστραφέντα τοῦ ἐγχειριδίου λα-

1 These discouraged belief in superhuman powers.

596

CAESAR, ιχνι. 1-4

theatre, made it wholly clear that it was the work of
some heavenly power which was calling and guiding
the action thither. Indeed, it is also said that Cas-
sius, turning his eyes toward the statue of Pompe
before the attack began, invoked it silently, although
he was much addicted to the doctrines of Epicurus ; ἢ
but the crisis, as it would seem, when the dreadful
attempt was now close at hand, replaced his former
cool calculations with divinely inspired emotion.
Well, then, Antony, who was a friend of Caesar’s
and a robust man, was detained outside by Brutus
Albinus,? who purposely engaged him in a lengthy
conversation; but Caesar went in, and the senate
rose in his honour. Some of the partisans of Brutus
took their places round the back of Caesar’s chair,
while others went to meet him, as though they
would support the petition which Tillius Cimber
presented to Caesar in behalf of his exiled brother,
and they joined their entreaties to his and accom-
panied Caesar up to his chair. But when, after
taking his seat, Caesar continued to repulse their
petitions, and, as they pressed upon him with greater
importunity, began to show anger towards one and
another of them, Tillius seized his toga with both
hands and pulled it down from his neck. This was
the signal for the assault. It was Casca who gave
him the first blow with his dagger, in the neck, not
a mortal wound, nor even a deep one, for which he
was too much confused, as was natural at the
beginning of a deed of great daring ; so that Caesar
turned about, grasped the knife, and held it fast.

2 By Caius Trebonius, rather, as Plutarch says in the
Brutus, xvii. 1. Cf. Appian, B.C. ii. 117; Cicero, ad fam.
x. 28.

VOL. VII. u 597

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δ βέ σθαι καὶ κατασχεῖν. ἅμα δέ πως ἐξεφώνησαν
ὁ μὲν πληγεὶς Ῥωμαϊστί" “ Μιαρώτατε Κάσκα,
τί ποιεῖς; ὁ δὲ πλήξας ᾿Ελληνιστὶ πρὸς τὸν
ἀδελφόν" “᾿Αδελφέ, βοήθει."

Τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς γενομένης τοὺς μὲν
οὐδὲν συνειδότας ἔκπληξις εἶχε καὶ φρίκη πρὸς
τὰ δρώμενα, μήτε φεύγειν μήτε ἀμύνειν, ἀλλὰ
μηδὲ φωνὴν ἐκβάλλειν τολμῶντας. τῶν δὲ παρε-
σκευασμένων ἐπὶ τὸν φόνον ἑκάστου γυμνὸν ἀπο-

6 δείξαντος τὸ ξίφος, ἐν κύκλῳ περιεχόμενος καὶ
πρὸς ὅ τι τρέψειε τὴν ὄψιν πληγαῖς ἀπαντῶν
καὶ σιδήρῳ φερομένῳ καὶ κατὰ προσώπου καὶ
κατ᾽ ὀφθαλμῶν διελαυνόμενος ὥ ὥσπερ θηρίον ἐ ἐνει-
λεῖτο ταῖς πάντων χερσίν" ἅπαντας γὰρ ἔδει
κατάρξασθαι καὶ γεύσασθαι τοῦ φόνου. διὸ
καὶ Βροῦτος αὐτῷ πληγὴν “ἐνέβαλε μίαν εἰς τὸν
βουβῶνα. λέγεται δὲ ὑπό τίνων ὡς ἄρα πρὸς
τοὺς ἄλλους ἀπομαχόμενος καὶ διαφέρων δεῦρο
κἀκεῖ τὸ σῶμα καὶ κεκραγώς, ὅτε Βροῦτον εἶδεν
ἐσπασμένον τὸ ξίφος, ἐφειλκύσατο κατὰ τῆς

7 κεφαλῆς TO | ἱμάτιον καὶ παρῆκεν ἑαυτόν, εἴτε ἀπὸ
τύχης εἴτε ὑπὸ τῶν κτεινόντων ἀπωσθείς, πρὸς
τὴν βάσιν ἐφ᾽ ἧς ὁ Πομπηΐου βέβηκεν ἀνδριάς.
καὶ πολὺ καθήμαξεν αὐτὴν ὁ φόνος, ὡς δοκεῖν
αὐτὸν ἐφεστάναι τῇ τιμωρίᾳ τοῦ πολεμίου ΠῸΟομ-
πήϊον ὑπὸ πόδας κεκλιμένου καὶ περισπαίροντος
ὑπὸ πλήθους τραυμάτων. εἴκοσι γὰρ καὶ τρία
λαβεῖν λέγεται: καὶ πολλοὶ κατετρώθησαν ὑπ᾽
ἀλλήλων, εἰς ἕν ἀπερειδόμενοι σῶμα πληγὰς
τοσαύτας.

LXVII. Κατειργασμένου δὲ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἡ μὲν
γερουσία, καίπερ εἰς μέσον ἐλθόντος Βρούτου ὥς

598

CAESAR, vxvi. 5-Lxvil. 1

At almost the same instant both cried out, the
smitten man in Latin: ‘‘ Accursed Casca, what doest
thou?’’ and the smiter, in Greek, to his brother:
* Brother,. help "ἢ

So the affair began, and those who were not privy
to the plot were filled with consternation and horror
at what was going on ; they dared not fly, nor go to
Caesar's help, nay, nor even utter a word. But those
who had prepared themselves for the murder bared
each of them his dagger, and Caesar, hemmed in on
all sides, whichever way he turned confronting
blows of weapons aimed at his face and eyes, driven
hither and thither like a wild beast, was entangled
in the hands of all; for all had to take. part in the
sacrifice and taste of the slaughter. Therefore Brutus
also gave him one blow in the groin. And it is said
by some writers that although Caesar defended him-
self against the rest and darted this way and that
and cried aloud, when he saw that Brutus had drawn
his dagger, he pulled his toga down over his head
and sank, either by chance or because pushed there
by his murderers, against the pedestal on which the
statue of Pompey stood. And the pedestal was
drenched with his blood, so that one might have
thought that Pompey himself was presiding over this
vengeance upon his enemy, who now lay prostrate
at his feet, quivering from a multitude of wounds.
For it is said that he received twenty-three; and
many of the conspirators were wounded by one an-
other, as they struggled to plant all those blows in
one body.

LXVII. Caesar thus done to death, the senators,
although Brutus came forward as if to say something

VOL. VII. u2 999

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τι “περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐροῦντος, οὐκ ἀνασχο-
μένη διὰ θυρῶν ἐξέπιπτε καὶ | φεύγουσα κατέ-
πλησε ταραχῆς καὶ δέους ἀπόρου τὸν δῆμον,
ὥστε τοὺς μὲν οἰκίας κλείειν, τοὺς δὲ ἀπολείπειν
τραπέξας καὶ “Χρηματιστήρια, δρόμῳ δὲ χωρεῖν
τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον ὀψομένους τὸ πάθος, τοὺς
δὲ ἐκεῖθεν ἑ ἑωρακότας. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ καὶ Λέπιδος
οἱ μάλιστα φίλοι Καίσαρος ὑπεκδύντες εἰς οἰκίας
ἑτέρας κατέφυγον. οἱ δὲ “περὶ Βροῦτον, ὥσπερ
ἦσαν ἔτι θερμοὶ τῷ φόνῳ, γυμνὰ τὰ ξίφη
δεικνύντες, ἅμα πάντες ἀπὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου
συστραφέντες ἐχώρουν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον, οὐ
φεύγουσιν ἐοικότες, ἀλλὰ μάλα “φαιδροὶ καὶ θαρ-
ραλέοι, παρακαλοῦντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τὸ
πλῆθος καὶ προσδεχόμενοι τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν
ἐντυγχανόντων. ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ συνανέβαινον αὐ-
τοῖς καὶ κατεμίγνυσαν ἑαυτοὺς ὡς μετεσχηκότες
τοῦ ἔργου καὶ προσεποιοῦντο τὴν δόξαν, ὧν ἣν
καὶ Γάϊος ᾿Οκταούϊος καὶ Λέντλος Σπινθήρ.
οὗτοι μὲν οὖν τῆς ἀλαζονείας δίκην ἔδωκαν
ὕστερον ὑπὸ ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ τοῦ νέου Καίσαρος

ἀναιρεθέντες καὶ μηδὲ τῆς δόξης, δι ἣν ἀπέθνη-

σκον, ἀπολαύσαντες ἀπιστίᾳ τῶν ἄλλων. οὐδὲ
γὰρ οἱ κολάξοντες αὐτοὺς τῆς πράξεως, ἀλλὰ τῆς
βουλήσεως τὴν δίκην ἔλαβον.

Μεθ᾿ ἡμέραν δὲ τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον κατελθόντων
καὶ ποιησαμένων λόγους, ὁ μὲν δῆμος οὔτε δυσχε-
ραίνων οὔτε ὡς ἐπαινῶν τὰ πεπραγμένα τοῖς
λεγομένοις προσεῖχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπεδήλου τῇ πολλῇ
σιωπῇ Καίσαρα μὲν οἰκτείρων, αἰδούμενος δὲ
Βροῦτον, ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἀμνηστίας τινὰς καὶ

600

7 4ι

CAESAR, cxvu. 1-4

about what had been done, would not wait to hear
him, but burst out of doors and fled, thus filling the
people with confusion and helpless fear, so that some
of them closed their houses, while others left their
counters and places of business and ran, first to
the place to see what had happened, then away from
the place when they had seen. Antony and Lepidus,
the chief friends of Caesar, stole away and_ took
refuge in the houses of others. But Brutus and his
partisans, just as they were, still warm from the
slaughter, displaying their daggers bare, went all in
a body out of the senate-house and marched to the
Capitol, not like fugitives, but with glad faces and
full of confidence, summoning the multitude to
freedom, and welcoming into their ranks the most
distinguished of those who met them. Some also
joined their number and went up with them as
though they had shared in the deed, and laid claim
to the glory of it, of whom were Caius Octavius and
Lentulus Spinther. These men, then, paid the
penalty for their imposture later, when they were
put to death by Antony and the young Caesar, with-
out even enjoying the fame for the sake of which
they died, owing to the disbelief of their fellow men.
For even those who punished them did not exact a
penalty for what they did, but for what they wished
they had done.

On the next day Brutus came down and held a
discourse, and the people listened to what was said
without either expressing resentment at what had
been done or appearing to approve of it; they
showed, however, by their deep silence, that while
they pitied Caesar, they respected Brutus. The
senate, too, trying to make a general amnesty and

601

-PLUTARCH’S LIVES

συμβάσεις πράττουσα πᾶσι Καίσαρα μὲν ὥς
θεὸν τιμᾶν ἐψηφίσατο καὶ κινεῖν μηδὲ τὸ μικρό-
τατον ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἄρχων ἐβούλευσε, τοῖς δὲ περὶ
Βροῦτον ἐπαρχίας τε διένειμε καὶ τιμὰς ἀπέδωκε
πρεπούσας, ὥστε πάντας οἴεσθαι τὰ πράγματα
κατάστασιν ἔχειν καὶ σύγκρασιν ἀπειληφέναι τὴν
ἀρίστην.
LXVIII. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τῶν διαθηκῶν τῶν Καίσαρος
> nr ες / / « 7 ς ,
ἀνοιχθεισῶν εὑρέθη δεδομένη Pwpaiov ἑκάστῳ
δόσις ἀξιόλογος, καὶ τὸ σῶμα κομιζόμενον δι᾿
> Ὁ ᾽ [4 Lal a /
ἀγορᾶς ἐθεάσαντο ταῖς πληγαῖς διαλελωβημένον,
οὐκέτι κόσμον εἶχεν οὐδὲ τάξιν αὐτῶν τὸ πλῆθος,
ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν νεκρῷ περισωρεύσαντες ἐξ ἀγορᾶς
, \ , \ , ig el 5 3 a
βάθρα καὶ κιγκλίδας καὶ τραπέζας ὑφῆψαν αὐτοῦ
καὶ κατέκαυσαν, ἀράμενοι δὲ dSarovs διαπύρους
ἔθεον ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας τῶν ἀνῃρηκότων ὡς κατα-
φλέξοντες, ἄλλοι δὲ ἐφοίτων πανταχόσε τῆς πό-
News συλλαβεῖν καὶ διασπάσασθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας
ζητοῦντες. οἷς ἐκείνων μὲν οὐδεὶς ἀπήντησεν,
ἀλλὰ εὖ πεφραγμένοι πάντες ἦσαν. Κίννας δέ
τις τῶν Καίσαρος ἑταίρων ἔτυχε μέν, ὥς φασι,
τῆς παρῳχημένης νυκτὸς ὄψιν ἑωρακὼς ἄτοπον"
0 ἡ \ e Ν geht > \ an “-
ἐδόκει γὰρ ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐπὶ δεῖπνον καλεῖσθανι,
παραιτούμενος δὲ ἄγεσθαι τῆς χειρὸς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
\ , [9 ee / ig δ᾽ »
μὴ βουλόμενος, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντιτείνων. ὡς ὃ ἤκουσεν
ἐν ἀγορᾷ τὸ σῶμα καίεσθαι τοῦ Καίσαρος, ἀνα-"
στὰς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τιμῇ, καίπερ ὑφορώμενός τε
τὴν ὄψιν ἅμα καὶ πυρέττων. καί τις ὀφθέντος
αὐτοῦ τῶν πολλῶν ἔφρασεν ἑτέρῳ τοὔνομα πυν-

602

CAESAR, Lxvil. 4 -LxvII. 3

reconciliation, voted to give Caesar divine honours
and not to disturb even the most. insignificant
measure which he had adopted when in power;
while to Brutus and his partisans it distributed
provinces and gave suitable honours, so that every-
body thought that matters were decided and settled
in the best possible manner. :

_LXVIIJ. But when the will of Caesar was 5. opened
and it was found that he had given every Roman
citizen a considerable gift, and when the multitude
saw his body carried through the forum all disfigured
with its wounds, they no longer kept themselves
within the restraints of order and discipline, but after
heaping round the body benches, railings, and tables
from the forum, they set fire to them and. burned
it there; then, lifting blazing brands on high, they
ran to the houses of the murderers with intent to
burn them down, while others went every whither
through the city seeking to seize the men themselves
and tear them to pieces. Not one of these came in
their way, but all were well barricaded. There was
a certain Cinna, however, one of the friends of
Caesar, who chanced, as they say, to have seen
during the previous night a strange vision. He
dreamed, that is, that he was invited to supper
by Caesar, and that when he excused himself, Caesar
led him along by the hand, although he did not
wish to go, but resisted. Now, when he heard that
they were burning the body of Caesar in the forum,
he rose up and went thither out of respect, although
he had misgivings arising from his vision, and was at
the same time in a fever. At sight of him, one of the
multitude told his name to another who asked him

603

PLUTARCH’S, LIVES

θανομένῳ, κἀκεῖνος ἄλλῳ, Kal διὰ πάντων εὐθὺς
ἦν ὡς οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀνῃρηκότων Kai-
capa’ καὶ γὰρ ἣν τις ὁμώνυμος ἐκείνῳ Κίννας ἐν
τοῖς συνομοσαμένοις, ὃν τοῦτον εἶναι προλαβόντες
ὥρμησαν εὐθὺς καὶ διέσπασαν ἐν μέσῳ τὸν ἄν-
θρωπον. τοῦτο μάλιστα δείσαντες οἱ περὶ Βροῦ-
τον καὶ Κάσσιον οὐ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν διαγενομένων
ἀπεχώρησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. ἃ δὲ καὶ πράξαντες
καὶ παθόντες ἐτελεύτησαν, ἐν τοῖς περὶ Βρούτου
γέγραπται.
LXIX. Θνήσκει δὲ Καῖσαρ τὰ μὲν πάντα ye-
Ἁ » / \ Ὁ ᾽ >
γονὼς ἔτη πεντήκοντα καὶ ἕξ, ἸΤομπηΐῳ δ᾽ ἐπι-
, » \ / 2 am 7 Ν -“
βιώσας οὐ πολὺ πλέον ἐτῶν τεσσάρων, ἣν δὲ τῷ
βίῳ παντὶ ἀρχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν διὰ κινδύνων
τοσούτων διώκων μόλις κατειργάσατο, ταύτης
οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ τοὔνομα μόνον καὶ τὴν ἐπίφθονον
καρπωσάμενος δόξαν παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν. ὁ μέν-
τοι μέγας αὐτοῦ δαίμων, ᾧ παρὰ τὸν βίον ἐχρή-
σατο, καὶ τελευτήσαντος ἐπηκολούθησε τιμωρὸς
- , , a ΄ 7 ᾿ ΄
τοῦ φόνου, διά τε γῆς πάσης καὶ θαλάττης ἐλαύ-
νων καὶ ἀνιχνεύων ἄχρι τοῦ μηδένα λιπεῖν τῶν
ἀπεκτονότων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς καθ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἢ χειρὶ
τοῦ ἔργου θιγόντας ἢ γνώμης μετασχόντας ἐπεξ-
ἐλθεῖν.
Θαυμασιώτατον δὲ τῶν μὲν ἀνθρωπίνων τὸ
\ / e \ \ > / > ’
περὶ Κάσσιον: ἡττηθεὶς γὰρ ἐν Φιλίπποις ἐκείνῳ
a ’, / e Ν Ka \ la
τῷ ξιφιδίῳ διέφθειρεν ἑαυτὸν ᾧ κατὰ Καίσαρος
/ -“
ἐχρήσατο: τῶν δὲ θείων 6 τε μέγας Κομήτης....

> U \ : | / ς \ \ \ /
(ἐφάνη yap ἐπὶ νύκτας ἑπτὰ μετὰ τὴν Καίσαρος

604

CAESAR, Lxvin. 3-LXIX. 3

what it was, and he to another, and at once word
ran through the whole throng that this man was one
of the murderers of Caesar. For there was among
the conspirators a man who bore this same name of
Cinna, and assuming that this man was he, the crowd
rushed upon him and tore him in pieces among
them.! This more than anything else made Brutus
and Cassius afraid, and not many days afterwards
they withdrew from the city. What they did and
suffered before they died, has been told in the Life
of Brutus.

LXIX. At the time of his death Caesar was fully
fifty-six years old, but he had survived Pompey not
much more than four years, while of the power and
dominion which he had sought all his life at so
great risks, and barely achieved at last, of this he
had reaped no fruit but the name of it only, and a
glory which had awakened envy on the part of his
fellow citizens. However, the great guardian-genius
of the man, whose help he had enjoyed through life,
followed upon him even after death as an avenger of
his murder, driving and tracking down his slayers
over every land and sea until not one of them was
left, but even those who in any way soever either
put hand to the deed or took part in the plot were
punished.

Among events of man’s ordering, the most amazing
was that which befell Cassius; for after his defeat at
Philippi he slew himself with that very dagger which
he had used against Caesar; and among events of
divine ordering, there was the great comet, which
showed itself in great splendour for seven nights

A

2 Cf. the Brutus, xx. ὃ ἔ,

605

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σφαγὴν διαπρεπής, εἶτα ἠφανίσθη) καὶ τὸ περὶ

τὸν ἥλιον ἀμαύρωμα τῆς αὐγῆς. ὅλον γὰρ ἐκεῖ-

νον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ὠχρὸς μὲν ὁ κύκλος καὶ μαρμα-

ρυγὰς οὐκ ἔχων ἀνέτελλεν, ἀδρανὲς δὲ καὶ λεπτὸν

ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ κατήει τὸ θερμόν, ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἀέρα
δνοφερὸν καὶ βαρὺν ἀσθενείᾳ τῆς διακρινούσης
αὐτὸν ἀλέας ἐπιφέρεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ καρποὺς ἡμι-
πέπτους καὶ ἀτελεῖς ἀπανθῆσαι καὶ παρακμάσαι
διὰ τὴν ψυχρότητα τοῦ περιέχοντος. μάλιστα
δὲ τὸ Βρούτῳ γενόμενον φάσμα τὴν Καίσαρος ἐδή-
λωσε σφαγὴν οὐ γενομένην θεοῖς ἀρεστήν" ἣν δὲ
τοιόνδε. μέλλων τὸν στρατὸν ἐξ ᾿Αβύδου διαβι-
βάζειν εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν ἤπειρον ἀνεπαύετο νυκτός,
ὥσπερ εἰώθει, κατὰ σκηνήν, οὐ καθεύδων, ἀλλὰ
φροντίζων περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος" λέγεται γὰρ οὗτος
ἀνὴρ ἥκιστα δὴ τῶν στρατηγῶν ὑπνώδης γενέ-
σθαι καὶ πλεῖστον ἑαυτῷ χρόνον ἐγρηγορότι χρῆ-
σθαι πεφυκώς: ψόφου δέ τινος αἰσθέσθαι περὶ
τὴν θύραν ἔδοξε, καὶ πρὸς τὸ τοῦ λύχνου φῶς ἤδη
καταφερομένου σκεψάμενος ὄψιν εἶδε φοβερὰν
ἀνδρὸς ἐκφύλου τὸ μέγεθος καὶ χαλεποῦ τὸ εἶδος.
ἐκπλαγεὶς δὲ τὸ πρῶτον, ὡς ἑώρα μήτε πράττοντά
τί μήτε φθεγγόμενον, ἀλλὰ ἑστῶτα σιγῇ παρὰ
τὴν κλίνην, ἠρώτα ὅστις ἐστίν. ἀποκρίνεται δ᾽
αὐτῷ τὸ φάσμα' “ὋὉ σός, ὦ Βροῦτε, δαίμων
κακός: ὄψει δέ με περὶ Φιλίππους." τότε μὲν
οὖν ὁ Βροῦτος εὐθαρσῶς, ““Οψομαι," εἶπε: καὶ
τὸ δαιμόνιον εὐθὺς ἐκποδὼν ἀπήει. τῷ δ᾽ ἱκνου-
μένῳ χρόνῳ περὶ τοὺς Φιλίππους ἀντιταχθεὶς
᾿Αντωνίῳ καὶ Καίσαρι τῇ μὲν πρώτῃ μάχῃ κρα-
τήσας τὸ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἐτρέψατο καὶ διεξήλασε
πορθῶν τὸ Καίσαρος στρατόπεδον, τὴν δὲ δευτέ-
606

(NR CRY) one Ime 4 κυ ba

CAESAR, υχιχ. 3-8

after Caesar’s murder, and then disappeared ; also, the
obscuration of the sun’s rays. For during all that
year its orb rose pale and without radiance, while
the heat that came down from it was slight and
ineffectual, so that the air in its circulation, was dark
and heavy owing to the feebleness of the warmth that
penetrated it, and the fruits, imperfect and half ripe,
withered away and shrivelled up on account of
the coldness of the atmosphere. But more than
anything else the phantom that appeared to Brutus
showed that the murder of Caesar was not pleasing to
the gods ; and it was on this wise. As he was about
to take his army across from Abydos to the other
continent, he was lying down at night, as-his custom
was, in his tent, not sleeping, but thinking of the
future ; for it is said that of all generals Brutus was
least given to sleep, and that he naturally remained
awake a longer time than anybody else. And now
he thought he heard a noise at the door, and looking
towards the light of the lamp, which was slowly
going out, he saw a fearful vision of a man of unnatural
size and harsh aspect. At first he was terrified, but
when he saw that the visitor neither did nor said
anything, but stood in silence by his couch, he asked
him who he was. Then the phantom answered him:
“Tam thy evil genius, Brutus, and thou shalt see me
at Philippi.” At the time, then, Brutus said courage-
ously ; “I shall see thee;”’ and the heavenly visitor
at once went away. Subsequently, however, when
arrayed against Antony and Caesar at Philippi, in the
first battle he conquered the enemy in his front,
routed and scattered them, and sacked the camp of
Caesar; but as he was about to fight the second

607

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ραν αὐτῷ μάχεσθαι μέλλοντι φοιτᾷ τὸ αὐτὸ φά-
σμα τῆς νυκτὸς αὖθις, οὐχ ὥστε τι προσειπεῖν,
ἀλλὰ συνεὶς ὁ Βροῦτος τὸ πεπρωμένον. ἔρριψε
φέρων ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸν κίνδυνον. οὐ μὴν ἔπεσεν
ἀγωνιξόμενος, ἀλλὰ τῆς τροπῆς γενομένης ἀνα-
φυγὼν πρός Tt κρημνῶδες καὶ τῷ ξίφει γυμνῷ
προσβαλὼν τὸ στέρνον, ἅμα καὶ φίλου τινός, ὥς
φασι, συνεπιρρώσαντος τὴν πληγήν, ἀπέθανεν.

608

CAESAR, εχιχ. 8

battle, the same phantom visited him again at night,
and though it said nothing to him, Brutus under-
stood his fate, and plunged headlong into danger.
He did not fall in battle, however, but after the rout
retired to a crest of ground, put his naked sword to
his breast (while a certain friend, as they say, helped
to drive the blow home), and so died.!

1 Cf. the Brutus, xxxvi.; xlviii.; lii.

609

» 1}

τ ae ba tsitt

᾿
ve

A PARTIAL DICTIONARY OF
PROPER NAMES

t

rf

=. Ὁ"

—_ ΜῊ
s

JHA
owe “4

aaa ἡ

4 }

e ~ . “
ee
a: χὰ ‘
; " “ἢ =
i. .
1 ᾿Ξ

A PARTIAL DICTIONARY OF
PROPER NAMES

A

Achillas, 559. one of the guardians
of Ptolemy XII. (Dionysus),
and commander of his troops
when Caesar came to Egypt.
See the Pompey, Ixxvii.-Ixxx.

Afranius, 531, 543, 567, Lucius
A., ἃ warm τ ἠγεναι of Pompey,
and one of his legates in Spain
during the war with Sertorius.
as well as in Asia during the
Mithridatic war. He was consul
in 60 B.c. He was killed after
the battle of Thapsus (46 B.c.)

Agrippa, 215, Marcus Vipsanius A.,
fellow student of Octavius Caesar
at Apollonia, and an intimate
friend. He was one of the

rominent and powerful men of
e Augustan age. He lived
63-12 B.c.

Alcetas, 383, a brother of Perdiccas,
whom he supported after Alex-
ander’s death. After the murder
of Perdiccas in 321 B.c., Alcetas
forsook Eumenes, and was joined
δε Attalus, the brother-in-law
of Perdiccas. They were de-
feated by Antigonus in 320,
and Alcetas slew himself rather
than fall into the hands of his

enemy.

Alcidamas, 13, of Elea in Asia
Minor, a popular rhetorician of
the school of Gorgias, who resided
at Athens 431-411 B.o.

Anaxarchus, 245, 307, 375 f., of
Abdera, a pee phet who
accompanied Alexander on his

campaigns in Asia and won his
favour by flattery. After the
death of Alexander, Anaxarchus
fell into the hands of Nicocreon.
king of Salamis in Cyprus.
whom he had offended, and was
cruelly put to death.
Anaximenes, 71,215, of Lampsacus,
a rhetorician and historian, who
lived circa 390-320 B.o.
Androcottus, 401 f., or Sandro-
cottus, an Indian prince who
achieved the conquest of northern
India after Alexander’s death.
Seleucus waged unsuccessful war

upon him.

Anticleides, 357, of Athens, author
of a history of Alexander about
which nothing further is known

Antigenes, 357, otherwise unknown.

Antigonus, 437, surnamed the
One-eyed, king of Asia, and
father of Demetrius Poliorcetes.

Antiochus of Ascalon, 89 f., called
the founder of the Fifth Academy.
Cicero speaks of him in the high-
est and most appreciative terms
(Brutus, 91, 315.)

Antipater, 67-79, 219-437, regent
of Macedonia during Alexander’s
absence, and of Alexander’s
empire after the murder of
Perdiccas in 321 B.c. He died
in 319.

Antiphanes, 11, 25, of Rhodes, a
poet of the Middle Comedy,
who began his career in 383 B.c.

Antonius, 109 f., 121, 187, Caius A.,
uncle of ark Antony the
triumvir. He served under Su!la

613

DICTIONARY OF

in the Mithridatic war, and
was expelled from the senate
for oe the allies and
wasting his substance. After
the events here described, he
went to his province of Mace-
donia, and in 59 B.C. was con-
victed of extortion there, in
spite of the defence of his conduct
by Cicero.

Apollonia, 195, 533 f., an ancient
Greek city of Illyria. Towards
the end of the Roman republic,
it became a famous seat of learn-

ing.

Apollonius, 91 f., 447, son of Molon,
and sometimes called Molon, a
native of Alabanda in Caria, and
a distinguished rhetorician. Cf.
Cicero, Brutus, 90,312; 91, 316.

Aristander of Telmessus, 227, 261,
295 f., 317, 323, 369, 375, the
chief soothsayer of Alexander,
and probably the author of a
work “ On Prodigies’’. referred
to by Pliny and Lucian.

Aristobulus, of Cassandreia, 57,
261, 269, 273, 285, 357, 433,
accompanied Alexander on his
expedition and wrote a history
of his campaigns, οὗ which we
know most. from Arrian’s
Anabasis.

Ariston, the Chian, 25, 75, a Stoic
philosopher who flourished about
260 B.O.

Aristoxenus, 233, a pupil of Aris-
totle, and a philosopher of the
Peripatetic school. Only frag-
ments of his musical treatises
have come down to us.

Arrhidaeus, 249, 437, a bastard son
of Philip of Macedon, He was

eath by order of Olym-
pias in 317 8.0.

Artemidorus, 595, of Cnidus, a
teacher of rhetoric at Rome, and
a friend of Caesar.

Artemisius, 265, see Daesius.

Attalus (1), 247, 251, one of Philip’s
generals, After Philip’s death
he was assassinated by order o
Alexander. ‘

Attalus (2), 383, one of Alexander’s
chief officers, and the brother-

614

PROPER NAMES

in-law of Perdiccas. After the
murder of Perdiccas, Attalus
joined Alcetas, and was defeated
and taken prisoner by Antigonus.
See Alcetas.

B

Balbus, 583, Lucius Cornelius B., a
native of Gades in Spain, who
came to Rome at the end of the
war with Sertorius (72 B.0.).
He served under Caesar both in
Gaul and during the civil war,
and was the manager of Caesar’s

roperty. After r’s death
Ibus was high in favour with
Octavius. For the incident here
pared, ef. Suetonius, Div. Jul.

Bessus, 349, 353, satrap of Bactria

᾿ς under Dareius ITl., and com-
mander of the Persian left wing
at the battle of Arbela. .

Bestia, 139, Lucius Calpurnius B.,

the conspirators with

e. Cicero was afterwards

reconciled with him, and de-

fended him unsuccessfully when
accused of bribery in his candi-

dacy for the praetorship in 57

B.C.

Bibulus, 473 f., Lucius Calpurnius
B., aedile in 65 B.0., praetor in
62, and consul in 59, in each case
a colleague of Julius Caesar. He
died in 48.

Boédromion, 69, 317, the Attic
month corresponding to parts
of our September and October.

Brundisium, 181 f., 529, 533, an
important city on the eastern

coast of Italy (Calabria), with a

fine harbour. It was the natural

point of departure from Italy
to the East, and the chief naval
station of the Romans in the
Adriatic.

Brutus, 593, 597, Decimus Junius
B., surnamed Albinus, was
widely employed, highly — es-
teemed, fully trusted, and richl
rewarded by Julius Caesar, and

DICTIONARY OF

yet joined his murderers. He
was put to death by order of
Antony in 43 B.c.

σ

Caecilius, 7, Caecilius Calactinus,
a native of Sicily, a distinguished
rhetorician at Rome in the time
of Augustus.

Calanus, 409, 417, one of the Indian
Le ra τς called gymnoso-

Calenus, 545, Quintus Fufius C.,
tribune of the people in 61 B.c.,
and praetorin 59 through Caesar’s
influence, whom he ever after-
wards faithfully served, holding
high commands under him in
Gaul and during the civil war.
He died in 41 8.6.

Callias the Syraeusan, 13, otherwise

unknown.

Callisthenes, 303, 828, 327, 375-
385, of Olynthus, a philosopher
and historian, who accompanied
Alexander on his expedition in
the East until put to death by
him in 828 B.c. Besides an
account of Alexander’s expedi-
tion, he wrote a history of Greece
from 387 to 357 Β.0.

Callistratus, 11, 13, 33, a distin-
guished orator and statesman at
Athens,who flourished from about
380 to about 361 B.c., when he
was condemned to death and fled
the city.

Carneades, 89, of Cyrené, head of
the Academy at Athens in 156
B.c. (when he was one of an
embassy of eelonophers to Rome)
and until his death in 129. See
the Cato Major, xxii.

Casea, 597 f., Publius Servilius
C., at this time tribune of the
people. He fonght in the battle
of Philippi, and died soon after-
wards. His brother, Caius Ser-
vilius Casea, had also been a
friend of Caesar,and was a fellow
conspirator.

Cassander, 33, 429, f., a son of

PROPER NAMES

Antipater the regent of Mace-
donia. He was master of Athens
from 318 to 307 B.c., when
Demetrius Poliorcetes took Bos.
pasion of the city. He died in
a

297 B.A.

Catulus, Quintus Lutatius C., 83.,
33, 157, 455 ff., a leading
aristocrat of the nobler sort,
consul in 78 P.0., censor in 65,
died in 60.

Chares (1), 215, a famous Athenian
general, prominent from 367
to 334 B.c.

Chares (2), 281, 295, 357, 381, 385,
419, of Mitylené, court chamber-
lain of Alexander, and author
of an anecdotical history οἵ
Alexander’s campaigns.

Cicero, 593 Quintus Tullius C.,
younger brother of the orator,
served as legate under Caesar in
Gaul, but went over to Pompey
in the civil war. He fell a
victim to the proscription of
the triumvirs in 43 B.c.

Cimber, 597, Lucius Tillius C.
had been a warm supporter of
Caesar and was rewarded by him
with the province of Bithynia,
to which he retired after Caesar’s
murder, and co-operated with
Brutus and Cassius.

Cinna, 603 f., Caius Helvius C., see
the Brutus, xx. 5 f., and the Dict.
of Proper Names for Vol. vi.

Cithaeron, 57, the mountain range
between Attica and Boeotia.

Citium, Citieans, 323, a city of
Cyprus.

Cleitarchus, 357, a historian who
accompanied Alexander on _ his

of Colophon, who was author
of a history of Persia.

Cleitomachus, 87, 91, a Carthagi-
nian by birth, and a teacher of
philosophy at Athens from about
146 B.c. to about 111. In 129
he succeeded Carneades as head
of the New Academy.

Cleitus, 259, 267, 869-375, was
commander of one of two

615

DICTIONARY OF

companies of the “‘ comnanion ”
cavalry, and at the time of his
death had been made satrap of
Bactria by Alexander.

Cleopatra (1), 247, 251, 297, 415,

ge after this put to cruel death

Me pi ed together with her
tant ch το who was regarded
as a rival of Alexander.

Cleopatra (2), 557 ff., queen of
Egypt. See the Antony, Xxv. ff.

Clodius, 151-171, 463-467; Publius
Claudius (Clodius) ’Pulcher,
youngest son of the Appius
Claudius mentioned in the Sw/la,
xxix. 3. He helped to de-
moralise the soldiers of Lucullus
(Lucullus, xxxiv.), and became a
venomous foe of Cicero.

Coenus, 397, son-in-law of Par-
menio, and one of the ablest of
Alexander’s officers. He died
shortly after the army had begun
its return from India.

Collytus, 29, an Attic deme, or

township.

Cornificius, 545 (Corfinius), Quintus
C., a quaestor under Caesar in
48 B.o., and a friend of Cicero.
In 45 Caesar made him governor
of Syria, and in 44 he had the

rovince of Africa, where he
ought against the second trium-
virate, and fell in battle.

Craterus, 345-383, one of the ablest
of Alexander’s’ officers, and a
man of noble character. He fell
in battle against Eumenes in
ay B.o. See the Eumenes,

ff.

Cratip us, the Peripatetic, 143,
of itylene, a contemporary
and intimate friend of Cicero,
and a teacher of Cicero’s son.
See the Brutus, xxiv. 1 f.

Ctesibius, 13, perhaps the Cynic
philosopher of Chalcis in Euboea,
who was the instructor of Anti-
gonus Doson, king of Macedonia
(229-221 8.00.

Curio, 461, 515-519, Caius Scri-
bonius ὁ, an able orator, but
reckless and profligate. He was
tribune of the people in 50 B.c.,
and sold his support to Caesar,

616

PROPER NAMES

who made him praetor in Sicily
in 49. Thence he crossed into
Africa to attack the Pompeians
there, but was defeated and slain
(Caesar, Bell. Civ., ii, 23-44.)

D

Daesius, 265, 438, a Macedonian
month answering to the Attic
Thargelion, 1.6. May-June. It
followed Artemisius

Dareius, 263 ff., πιο “ΠΠ|-
surnamed Codomannus, came to
the throne of Persia in 336 B.C.

Deinon, 333, of Colophon, see
Cleitarchus.

Demaratus the Corinthian, 247 f.,
337, 385, known only from these
incidents.

Demetrius (1), 83, Demetrius
Poliorcetes, son of Antigonus
(cf. Plutarch’s Demetrius, ix.).

Demetrius (2), the Phalerean, 23-27
35, 71, a celebrated rhetorician
and orator (346-283 B.0.). He
was guardian, or regent, of
rope τι for Cassander from’ 318

Demetrius (3), surnamed Pheido,
383, son of Pythonax, one of the
“- companion δ’ cavalry (Arrian,
Anab., iv. 12, 5).

Demetrius (4), "the Magnesian, 39,
69, a Greek gram Ἢ ‘con-
temporary with Cicero.

Diogenes of Sinopé, 259, 409, a
Cynic philosopher, born. 412 B.c.
He became a pupil of Antisthenes
the Socratic at Athens, and
changed from a dissolute to a
most austere life. He died
at Corinth in 323, according to
Plutarch (Morals,’ ᾿ς 717 c) on
the same day as Alexander the
Great.

Dionysius of Magnesia, 91, a
distinguished rhetorician. δῖ,
Cicero, Brutus, 91, 316.

215, an Athenian

father of the poet
He was arraigned

the Macedonian party at

Diopeithes,
general,
Menander.
by

DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES

Athens, and was defended by
Demosthenes in the extant
oration “‘ On the Chersonese.”’
Dolabella, 191 f., 449, 563, 589,
the profligate and debt-ridden
son-in-law of Cicero, lived 70-43
Β.Ο. He took part with Caesar
in 49, but approved of his
murder, and gained the consul-
ship for the remainder of the
year 44. He was outlawed and
declared a penis enemy on
account of his extortions in
Asia, and committed suicide.
Domitius (1), 179, 527 f., 545, 549,
Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus,
consul in B.c. He was
Cato’s son-in-law, and one of the
ablest supporters of the aristo-
cratic party. He opposed both
Pompey and Caesar until their
uarrel, then sided with Pompey.
e met his death at Pharsalus.
Domitius (2), 547, 561, Gnaeus
Domitius Calvinus, consul in
53 Β.Ο. He was a supporter
of Bibulus against Caesar in
59, but after 49 an active sup-
ve of Caesar. After the
attle of Pharsalus he was
Caesar’s lieutenant in Asia.
Duris, 47, 57, 261, 357, of Samos,
a pupil of Theophrastus, his-
torian and, for a time, tyrant,
of Samos, lived circa 350-280

B.C.

Dyrrhachium, 181, 529, a city on
the coast of Illyricum, opposite
to Brundisium, known in Greek
history as Epidamnus. It was
a free state, and sided with the
Romans consistently.

E

Eratosthenes, 23, 75, 229, 317, of
Cyrené, librarian at Alexandria,
most distinguished as geographer
and chronologist, a writer also
CO teamed and ethics, 275-

194 B.c.

Erigyius, 251, of Mitylené, an
officer in Alexander’s army.
He fell in battle 328 B.o

F

Favonius, 497, 525, 548, Marcus
F., called the ‘‘Ape of Cato,”
was aedile in 52 B.0.,and praetor
in 49. He joined Pompey in the
East, notwithstanding personal
enmity to him, and accompanied
him in his tight from Pharsalus
(cf. the Pompey, \xxiii. 6 f.)
He was put to death by order of
Octavius Caesar after the battle
of Philippi (42 8.6.)

α

Gabinius. 157,161, Aulus @., tribune
of the people in 66 B.c., praetor
in 61, consul with Piso in 58,
the year during which Cicero
was exiled. He was _ recalled
from his province of Syria in
55, prosecuted for taking bribes,
and exiled. He died in 48.

Granicus, 263 f., a river in the
Troad emptying into the Pro-
pontis.

H

Hagnon., the Teian, 343, 383, after-
wards admiral under Antigonus.

Harpalus, 61 f., 243, 251, 833, 347,
Alexander’s faithless treasurer.
Antipater demanded his sur-
render by the Athenians, who
put him in prison, whence he
escaped and went to Crete.
Here he was assassinated.

Hecataeus, of Eretria, 357, known
only from this citation.

Hegesias, the Magnesian, 231, a
rhetorician and historian who
flourished in the early part of
the third century B.c., and was
noted for his inane conceits.

Helicon, 323, son of Acesas, of
Salamis in Cyprus. Father and
son were famous weavers of
embroidered textures, probably
in the latter part of the fifth
century B.O.

617

DICTIONARY OF

Hephaestion, 307, 341, 343, 347,
361, 367, 381, 383, 425, 433
officer and beloved friend o
Alexander.

Heracleides, 299, of Alexandria,
a historian who flourished under
Ptolemy IV. (222-205 B.c.)

Hermioné, 333, a city in southern
Argolis.

Hermippus, 13,27, 71, 75, 381, of
Smyrna, a distinguished philo-
sopher and biographer who was
active in the second half of the
third century B.C.

Herodes, 143, probably the business
manager of Cicero’s’ friend

rps Cf. Cicero ad Ait., vi.

1,
I

Idomeneus, 39, 57, of Lampsacus,
a pupil and friend of Epicurus
(342-270 B.0.) author of bio-
graphical works entitled ‘‘ The
Socratics”” and ‘“* The Dema-
gogues.”’

lolas, 429, 487, the time and man-
ner of his death are unknown.
He is last mentioned in connec-
tion with the marriage of his
sister to Perdiccas, in 322 B.c.

lon, 7, of Chios, a popular poet at
Athens between 452 and 421
B.c., and author of a prose
work entitled ‘‘ Sojourns,” in
which he recounted his experi-
ences with famous men of his
time.

Isaeus, 13, a professional writer of
speeches for the law-courts 420--
350 B.c., and numbered among
the ten great Attic orators.

{sauricus, 457, 533, Publius Ser-
vilius Vatia I., deserted the
aristocratic party to support
Caesar, but after Caesar’s death
returned to his former allegiance.
He tried with more or less success
to hold a middle course as be-
tween Antony and Octavius
Caesar.

Isocrates, 13, 215, the celebrated
Attic orator and rhetorician,
436-338 B.C.

618

4

PROPER NAMES

Ister, 357, a slave, and afterwards
ἃ friend of Callimachus the
Alexandrian grammarian and
poet (250-220 8.0.), ἃ volu-
minous writer, whose works are
all lost.

L
Labienus, 181, 487, 527, fled to

Africa after the battle of Phar-
salus, and after the battle of

Thapsus (46 B.0.), to Spain,
ἘΝ ΤῊΣ

where he was the
cause of the defeat of the Pom-
ians at Munda, and was slain
ὃ +

45 B.O.).

Lacritus, the rhetorician, 71, of
Phaselis in Pamphylia, a pupil
of Isocrates about 350 B.c. ~

Laelius, 219, perhaps the Laelius

Decimus who was prominent

during the civil war as a partisan
of Pompey, and held military
command under him. ᾿
Lentulus (1), 513, 519, 525, Lucius
Cornelius L. Crus, on the out-
break of civil war joined Pompey
in the East, fled with him from
Pharsalus, and was put to death
in Egypt. See the Pompey,

Ixxx. 4.

Lentulus (2), 167, 179 (cf. Caesar,
B.C. iii. 83), 545, 601, Lucius
Cornelius L. Spinther, consul
in 57 B.c. through Caesar’s
influence, but took the field for
Pompey at the outbreak of
civil war in 49. He also, like
Lentulus Crus, fled with Pompey
to Egypt, but got safe to

Rhodes.

Lentulus (3), 123-127, 135 f., 141,
459, Publius Cornelius L., sur-
named Sura, was consul in 71
B.0., but in the following year
was expelled from the senate.
This led him to join the conspir-
ators with Catiline.

Lentulus (4), 189, the name by
which Dolabella was sometimes
called after his adoption into the
plebeian family of Gneius Len-
tulus in order that he might

Toe ae I ee Δ λυ ow) Pee!

DICTIONARY OF

become a candidate for the

tribuneship. Dolabella was
Tullia’s third husband. See
Tullia.
Leonnatus, 283, 343, 405, one of

Alexander’s most distinguished
officers. He fell in 322 B.o
while attempting to relieve Anti-
pater at Lamia.

Leosthenes, 67, 215, an Athenian,
general of the league for expelling
the Macedonians from Greece
after the death of Alexander.
He died during the siege of Lamia.

Lepidus, 201, 591, 601, Marcus
Aemilius Τὴ; joined the party of
Caesar in 49 B.c., was Caesar’s
magister equitum “in 47 and 45,

-.and his consular colleague in
46. After Caesar’s murder he
sided with Antony, and as mem-
ber of the second triumvirate re-
ceived ay as his province,
then, in Africa. Here he

remained titi 36, when he was
deposed from the triumvirate.
He lived till 13 B.o.

Lucullus, 449, Marcus Licinius L.,
younge brother of the great
Lucullus, also called by προ το δεν
M. Terentius Varro Lucullus,
consul in 73 B.C., and after-
wards a warm friend of Cicero.
He died before the civil war.

Lysimachus, 357, 383, an officer
of Alexander, not prominent
during Alexander’s life, but after-
wards king of Thrace. He fell
in battle with Seleucus, 281 B.o.

Maecenas, 215, Caius Cilnius M.,
the patron of poets and artists
during the reign of Augustus,
whose prime minister he was.

cealiva δ κὰν δ18. ἔ,,
Claudius M., consul in 50 B.c.,
a friend of Cicero and Pompey,
and an uncompromising foe
of. Caesar. But after the out-
break.of the civil war he remained

PROPER NAMES

quietly and timidly in Italy,
and was finally pardoned by
Caesar. As husband of Octavia,
the sister of Octavius Caesar,
he had considerable influence.
He is last heard of about 4i

B.C.

Marsyas 43, of Pella in Mace-
donia, author of a history of
his own country from earliest
times down to 332 B.¢.

Mazaeus, 321, 343, ἃ Persian
officer under Dareius III., after-
wards made satrap of Babylon
by Alexander.

Megabyzus, 349, probably a priest
or keeper of the temple of
Artemis at Ephesus.

Menippus, the Carian, 91, the most
accomplished rhetorician of his
time in Asia. Cf. Cicero, Brutus,

Or; 510;

Metellus (1), 119, 155, Quintus
Caecilius M. Celer, consul in 60
B.0., and an influential aristocrat.
He was a violent opponent of
Caesar during the latter’s con-
Heir in 59, in which year

he

Metellus ¢3) 529 f., Lucius Caecilius
M. Creticus, little known apart
from the incident here narrated.

Metellus (3), 139, 147, f., Quintus
M. Nepos, a brother of Metellus
Celer, a partisan of Pompey,
and for a time a violent opponent
of Cicero. As consul, however,
in 57 B.c., he did not oppose
the recall of Cicero from banish-
ment. He died in 55.

Metellus (4), 479, Quintus Metellus
Pius, consul with Sulla in 80
B.c., and one of Sulla’s most
successful generals. Against
Sertorius in Spain he was less
fortunate. He died about 63.

Murena, 117, 171, 213, Lucius
Licinius M., had been quaestor
aedile, and praetor, and ood
served under Lucullus against
Mithridates (Zweullus, xix. 7).
He was accused of bribery in his
canvass for the consulship, was
defended by Hortensius and
Cicero, and acquitted.

619.

DICTIONARY OF

N

Nearchus, 251, 411, 415, 427, 433f.,
the trusted admiral of Alexander.

Nicocreon, 309, king of Salamis in
Cyprus. After the death of
Alexander he took sides with
Ptolemy of Egypt.

Nonacris, 437, a town in Arcadia,
near which the water of the
hg Styx descended from a

ο
yb 417, Dareius II., 424-404

olympias, 227f., 237, 247, 251, 297,
341, 437, 439, Alexander’s
mhiae "She was put to death
in 316 B.c., by order of Cassan-

der.

Ouseiciie. 243, 261, 357, 395, 399,
409 411, a Greek who accom-
panied Alexander in Asia and
wrote an account of his cam-
paigns. His work contained
vaivabls information, but was
full of exaggerations and false-
hoods.

Oppius, 485, Caius O., an intimate
friend of Caesar, "and author
(probably) of Lives of Marius,
Pompey, and Caesar.

Oricum, 533, a town on the coast
of Epirus, ‘north of Apollonia.

Oxyartes, 389, a Bactrian prince,
father of Roxana. Alexander
made him satrap of northern
India. He supported Eumenes
until the death of that officer,
and then came to terms with
Antigonus.

P

Panaetius, the philosopher, 33,
chief founder of the Stoic school
at Rome, flourishing between
150 and 110 Β.σ.

Pappus. 75. otherwise unknown.

Parmenio, 231, 249, 265, 277, 285f.,
311, 317ff., 327, 343, 8611), 869,

620

PROPER NAMES

an able and trusted commander
under both Philip and Alexander.

Pasicrates, 309, g of Soli in
Cyprus.

Patavium, 555, an ancient and
important city of Venetia, the
modern Padua.

Paulus, 515, Lucius Aemilius P.,
consul in 50 B.¢. with Claudius
Marcellus. He had been a
violent opponent of Caesar. *Cf,
the Pompey, \viii. 1

Pelops, of Byzantivin, 148, not
otherwise kn

πὰ τὸν, 79 383, 347, 487, the
officer to whom the dyi ying Alex-
ander is said to have given his
signet-ring, and who was regent
for the royal successors of
Alexander till 321 B.o.

Peucestas, 347f., 405, a distin-
guished. officer of Alexander, and
satrap of Persia. It was chiefly
due to him that Eumenes met
with disaster in 316 B.c. See the
Eumenes, xiv. ff.

Pharmacusa, 445, a small atts off
the coast of Caria, about 1
furlongs south of Miletus.

Philip (1), 195, Lucius Marcius
Philippus, consul in 56 8.6.
married Atia, the widow of
Caius Octavius, thus becoming
the stepfather of Octavius Caesar.
He remained neutral during the
civil wars.

Philip (2), 399, made satrap of
India by Alexander in 327 B.0.
In the following year he was
assassinated by his mercenaries.

Philip (3), the Chalcidian, 357,
known only from this citation.

Philip (4), of Theangela (in Caria),
$57; author of a history of Caria
which is cited by Athenaeus and

Strabo.

Philistus, 243, the Syracusan, an
eyewitness of the events of the
Athenian ‘siege of Syracuse,
which he described thirty years
later in a history of Sicily.

Philo, the Theban, 357, known only
from this citation.

Philon, the Academic, 87, 91, a
native of Larissa in Thessal ly,

DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES

and a teacher. of rhetoric and

philosophy at Athens and Rome
uring Cicero’s lifetime. Cf.

Cicero, Brutus, 89, 306.

hilotas, 249, 255, 317, 343, 361-

369, the son of Parmenio.

Philoxenus, 248, of Cythera, one
of the most distinguished dithy-
rambic poets of Greece (435-380
B.c.), resident at Athens and

Syracuse. :
Phylarchus, 67, an Athenian his-
torian, author of a history of
Greece from 272 to 220 B.c.
Plutarch is heavily indebted to
him in his Agis and Cleomenes,

and Pyrrhus.
Piso (1), 127, 457, Caius Calpurnius
consu 78.0., and a
violent aristocrat. As pro-consul
he plundered his province of
Gallia Narbonensis. He must
have died before the civil war.

Piso (2), 157, 475, 531, Lucius
Calpurnius P., father-in-law of
Julius Caesar. He plundered his

rovince of Macedonia shame-
essly, and was recalled in 55
B.c. He is covered with invec-
tive in Cicero’s oration de Province.
Cons. He took no part in the
civil war that followed.

Piso (3), 161, 189, Caius Calpurnius
P. Frugi, married Cicero’s daugh-
ter Tullia in 63B.c. He was
quaestor in 58, and used every
endeavour to secure the recall of

cero from exile, but died
before his father-in-law’s return.
Cicero mentions him often with

᾿ got 7
Pollio, 523, 553, 567, Caius Asinius

., ἃ famous orator, poet, and
historian, 76 Β.0.-4 A.D. He was
an intimate friend of Julius
Caesar, fought under him in
Spain and Africa, and after
Caesar’s death supported Oc-
tavius Caesar. r 29, he
devoted himself entirely to
literature, and was a patron of
Vergil and Horace. None of his
works are extant.

Polycleitus, 357, of Larissa in
Thessaly, one of the numerous

historians of Alexander, of
uncertain date.

Poseidonius, 91, of Apameia in
Syria, a Stoic philosopher, pupil
of Panaetius of Athens, contem-
porary with Cicero, who often
speaks of him and occasionally
corresponded with him. Cf.
Cicero, de Natura Deorum, 1, 3, 6.

Potamon, the Lesbian, 399, a
rhetorician who enjoyed the
favour of the emperor Tiberius
(14-37 A.D.), and was an author-
ity on the career of Alexander.

Potheinus, 557f., one of the guar-
dians of the young Ptolemy when
Caesar came to Egypt.

Ptolemy, 251, 337, 357, one of the
ablest of Alexander’s officers, and
afterwards king of Egypt. He
wrote a history of Alexander’s
campaigns which is the chief
authority for Arrian.

Pyanepsion, 71, 77, the Athenian
month corresponding to parts of
October and November.

Python (or Pithon), 435, son of
Craterus, one of the seven select
officers forming the immediate
bodyguard of Alexander. After
the death of Alexander he sup-
ported Perdiccas, but went over

Antigonus and Seleucus when
they made war upon Eumenes.

R

Roxana, 359, 437, daughter of
Oxyartes the Bactrian rince.
With her son by Alexander she
was taken Macedonia by
Antipater. Mother and son were
put to death in 311 B.c. by order
of Cassander.

Samothrace, 227, a large island in
the northern Aegean sea, about
forty miles south of the Thracian
coast.

621

DICTIONARY OF

Scaurus, 83, Marcus Aernilius 8S.
Father and son of this name were
rominent in the Roman aris-
cracy from 126 to 52 B.c., the
former having been consul in 115.
Both were venal, but the first
was often highly praised, and the
second was defended, by Cicero.
Scipio (1), 479, Publius Cornelius 8.
fricanus Major, the conqueror

of Hannibal, 234-183 B.o.
Scipio (2), 481, 517, 519, 541, 545,
49, 563f., 571, Publius Cor-
nelius Scipio Nasica, wi tiowe by
Metellus Pius, and therefore
often called Metellus Scipio, was

Pompey’s colleague in the con-
sulship for the latter part of the
ear 528.0., and a determined

oe of Caesar. He killed himself
after the battle of MThapsus.
Though a Scipio by birth, a
Metellus by adoption, and a
father-in-law of Pompey, he was
rapacious and profligate.
Seleucus, 349, 401, 435, founder of
the Seleucid dynasty in Syria.
Silanus, 117, 127, 131f., Decimus
Junius §., stepfather of Marcus
Brutus, had been aedile in 70

B.C.

Sotion, 399, a native of Alexandria,
who lived in the first part of the
first century A.D.

Stateira, 419, 437, daughter of
Dareius III., and wife of Alex-
ander. Stateira was also her
mother’s name (pp. 311ff.).

T

Tanusius, 497, Tanusius Geminus,
a Roman historian of Cicero’s
time (probably), the nature and
scope of whose work is uncertain.

Telestes, 243, of Selinus in Sicily,
won a dithyrambic victory at
Athens in 401 B.c. A few of his
verses are preserved in Athenaeus
(pp. 616 and 617, 626a, 6878).

Thapsacus, 415, an important town

622

PROPER NAMES

commanding a erossing of the
Euphrates, east of Upper Syria.

Theodectes, 273, a distinguished
rhetorician and tragic poet, a
pupil of Isocrates, Plato, and
Aristotle, and an imitator of
Euripides. He flourished in the
time of Philip of Macedon, and
lived for the most part at Athens.

Theodotus, 555, a rhetorician of
Chios (or Samos), put to death
by Brutus. See the Pompey,
Ixxvii. 2; Ixxx. 6.

Theophilus, 323, an artist in metal
work, not otherwise known. —

Theophrastus, 25, 41, 141, 233, the
most famous pupil of Aristotle,
and his successor as head of the
Peripatetic school of philosophy.
at Athens. He was born at
Eresos in Lesbos, and died at
Athens in 287 Β.0., at the age
of eighty-five.

Theopompus, 9, 31, 35, 43, 51, 63,
of Chios, a fellow-pupil of Iso-
crates with phorus, wrote
anti-Athenian histories of Greece
from 411 to 3948B.¢., and of
age of Macedon from 860 to

Theramenes, 183, a brilliant Athen-
ian naval commander who co-
operated successfully with Alci-
biades during the closing years
of the Peloponnesian war. He
was one of the Thirty Tyrants,
and favoured a moderate course,
but fell a victim to the jealousy
and hatred of Critias.

Thurii, 71, a colony of Athens in
Lucania, Italy, founded under
Pericles.

Tralles, 555, a large and flourishing
city in north-western Caria.

Tullia, 189, daughter of Cicero and
Terentia, married Caius Cal-
purnius Piso in 638B.¢C., was a
widow in 57, married Furius
Orassipes in 56, from whom she
was soon divorced. In 50 she
married Dolabella (Lentulus)
from whom she was divorced in
46. She bore him a son in 45,
but died soon after at her father’s
house in Tusculum., :

DICTIONARY OF

v

Varro, 531, the most learned
Roman scholar, the most volum-
inous Roman author, and yet no
literary recluse. He held high
command under Pompey in the
war against the pirates, the
Mithridatic war, and in Spain
with Afranius. After the cam-
paign in Spain he joined Pompey

Greece, but after the battle at
Pharsalus threw himself on
Caesar’s mercy, was pardoned
by him, and restored to literary

PROPER NAMES

activity. He was at this time
nearly seventy years old.

x

Xenocles, of Adramyttium, 91, a
distinguished rhetorician, men-
tioned by Strabo (p. 614). Ci.
Cicero, Brutus, 91, 316.

Xenocrates, 245, of Chalcedon
396-314 B.c., an associate ὁ
Aeschines the Socratic and Plato,
and head of the Academy at
Athens for twenty-five years.

623

va

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Dionysius or Haricarnassus: Roman ANTIQUITIES. Spel-
man’s translation revised by Εἰ. Cary. 7 Vols. (Vols. 1—V.
2nd Imp.)

6

Epictetus. W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols. (3rd Imp.)

Evurirpmes. A.8.Way. 4Vols. (Vols. I.andI1V. "ith Imps, Vol.
II.. 8th Imp., Vol. 111... 6th Imp.) Verse trans.

Evsrpius: EccriresiasticaL History. Kirso Lake and
J. E. L. Oulton. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 3rd Imp., Vol. 11. 5th Imp.)

GALEN: ON THE NATURAL Facutties. A.J.Brock: (4th Imp.)

THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY. W.R. Paton. 5 Vols. (Vols. I "WW.
5th Imp., Vol. V. 3rd Imp.)

Greek Execy Anp JamBus with the ANACREONTEA, J. M.
Edmonds. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 3rd Imp., Vol. 11. 2nd Imp.)

THe GREEK Bucoric Ports (TuxooRiTUs, Bron, Moscnvs).
J. M. Edmonds. (7th Imp. revised.) ,

Grepk MATHEMATICAL Works. Ivor Thomas. 2 Vols. (3rd
Imp.) .

Heropegs. Cf. THEOPHRAsTUS: CHARACTERS.

Herropotus. A. D. Godley. 4 Vols. (Vol. I. 4th Imp., Vols.
II. and III. 5th Imp., Vol. IV. 3rd Imp.)

Hxsiop and Tus Homeric Hymns. H. G. Evelyn White.
(7th Imp. revised and enlarged.)

Hippocrates and the FracmMEnts oF Hpracteitus. W.H. 5.
Jones and ἘΣ. T. Withington. 4 Vols. (Vol. 1. 4th Imp.,
Vols. IL.-IV. 3rd Imp.)

Homer: Iniap. A. T. Murray. 2-Vols. (7th Imp.)

Homer: Opyssry. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. (8h Imp.)

Isarus. Ἐπὶ W. Forster. (3rd Imp.)

Isocratrs. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 3 Vols.
(2nd Imp.)

Sr. Jonn DAMASCENE: BARLAAM AND IoASAPH.” Rev. G. R.
Woodward and Harold Mattingly. (8rd Imp. revised.)

JoserHus. H. St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus. 9 Vols.
Vols. 1.-VII. (Vols. V.and VI. 37rd Imp., Vols. I-IV. and VII.
2nd Imp.)

Jutian Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. (Vols. I. and 11.
3rd Imp., Vol. III. 2nd Imp.) :
Luctan. A. M. Harmon. 8 Vols. Vols. I.—V. (Vols. I. and
Il. 4th Imp., Vol. 111. 3rd Imp., Vols. IV. and V. 2nd Imp.)

LyYCOPHRON. ‘CE. CALLIMACHUS.

Lyra Grarca. J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols. (Vol. I. 5th Imp.
Vol. II revised and enlarged, and III. 4th Imp.)

Lystas. W.R.M. Lamb. (3rd Imp.)
‘Manetuo. W. 6. Waddell: Protemy: Trrraprsitos. F, EH.
Robbins. (3rd Imp.)

Marcus AurREtIus. C.R. Haines. (4th Imp. revised.)

MENANDER. F.G. Allinson. (3rd Imp. revised.)

Minor Arric Oratrors (ANTIPHON, ANDOCIDEs, Lycuraus,
DeEemMADEs, DinarcHUs, HyPEREIDES). K. J. Maidment and
J.O. Burrt. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 2nd Imp.) bir

‘Nonnos: Dionysiaca. W.H.D. Rouse. 3 Vols. (2nd Imp.)

Oppian, CoLLuTHus, TrRyPHIODORUS. A. W.Mair. (2nd Imp.)

‘Papyri. Non-Lirrrary SELecTions. A. 8. Hunt and C. Ὁ.
Edgar. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Liarrrary SELECTIONS.
(Poetry). D.L. Page. (3rd Imp.)

6

PartTHenius. Cf. DAPHNIS AND CHLOE.
‘AUSANIAS: DescRripTION or Greece. W. H. 8. Jones. 5
- Vols. and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wycherley.
(Vols. I. and III. 3rd Imp., Yo tL. τ᾽ and V. 2nd Imp.)

Puito. 10 Vols. Vols, LaV ΤῊ iy : Colson and Rev. G. H.
Whitaker. Vols. VI.-IX.; F . Colson. (Vols. 1., ΠΙ., V.-
VII., 3rd Imp., Vol. IV. 4th Imp., Vols. 11., VIIL., and IX.
2nd Imp.)

Puito: two supplementary Vols. (Translation only.) Ralph
Marcus.

Puitostratus: THE Lire or APPoOLLONIUS OF TYANA. F, Ὁ.
Conybeare. 2 Vols. (Vol. 1. 4th Imp., Vol. 11, 3rd Imp.)

PuiiostRatus: IMAGINES; CALLISTRATUS: DESCRIPTIONS.
A. Fairbanks. (2nd Imp.)

Puinostratus and Eunaprus: Lives or THE SopdHISTs.
Wilmer Cave Wright. (2nd Imp.) :

Prypar. Sir J. E. Sandys. (8th Imp. revised.)

Prato: CHARMIDES, ALCIBIADES, HippARcHUS, THE LOVERs,
TuEAGEsS, Minos and Eprnomis. W. R. M. Lamb. (2nd

Prato: Cratytus, PARMENIDES, GREATER Hippias, LESSER
Hirpras. H.N. Fowler. (4th Imp.)

Prato: Eurnypuro, Arotocy, Criro, PHAEDO, PHAEDRUSs.
H. N. Fowler. (11th Imp.)

Prato: Lacues, Proracoras, MENO, EvtHypEMus. W.R. M.
Lamb. (3rd Imp. revised.)

Praro: Laws. Rev. R.G. Bury. 2 Vols. a. 3rd Imp.)

Prato: Lysis, Sympostum Goreras. W. R. M. Lamb. (5th
Imp. revised.)

Prato: Repustic. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 5th Imp.,
Vol. 11. 4th Imp.)

Prato: STATESMAN, Puitesus. H.N. Fowler; Ion. W.R. M.
Lamb. (4th Imp.)

Prato: THEAETETUs and Sopnist. H.N. Fowler. (4th Imp.)

Prato: Trmaevs, ΟΠ στα, CuiropHo, MENeEXENUsS, EpISTULAE.
Rev. R. G. Bury. (3rd Imp.)

Prurarcu: Moratra. 14 Vols. Vols. I-V. F. C. Babbitt.
Vol. VI. W.C. Helmbold. Vol. VII. P. H. De Lacey and
B. Ejimarson. Vol. X. H. N. Fowler. Vol. XII. H.
Cherniss and W. C. Helmbold. (Vols. I.-VI. and X. 2nd Imp.)

Prurarce: Tue Pararrtet Lives. B. Perrin. 11 Vols.
(Vols. I., Τ1., VI., and XI. 3rd Imp., Vols. III.-V. and VIII.-X.
2nd Imp., Vol. VIL., 4th Imp.)

Potysius. W.R. Paton. 6 Vols. (2nd Imp.)

Procorius: History or THE Wars. H. B. Dewing. 7 Vols.
(Vol. I. 3rd Imp., Vols. II.—-VII. 2nd Imp.)

Protemy: TrerraprsLos. Cf. MANETHO.

Quintus SMyRNAEUsS. A.S. Way. Verse trans. (3rd Imp.)

Sextus Emprricus. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4 Vols. (Vol. I. 4th
Imp., Vols. 11. and III. 2nd Imp.)

Sornocums. F.Storr. 2Vols. (Vol. I. 10h Imp. Vol. II. 6th
Imp.) Verse trans.

ΞΞΤΈΑΒΟ: GrocrAPHy. HoraceL.Jones. 8. ὕο]58. (ὕο}5.1., V.,
and VIII. 3rd Imp., Vols. IT., 1Π1.,| IV., ΝΊ., and VII. 2nd Imp.)

THEOPHRASTUS: HARACTERS. J. M. Edmonds. Hpropzs,
etc. A.D. Knox. (3rd Imp.)

THEOPHRASTUS: ENQuiIRY INTO Pxrants. Sir Arthur Hort,
Bart. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.)

Tuucypipes. C. F. Smith. 4 Vols. (Vol. I. 5th Imp., Vols.
If. and IV. 4th Imp., Vol. III., 3rd Imp. revised.)

TrypHioposnus. Cf. ΟΡΡΙΑΝ.

XENOPHON: CyropArEDIA. Walter Miller. 2 Vols. (Vol. 1.
4th Imp., Vol. Il. 3rd Imp.)

XENOPHON: HELLENICA, ANABASIS, APOLOGY, and SyMPOsIUM.
C. L. Brownson and O. J. Todd. 3 Vols. (Vols. I. and ΠῚ
3rd Imp., Vol. 11. 4th Imp.)

XENOPHON: MEMORABILIA and Orconomicus. Εἰ. C. Marchant
(3rd Imp.)

XENOPHON: Scrrpra Mrnora. Εἰ. C. Marchant. (3rd Imp.)

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Greek Authors

ARISTOTLE: History or AntmaAts. A. L. Peck.
Piotinus: A. H. Armstrong.

Latin Authors

BaABRIUs AND PHAEDRUS. Ben E. Perry.

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